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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D.

EDITED BY
11. Ε. PAGE. σ.Η.. ΕἼΤ...
TPE-CAPPS.. PH, 3 Lip: TAS SR OL SEY ΤΥ Ὁ.

L. A. POST, 1.5.0. E. H. WARMINGTON, w.a., F.R.HIST.SOC.

JOSEPHUS
IV

JOSEPHUS

WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY
Peo. J; ΗΑ ον

HON. D.D. OXFORD, HON. D.D. DURHAM

rarer at

IN NINE VOLUMES
IV
JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, BOOKS I-IV

“LONDON "ΟΣ
WILLIAM t WEINEATANN LTD
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
MCMLXTI

First printed 1930
Reprinted 1957, 19681

4140077

Printed in Great Britain

»"
.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV

PAGE
INTRODUCTION . : ; : : . Vii
List or Jos—epHus’ Works , ἃ . . xXx
THE JEWISH ANTIQUITIES
Book Ι΄, . : : : . . Ω
Book IJ]. ‘ : . ; . 168
Book Til. F : . ἢ : . 820
Book IV. ; : : : ; . 476
Appenpbix. An ancient Table of Contents
(Books 1-1V)_. . 636

INTRODUCTION

Tne Jewish Archaeology,® or, as it is commonly called.

the Jewish Antiquities, the magnum opus of Josephus,
presents in many respects a marked contrast to his
earlier and finer work, the Jewish War. The Har,
written in the prime of life, with surprising rapidity
and with all the advantages of imperial patronage,
was designed to deter the anthor’s countrymen from
further revolt by portraying the invincible might of
Rome. The Archaeology was the laboured work of
middle life ; compiled under the oppressive reign of
Domitian, the enemy of all literature and of historical
writing in particular, it was often apparently laid
aside in weariness and only carried to completion
through the instigation of others, and with large
assistance towards the close; its design was to
magnify the Jewish race in the eyes of the Graeco-
Roman world by a record of its ancient and glorious
history.
The author thus severs his connexion with Roman Proem:

sa motives
political propaganda and henceforth figures solely ana
as Jewish historian and apologist. But this severance Moles

of Roman ties and adoption of a more patriotic theme

* For this brief Introduction—limited by considerations
of space—I have made use of iny Lectures (iil-v) on Josephus
the Man and the Historian (New York, 1929).

Vil

INTRODUCTION

hardly warrant the suggestion? that he was prompted
by self-interested motives, hoping thereby to re-
habilitate himself with his offended countrymen.
The project of writing his nation’s history was no
new one, having been already coneeived when he
wrote the Jenish War.’ In an interesting proem he
tells ns something of the genesis, motives, and difh-
culties of the task. He had not lightly embarked
upon it, and two questions had given him cause for
serious reflection, concerning the propriety of the
work and the demand for it. Was such a publication
consonant with piety and authorized by precedent ἢ
Was there a Greek reading public anxious for the
information ? He found both questions satisfactorily
answered in the traditional story of the origin of the
Alexandrian version of the Law under king Ptolemy
Philadelphus. He, Josephus, would imitate the
high priest Eleazar’s example in popularizing his
nation’s antiquities, confident of finding many lovers
of learning like-minded with the king; while he
would extend the narrative to the long and glorious
later history. In this allusion to the legitimacy of
paraphrasing the inspired Scriptures, the author is
doubtless controverting the views of the contemporary
rabbinieal schools of Palestine, where the Septuagint
version was now in disrepute and men like R. Johanan
ben Zakkai and R. Akiba were engaged in building
up a fenee about the Law. As regards a reading
public, he might justly count on a euriosity concern-
ing his nation having been awakened in Rome and
elsewhere by the recent war, by the sculptures on
the Arch of Titus, and by that religious influence of

α Laqueur, Der jiid. Historiker Flav. Josephus, p. 260.
PAL. Ve Os

Vill

INTRODUCTION

the race which was now permeating every house-
hold.?

Besides the Greek Bible, which Josephus names
as in part a precursor of his own work, there was
another unacknowledged model, which would have
found still less favour in Palestinian circles. In the
year 7 B.c. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, like Josephus
a migrant from the east to the western capital, had
produced i in Greek his great Roman history, comprised
in twenty books and entitled “Popaik:) ᾿Αρχαιολογία
(Roman Antiquities). Exactly ἃ century later Josephus
produced his magnum opus, also in twenty books and
entitled ᾿Ιουδαϊκὴ ᾿ΔΑρχαιολογία (Jewish Antiquities).
There can be no doubt that this second work was
designed as a counterpart to the first. If, in his
Jenish War, the author had counselled submission
to the conqueror, he would now show that his race
had a history comparable, nay in antiquity far
superior, to that of Rome. Dionysius had devoted
the larger part of his Archaeology to the earlier and
mythical histary of the Roman race: Josephus, on
the basis of the Hebrew Scriptures, which were
“pure of that unseemly mythology current among
others,” ® would carry his history right back to the
creation. ‘The influence of the older work may also
be traced in a few details. ‘The account of the end
of Moses seems to be reminiscent of the record of the
“ passing ᾿ of the two founders of the Roman race,
Aeneas and Romulus.¢ From Dionysius, too, prob-
ably comes a recurrent formula, relating to incidents
of a miraculous or quasi-mythical character, on which
the reader is left to form his own opinion.? Dionysius

°C, Ap. ii. 284. ὃ dant. i. 15.
© 4b. iv. 326 note. 2 7b. i. 108 note.
ΤΌΠΟΥ A ix

Dionysius of
Halicar-
nassus.

Date

Patron.

INTRODUCTION

has also clearly been consulted as a model of
style.

In the final paragraph of his work 4 the author tells
us that it was completed in the thirteenth year of the
reign of Domitian and in the fifty-sixth of his own
life, 2.6. in a.p. 93-94. If it was taken in hand im-
mediatcly after the publication of the Greek edition
of the Jewish War, the larger work was some eighteen
years in the making. From the coneluding para-
graphs the further inference may be drawn that
the author issued a later edition, to which the Auto-
biography was added as an appendix. For the
Antiquities contains two perorations, the original
conclusion having (like the original preface to a
modern work) been relegated to the end, while to
this has been prefixed another peroration, mentioning
the proposal to append the Life.2 The Life alludes “
to the death of Agrippa II., an event which, according
to Photius, occurred in a.p. 100. We may therefore
infer that this later and enlarged edition of the
Antiquities appeared early in the second century.

The work, like the Life and the Contra Apionem
which followed it, is dedicated to a certain Epaphro-
ditus,? the Maecenas whom Josephus found when
bereft of his earlier royal patrons, Vespasian and
Titus. The name Epaphroditus was not uncommon ἃ
but of those who bore it and of whom we have any
record, two only come under consideration. Niese Ἢ
and others have identified the patron of Josephus
with the freedman and secretary of Nero, who re-
mained with that emperor to the last and assisted

“πε τ XX 901. δ +b. xx. 259-266. © Vitae3oo,

ὁ Ant. i. 8f., Vita 430, Ap. i. 1, ii. 1, 296.
* Vol. v. p. iii.

INTRODUCTION

him to put an end to himself—an act for which he
was afterwards banished and slain by Domitian,
when in terror of designs upon his own life.¢ The
philosopher Epictetus was the freedman of this
Epaphroditus ; and, when Josephus describes his
patron as “ conversant with large affairs and varying
turns of fortune” (τύχαις πολυτρόποις), it is tempt-
ing to see an allusion to the part which he had played
in the death of Nero. But chronology refutes this
identification :

93-94. First edition of the Antiquities.

ὁ. 95-96. Banishment and death of Epaphroditus.
Yet the dedication to Fpaphroditus reappears both
in the Life (after 100) and in the C. Apionem, which
also followed the Antiquities and hardly so soon as
the year 91-95, as Niese supposes. With far more
reason may we identify this new patron with Marcus
Mettius Epaphroditus, a grammarian—mentioned by
Suidas—who had been trained in Alexandria and
spent the latter part of his life, from the reign of
Nero to that of Nerva,in Rome, where he amassed a
library of 30,000 books and enjoyed a high reputation
for learning, especially as a writer on Homer and
the Greck poets.¢ To him and to his large library
Josephus may well owe some of his learning, in
particular that intimate acquaintance with Homeric
problems and Greek mythology displayed in the
Contra Apionem.

The work naturally falls into two nearly equal
parts, the dividing-line being the close of the exile
reached at the end of Book X. A consideration of

4 Dio Cassius, Ixvii. 14.
δ Ant. ἰ. 8. ¢ Schiirer, O.J. Κ΄. (ed. +) i. p. 80 note.
xi

Sources:
Scripture.

Jewish

tradition.

INTRODUCTION

the sources employed for the second half may be
reserved for a later volume. Tor the first half the
author is mainly dependent on Scripture and tradi-
tional interpretation of Scripture. As a rule he
closely follows the order of the Biblical narrative, but
he has, with apologies to his countrymen,? rearranged
and given a condensed digest of the Mosaic code,
reserving further details for a later treatise. In
the history of the monarchy he has amalgamated
the two accounts in Aings and Chronicles. In general
he is faithful to his promise ἢ to omit nothing, even
the less creditable incidents in his nation’s race ; the
most glaring omission is that of the story of the
golden calf and the breaking of the first tables of
the Law.¢ Here, as elsewhere,@ he is concerned, as
apologist, to give no handle to current slanders about
the Jewish worship of animals. He has employed
at least two forms of Biblical text, one Semitic—
whether the original Hebrew or Aramaic, for there
are indications in places that he is dependent on an
early Targum—the other Greek. Throughout the
Octateuch his main authority seems to be the Hebrew
(or Aramaic) text ; the use of the Greek Bible is here
slight, and the translation is for the most part his own.
lor the later historical books the position is reversed :
from 1 Samuel to 1 Maccabees the basis of his text
is a Greek Bible, and the Semitic text becomes a
subsidiary source.

Notwithstanding his repeated assertion that he has
added nothing to the Biblical narrative, the historian
has in fact incorporated a Hiiscellaneone mass of

4 Ant. iv. 196 ff, bbe Telia χ. 918.
¢ bh, ili. 99 note. 4 1}, 126 note.
4 ἐδ. 1. 117, χ. 218.
ΧΙ

INTRODUCTION

traditional lore, forming a collection of first century
Midrash of considerable value. Inthe realm of Hagga-
dah or legendary amplification of Scripture, we have,
for instance, tales of the birth and infancy of Moses 4
and of the Egyptian campaign against Ethiopia under
his leadership, which find partial parallels in Rabbini-
eal and Alexandrian writings ; other additions of this
nature may be illustrated from the Book of Jubilees
(c.1008.c.).© Inthe sphere of [1alakah—the practical
interpretation of the laws according to certain tradi-
tional rules, τὰ νόμιμα as Josephus would call them—
the detailed exposition of the Mosaic regulations
in the present volume®@ affords ample scope for
exegesis of this nature. Where the traditions
differed, the author naturally, as a rule, inelines to
the Pharisaic interpretation. For the full Rabbinical
parallels the reader must consult the invaluable
eommentary of M. Julien Weill in the French trans-
lation of Josephus edited bv the Jate Dr. Théodore
Reinach and special treatises on the subject; the
principal points are mentioned in the notes to the
present volume.

The aecount of the creation with the encomium
on Moses prefixed to it ὁ betrays clear dependence
on the De opificio mundi of Philo ; acquaintance with
a few other works of the Alexandrian writer is shown
elsewhere./

Besides the Bible, the historian quotes, wherever
possible, external authority in support of it. Berosus

* Ant. ii. 205 ff. ἘΠ ΘΒ ες

50. 70 f., ii, 224 (with πο 65).

4 του εἶν; 196 Ἢ:

¢ i. 18-33 (notes).

De Abrahamo, i. 177, 225, and perhaps De migratione
Abrahami, i. 157: De Tosepho, ii. 41 f., 72.

ΧΗΣ

Philo

INTRODUCTION

Non Jewish the Babylonian, Manetho the Egyptian, Dius the

authorities.

Greek
assistants.

Phoenician, Menander of Ephesus, the Sibylline
oracles, the Tyrian records, and other writers, supply
evidence on the flood, the longevity of the patriarchs,
the tower of Babel, ane! for the later Biblical history,
on the correspondence of Solomon and Hiram, on
Sennacherib and Nebuchadnezzar. But the author’s
repertory is here limited, and the fact that more than
once an array of such names ends with that of Nieolas
of Damaseus ἃ suggests that he perhaps knows of the
other sourees ontioned only through Nicolas, whose
Universal History was later to serve as one of his
main authorities for the post-Biblical period.

The historian, or his assistant, has not serupled,
on occasion, to enliven the narrative by details derived
from pagan models. A battle scene is taken over
from Thueydides δ; another episode owes touches
to Herodotus. ¢

Reference has been made elsewhere 4 to the aid
whieh the historian reeeived from Greek assistants
(συνεργοί). His indebtedness to them in the Jenvsh
War is acknowledged * and apparent in the uni-
formly excellent style of that earlier work. In the
Antiquifies there is no similar acknowledgement, and
the style is much more uneven; but here too the
eollaborators have left their own impress. Two of
these—the principal assistants—betray themselves
in the later books, where the author, wearying of
his magnum opus, seems to have entrusted the eom-

bt 04, 107 f., 15S tf. 3 κἢν 101,

ive: fix. 134note:

* Vol. ii. p. xv; a fuller statement in Josephus the Man
and the Historian (New York, 1929), Lecture v.

SoA De deo.

XIV

INTRODUCTION

position in the main to other hands. Books xv-xvi
are the work of one of the able assistants already
employed in the /Var, a cultured writer with a love
of the Greek poets and of Sophocles in particular (I
call him the “ Sophoclean ” assistant); xvii-xix show
the marked mannerisms of a hack, a slavish imitator
of Thucydides (I call him the “Thucyvdidean”’). In
these five books (xv-xix) these two assistants have,
it seems, practically taken over the entire task. In
the earlier books (i-xiv) they have lent occasional
aid—the Thucydidean rarely, the poet-lover more
frequently.

(i) The neat style of the ‘ Sophoelean ”’ assistant is trace-
able in many passages in Books i-iv, e.g. the proem, the
wooing of Rebecea (i. 242 ff.) and of Rachel (i. 285 ff.), the
temptation of Joseph by Potiphar’s wife (ii. 39 ff.), the exodus
and passage of the Red Sea, the rebellion of Korah, the
story of Balaam, the passing of Moses. Elsewhere he would
appear to have revised and edited the author’s work, indiea-
tions of his hand appearing at the end of a paragraph.

Echoes of Sophocles, not so prominent as in A. xv-xvi,
appear in ii. 254 ἅπτεσθαι βουλευμάτων (Soph. Ant. 179),
300 κακοὶ κακῶς ἀπόλλυσθαι (Phil, 1369), iii. 15 τὰ ἐν ποσὶ κακά
(cp. 12: Ant. 1327), 99 πρόνοιαν ἔχειν περί τινος (Ant. 283),
141 and 165 περονίς (else only Trach. 925), 264 ἐξικετεύειν (O.T.
760), iv. 15 θηρᾶσθαι 6. inf. (.41. 2), iv. 265 ἄμοιρος γῆς (ep. At.
1326 f.). Euripides (//erc. Fur. 323 f.) is clearly the model in
the story of Hagar’s expulsion (i. 918). From) Homer we
have ἐπὶ γήρως οὐδῷ (i. 222: ep. 17. xxii. 60 ete.), πίδαξιν ὀλίγαις
(iil. 58. : Ll, xvi. 825), ἤχλυσεν (iii. 203: Od. xii. 406), ὥστε
παῖδας εὐφρᾶναι καὶ γυναῖκας (iv. L117: after //. v. 688). ‘The
narrative of the seduction of the Hebrew youth by the
Midianite women (iv. 131 ff.) is modelled on the story of the
Scythians and Amazons in Herodotus (iv. 111 ff.).. From
Herodotus (iii. 98) comes also the phrase πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα
(iv. 305).

Beside this dependence on classieal authors, another
marked feature of this assistant, whieh he shares with his

XV

INTRODUCTION

favonrite poet 7 and perhaps took over from him, is his fond-
ness for trichotomy. Three reasons, thrce parties, the triple
group in varions forms—such modes of expression are a sure
index of the work of this assistant and sharply distinguish
him from an inferior συνεργός who appears later on (A.
vi) and is characterized by his love of hendiadys and the
donble group. Three reasons are given for the longevity of
the patriarchs (4. i. 106), for narrating the plagues of
Egypt in full (ii. 293), for the route of the exodus (ii. 322 f.),
for the three annual feasts of the Hebrews (iv. 203). Three
parties hold contrary opinions concerning the lawgiver (iii.
96 f., iv. 36 f. τῶν μὲν... τῶν δὲ φρονίμων. ὁ δὲ πᾶς ὅμιλος...
Three alternative methods of delivering the Israelites at the
Red Sea are open to the Deity (ii. 337). Instances of similar
grouping are to be found in ii. 189, 275 (φωνή, ὄψις, προσηγορία).
983, 326, ili. 22,45 bis (ὅπλων χρημάτων τροφῆς: ὀλίγον ἄνοπλον
ἀσθεν ἐς). 80 (ἄνεμοι... ἀστραπαί, Kepavvoi), 319 (οἱ nev...
οἱ δὲ... πολλοὶ δὲ. . .), ἵν. 96 (οὐκ ἐπειδὴ . . . οὐ μὴν οὐδ᾽
εὐγενείᾳ... οὐδὲ διὰ φιλαδελφίαν), 40 (δέσποτα τῶν ἐπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ
τε καὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης, cf. 45), 48 (αὐτοὺς ἅμα τῇ γενεᾷ καὶ τοῖς
ὑπάρχουσιν), ete.

(ii) The “ Thucydidean “ assistant, who towards the close
of the Antiquities (xvil-xix) was to lend liberal aid, in the
earlier books plays but a small part. His plagiarism from
Thucydides and a few mannerisms betray his hand in some
five passages. Here he has been employed as a sort of ** war-
correspondent “ἡ for battle scenes and military matters. He
it is who describes the battles with the Amalekites (iii. 53 ff.)
and the Amorites (iv. 87 ff.):; twice his hand appears at a
point where there is a transition from civil to military regula-
tions (iii. 287 ff., iv. 292 ff.); and he has also supplied the
picture of the burning of the company of Korah (iv. 54 ff.).

After elimination of the work of these two assistants,
whose large aid in the later books enables us in some
measure to identify their style elsewhere, it is diff-
cult to say how much of the composition is left to the
author himself. But there are cruder passages in

"See the writer's paper on Sophocles and the Perfect
Number (Proceedings of the British Academy, vol. xvi).

ΧΥῚ

INTRODUCTION

A. i-xiv, xx and the Life, which it is not unreason-
able to refer to him ; and it may even be possible to
deteet an oecasional trace of the influence of his
native Aramaic speech, as in the colloquial use of
ἄρχεσθαι with infinitive, familiar in the New Testa-
menr.*

As in previous volumes, the Greek text here Greek text
printed is based on that of Niese, but is of an eclectic #24 “S*
nature, the readings quoted in his apparatus criticus
being oceasionally ‘adopted. The origina] text is to
be looked for in no single group of Mss. Asa rule the
group followed by Niese—RO(M)—is superior? < “at
the other extreme stands a pair of mss—SP—which,
when unsupported, are seldom trustworthy; the
remaining authorities are of a mixed character, the
old Latin version being speeially important.

The length of the Jewish Antiquities led at an early
date to its biseetion in the mss,° and our authorities
for the text of the first half of the work differ from
those in the seeond half. The aneient authorities
for 4. i-x used by Niese and quoted in the present
volume are as follows :

R Codex Regius Parisinus, cent. xiv.

O Codex Oxoniensis (Bodleianus). miscell. graec.
186, eent. xv.

M Codex Mareianus (Venetus) Gr. 381, cent. xiii.

@ See an article in the Journal of Theological Studies, vol.
xxx (1929) p. 361, on ‘ An unrecorded ὁ Aramaism”’ in
Josephus.”

> eg. in 1. 82, 148, where (R)O alone have preserved the
correct figure, while the other authorities conform to the
Hebrew text of Genesis.

¢ There are indications of a division at one time into four
parts (Niese. vol. i. p. viii).

XV

INTRODUCTION

5 Codex Vindobonensis II. Α 19, historieus
Graeecus 2, cent. Xi.

Ρ Codex Parisinus Gr. 1419, cent. xi.

13 Codex Laurentianus, plut. Ixix. 20, eent. xiv.

Lat. Latin version made by order of Cassiodorus,

cent. v or vi.
Kxe. Excerpts made by order of Constantine VI]
Porphvrogenitus, eent. x.

E Epitome, used by Zonaras, and conjectured
by Niese to have been made in cent. x
Ore Τὶ:

Zon. ‘The Chronicon of J. Zonaras, eent. xii.

ed. pr. The editio princeps of the Greek text (Basel,
1544) seems to be derived in part from
some unknown ms and is oceasionally an
important authority.

If the author of the Jewish Antiquities received much
assistanee from others in the eomposition of his work,
so also has his translator. In partieular he must
here gratefully acknowledge his constant indebted-
ness, both in the translation and more especially in
the notes, to the invaluable work of Monsieur Julien
Weill, the translator of Books i-x of the Antiquities
in the Guvres complétes de Flavius Joséphe edited by
the late Dr. Théodore Reinach (Paris, 1900 ete.) ;
M. Weill’s eolleetion of Rabbinieal parallels to the
historian’s exposition of the Mosaie eode is an in-
dispensable companion to all students of this portion
of Josephus. For the Greek text, besides the great
work of Benedict Niese (Berlin, 1887), that of Naber
(Leipzig, Teubner, 1888) has been eonsulted through-
out. Among previous translations, after that of M.
Weill the most helpful has been the Latin version

XVI

INTRODUCTION

of John Hudson in the edition of Havereamp (Am-
sterdam, 1726); the translation of William Whiston,
revised by the Rev. A. R. Shilleto (London, 1889),
has furnished occasional aid. On two special points
the translator has to express his thanks to experts
for assistance received : to Professor A. i}. Housman
and to Mis. Maunder on an astronomical point (4.
iii. 182); while Mr. F. Howarth, Lecturer in Botany
in the Imperial College of Science and Technology,
has kindly supplied a note, with illustration, on the
description of the plant henbane (iii. 172). Thanks
are also due to the press reader for his vigilance and
aeute suggestions.

ABBREVIATIONS

A. =(Ant.) = Antiquitates Judaicae.

Ap. = Contra Apionem.

8. (B.J.) = Bellum Judaicum.

codd. = codices (all mss quoted by Niese).

conj. = conjectural emendation.

ed. pr. = editio princeps of Greek text (Basel, 1544).

ins. = inserted by.

om. = omit.

rell. =codices reliqui (the rest of the mss quoted
by Niese).

Conjectural insertions in the Greek text are in-
dicated by angular brackets, <« >; doubtful ms
readings by square brackets, [ ].

The smaller sections introduced by Niese are shown
in the left margin of the Greek text. References
throughout are to these sections. The chapter-
division of earlier editions is indicated on both pages
(Greek and English).

X1X

xx

LIST OF JOSEPHUS’ WORKS

SHOWING THEIR DIVISION INTO VOLUMES
IN THIS EDITION

VOLUME
I. Tue Lire. AGainst Apion

Il. Tue Jewtsu War, Books I-III
111. Tue Jewisu War, Books IV-VII
IV. Jewisu Anxtieuities, Books [-᾿ Ὁ
V. Jewisu Antiguiries, Books V-VIII
VI. Jewisn Antiquities, Books [X-XI
VII. Jewitsu Antiquities, Books XT-AIV
VII. Jewisu Antiquities. Books XV-AVIT
IX. Jewisn Antiquities, Books XVIIJ-XX

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES

ἸΟΥ̓ΔΑΙΚΗΣ APXAIOAOPIAS
BIBAION A

(Proem 1) Tots τὰς ἱστορίας συγγράφειν Bov-
λομένοις οὐ μίαν οὐδὲ τὴν αὐτὴν. ὁρῶ τῆς σπου-
δῆς γινομένην αἰτίαν, ἀλλὰ πολλὰς καὶ πλεῖστον
ἀλλήλων διαφερούσας. τινὲς μὲν γὰρ ἐπιδεικνύ-
μενοι λόγων δειιότητα καὶ τὴν ἀπ᾿ αὐτῆς θη-
ρευόμενοι' δόξαν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τῆς παιδείας τὸ μέρος
ὁρμῶσιν, ἄλλοι δὲ χάριν ἐκείνοις φέροντες, περὶ
ὧν τὴν ἀναγραφὴν εἶναι συμβέβηκε, τὸν εἰς αὐτὴν
πόνον καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν ὑπέστησαν' εἰσὶ δ᾽ οἵτινες
ἐβιάσθησαν UT αὐτῆς τῆς τῶν πραγμάτων ἀναγ-
κῆς οἷς πραττομένοις παρέτυχον ταῦτα γραφῇ
δηλούσῃ περιλαβεῖν: πολλοὺς δὲ χρησίμων μέγεθος
πραγμάτων ἐν ἀγνοίᾳ κειμένων προύτρεψε τὴν
περὶ αὐτῶν ἱστορίαν εἰς κοινὴν ὠφέλειαν ἐξενεγ-
κεῖν. τούτων δὴ τῶν προειρημένων αἰτιῶν αἱ
τελευταῖαι δύο κἀμοὶ συμβεβήκασι' τὸν μὲν γὰρ
πρὸς τοὺς “Ῥωμαίους πόλεμον ἡμῖν τοῖς ᾿Ιου-
δαίοις γενόμενον καὶ τὰς ἐν αὐτῷ πράξεις καὶ τὸ
τέλος οἷον ἀπέβη πείρᾳ μαθὼν ἐβιάσθην ἐκδιηγήσα-
σθαι διὰ τοὺς ἐν τῷ γράφειν λυμαινομένους τὴν

1 O: θηρώμενοι rel,

¢ The Bellum Judaicum, published some “twenty years
betore the present work.

2

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES

BOOK I

(Proem 1) Those who essay to write histories are
actuated, I observe, not by one and the same aim
but by many widely different motives. Some, eager
to display their literary skill and to win the fame
therefrom expected, rush into this department of
letters; others, to gratify the persons to whom
the record happens to relate, have undertaken the
requisite labour even though beyond their power ;
others again have been constrained by the mere stress
of events in which they themselves took part to set
these out in a comprehensive narrative ; while many
have been induced by prevailing ignorance of import-
ant affairs of general utility to publish a history of
them for the public benefit. Of the aforesaid motives
the two last apply to myself. For, having known by
experience the war which we Jews waged against the
Romans, the incidents in its course and its issue, I
was constrained to narrate it in detail® in order to
refute those who in their writings were doing outrage
to the truth?

δ Cf. B.J. i. 2 and 6 for these earlier histories of the war;
and for the later work of the historian’s main rival, Justus
of ‘Tiberias, Vita 336 1.

3

Various
motives of

Σ historians,

JOSEPHUS

6 ἀλήθειαν, (2) ταύτην δὲ τὴν “ἐνεστῶσαν ἐγκεχεί-
ρισμαι' πραγματείαν νομίζων ἅ ἅπασι φανεῖσθαι τοῖς
"E λλησιν ἀξίαν σπουδῆς" μέλλει γὰρ περιέξειν ἅπα-
σαν τὴν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀρχαιολογίαν καὶ [τὴν 1" διάταξιν
τοῦ πολιτεύματος ἐκ τῶν ᾿ἹΒβραϊκῶν μεθηρμηνευ-
6 μένην γραμμάτων. ἤδη μὲν οὖν καὶ πρότερον
διενοήθην, ὅτε τὸν πόλεμον συνέγραφον, δηλῶσαι
τίνες ὄντες ἐξ ἀρχῆς ᾿Ιουδαῖοι καὶ τίσι χρησάμενοι
τύχαις, ὑφ᾽ οἵῳ τε παιδευθέντες νομοθέτῃ τὰ πρὸς
εὐσέβειαν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἄσκησιν ἀρετῆς, πόσους
τε πολέμους ἐν μακροῖς πολεμήσαντες χρόνοις εἰς
τὸν τελευταῖον ἄκοντες πρὸς Ῥωμαίους κατέστη-

Ἴ σαν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὴ μείζων ἦν ἡ τοῦδε τοῦ λόγου
περιβολή, καθ᾽ αὑτὸν" ἐκεῖνον χωρίσας ταῖς ἰδίαις
ἀρχαῖς αὐτοῦ καὶ τῷ τέλει τὴν “γραφὴν συνεμέ-
τρηῆσα: χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος, ὅπερ φιλεῖ τοῖς
μεγάλων ἅπτεσθαι διανοουμένοις, ὄκνος μοι καὶ
μέλλησις ἐγίνετο τηλικαύτην μετενεγκεῖν ὑπό-
θεσιν εἰς ἀλλοδαπὴν ἡμῖν καὶ ξένην διαλέκτου

8 συνήθειαν. ἦσαν δέ τινες οἵ πόθῳ τῆς ἱστορίας ἐπ᾽
αὐτήν με προύτρεπον, καὶ μάλιστα δὴ πάντων
᾿Βπαφρόδιτος ἀνὴρ ἅπασαν μὲν, ἰδέαν παιδείας
ἠγαπηκώς, διαφερόντως δὲ χαίρων ἐμπειρίαις
πραγμάτων, ἅτε δὴ μεγάλοις μὲν αὐτὸς ὁμιλήσας
πράγμασι καὶ τύχαις πολυτρόποις, ἐν ἅπασι δὲ
αυμαστὴν “φύσεως ἐπιδειξάμενος ἱ ἰσχὺν καὶ προαί-

9 ρεσιν ἀρετῆς ἀμετακίνητον. τούτῳ δὴ πειθόμενος
ὡς αἰεὶ" τοῖς χρήσιμον ἢ καλόν τι πράττειν δυνα-

1 προεγκεχείρισμαι SPL, 2 om. O.
8 κατ᾿ αὐτὸν OE. 4 ὡς αἰεὶ O: del rel.
¢ Josephus bases the first part of his narrative on the
Riblical story; but his réle as ‘translator ’’ is limited.
4,

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 5-9

(2) And now I have undertaken this present work
in the belief that the whole Greek-speaking world
will find it worthy of attention ; for it will embrace
our entire ancient history and political constitution,
translated from the Hebrew records.* I had indeed
ere now, when writing the history of the war, already
contemplated describing the origin of the Jews, the
fortunes that befell them, the great lawgiver under
whom they were trained in piety and the exercise of
the other virtues, and all those wars waged by them
through long ages before this last in which they were
involuntarily engaged against the Romans. However,
since the compass of such a theme was excessive, I
made the War into a separate volume, with its own
beginning and end, thus duly proportioning my work.
Nevertheless, as time went on, as is wont to happen
to those who design to attack large tasks, there was
hesitation and delay on my part in rendering so vast
a subject into a foreign and unfamiliar tongue. How-
ever, there were certain persons curious about the
history who urged me to pursue it, and above all
E.paphroditus,® a man devoted to every form of learn-
ing, but specially interested in the experiences of
history, conversant as he himself has been with large
affairs and varying turns of fortune, through all which
he has displayed a wonderful force of character and
an attachment to virtue that nothing could deflect.
Yielding, then, to the persuasions of one who is ever

for the later historical books (1 Samuel to 1 Maccabees), and
to a less extent for the Pentateuch, he is largely dependent
on the Alexandrian Greek Bible, which he merely para-
phrases.

δ See Introduction. The historian’s later works, the
Antiquities, its appendix the Life (§ 430), and the Contra
Apionem, are all dedicated to this patron.

δ

Origin of
present
work,

The
historian‘s
patron.

10

11

18

JOSEPHUS

μένοις συμφιλοκαλοῦντι καὶ ἐμαυτὸν αἰσχυνόμενος,
εἰ δόξαιμι ῥαθυμίᾳ πλέον ἢ τῷ περὶ τὰ κάλλιστα
χαίρειν πόνῳ, προθυμότερον ἐπερρώσθην, ἔτι
κακεῖνα' πρὸς τοῖς εἰρημένοις λογισάμενος οὐ
παρέργως, περί τε τῶν ἡμετέρων προγόνων εἰ
μεταδιδόναι τῶν τοιούτων ἤθελον, καὶ περὶ τῶν
Ἑλλήνων εἴ τινες αὐτῶν γνῶναι τὰ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν
ἐσπούδασαν.

(5) Εὗρον τοίνυν ὅτι Πτολεμαίων μὲν ὁ δεύτερος,
μάλιστα δὴ βασιλεὺς περὶ παιδείαν καὶ βιβλίων
συναγωγὴν σπουδάσας, ἐξαιρέτως ἐφιλοτιμήθη τὸν
ἡμέτερον νόμον καὶ τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτὸν διάταξιν τῆς
πολιτείας εἰς τὴν «Ἑλλάδα φωνὴν μεταβαλεῖν, ὁ δὲ
τῶν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἀρχιερέων οὐδενὸς ἀρετῇ δεύτερος
᾿᾿λεάζαρος τῷ προειρημένῳ βασιλεῖ ταύτης ἀπο-
λαῦσαι τῆς ὠφελείας οὐκ ἐφθόνησε, πάντως ἀν-
τειπὼν ἄν, εἰ μὴ πάτριον ἣν ἡμῖν τὸ μηδὲν ἔχειν

τῶν καλῶν ἀπόρρητον. καἀμαυτῷ δὴ πρέπειν

ἐνόμισα τὸ μὲν τοῦ ἀρχιερέως μιμήσασθαι μεγαλό-

~ ~ \ \ ε , e ~
ψυχον, τῷ βασιλεῖ δὲ πολλοὺς ὁμοίως ὑπολαβεῖν
καὶ νῦν εἶναι φιλομαθεῖς: οὐδὲ γὰρ πᾶσαν ἐκεῖνος
ἔφθη λαβεῖν τὴν ἀναγραφήν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὰ μόνα τὰ
τοῦ νόμου παρέδοσαν οἱ πεμφθέντες ἐπὶ τὴν
> / > \ > la / 3 > A 4
ἐξήγησιν εἰς τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρειαν' μυρία ὃ ἐστὶ τὰ
δηλούμενα διὰ τῶν ἱερῶν γραμμάτων, ἅτε δὴ
πεντακισχιλίων ἐτῶν ἱστορίας ἐν αὐτοῖς ἐμ-

1 O: κἀκεῖνο rell. Lat. 2 ἀλλὰ (om, αὐτὰ) O.

* Ptolemy IT. ‘ Philadelphus ” (283-215 n.c., E. Bevan).
δ The reputed high priest in the Aristeas story.
¢ The traditional story of the origin of the Greek version

0

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 9-13

an enthusiastic supporter of persons with ability to
produce some useful or beautiful work, and ashamed
of mysclf that I should be thought to prefer sloth to
the effort of this noblest of enterprises, I was encour-
aged to greater ardour. Besides these motives, there
were two further considerations to which I had given
serious thought, namely, whether our ancestors, on
the one hand, were willing to communicate such in-
formation, and whether any of the Greeks, on the
other, had been curious to learn our history.

(3) I found then that the second of the Ptolemies,?
that king who was so deeply interested in learning
and such a collector of books, was particularly anxious
to have our Law and the political constitution based
thereon translated into Greck ; while, on the other
side, Eleazar,® who yielded in virtue to none of our
high priests, did not scruple to grant the monarch
the enjoyment of a benefit, which he would certainly
have refused had it not been our traditional custom
to make nothing of what is good into a secret.°
Accordingly, I thought that it became me also both
to imitate the high priest's magnanimity and to
assume that there are still to- -day many lovers of
learning like the king. For even he failed to obtain 4
all our records : it was only the portion containing
the Law which was delivered to him by those who
were scent to Alexandria to interpret it. The things
narrated in the sacred Scriptures are, however, in-
numerable, seeing that they embrace the history of
of the Pentateuch is told in the so-called Letter of Aristeas
and repeated by Josephus in A. xii. 11-118.

¢ Or “to forestall me by obtaining.”” Josephus does not
mention that the version of the Law was followed up by

translations, which he has freely used, of the rest of the
Hebrew Scriptures.

Ἵ

An earlier
model: the
Greek
version of
the Law.

is

]

]

:)

ὃ

Ἕ᾿

~)

JOSEPHUS

περιειλημμένης, καὶ παντοῖαι μέν εἰσι παράλογοι
περιπέτειαι, πολλαὶ δὲ τύχαι πολέμων καὶ στρατὴη-
γῶν ἀνδραγαθίαι καὶ πολιτευμάτων μεταβολαί.
τὸ σύνολον δὲ μάλιστά τις av ἐκ ταύτης μάθοι τῆς
ἱστορίας ἐθελήσας αὐτὴν διελθεῖν, ὅτι τοῖς μὲν
θεοῦ γνώμῃ κατακολουθοῦσι καὶ τὰ καλῶς νομο-
θετηθέντα μὴ τολμῶσι παραβαίνειν' πάντα κατ-
ορθοῦται πέρα πίστεως καὶ γέρας εὐδαιμονία πρό-
κειται παρὰ θεοῦ: καθ᾽ ὅσον δ᾽ ἂν ἀποστῶσι THs
τούτων ἀκριβοῦς ἐπιμελείας, ἄπορα μὲν γίνεται
τὰ πόριμα, τρέπεται δὲ εἰς συμφορὰς ἀνηκέστους
ὅ τι ποτ᾽ ἂν ὡς ἀγαθὸν δρᾶν σπουδάσωσιν. ἤδη
τοίνυν τοὺς ἐντευξομένους τοῖς βιβλίοις παρακαλῶ
τὴν γνώμην θεῷ προσανέχειν καὶ δοκιμάζειν τὸν
ἡμέτερον νομοθέτην, εἰ τήν τε φύσιν ἀξίως αὐτοῦ
κατενόησε καὶ τῇ δυνάμει πρεπούσας ἀεὶ τὰς
πράξεις ἀνατέθεικε πάσης καθαρὸν τὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ
φυλάξας λόγον τῆς παρ᾽ ἄλλοις ἀσχήμονος μυθο-
λογίας: καίτοι γε ὅσον ἐπὶ μήκει χρόνου καὶ πα-
λαιότητι πολλὴν εἶχεν" ἄδειαν ψευδῶν πλασμάτων"
γέγονε γὰρ πρὸ ἐτῶν “δισχιλίων, ἐφ᾽ ὅσον πλῆθος
αἰῶνος οὐδ᾽ αὐτῶν οἱ ποιηταὶ τὰς γενέσεις τῶν
θεῶν, μήτι γε τὰς τῶν ἀνθρώπων πράξεις ἢ τοὺς
νόμους ἀνενεγκεῖν ἐτόλμησαν. τὰ μὲν οὖν ἀκριβῆ
τῶν ἐν ταῖς ἀναγραφαῖς προϊὼν ὁ λόγος κατὰ τὴν
οἰκείαν τάξιν σημανεῖ: τοῦτο γὰρ διὰ ταύτης
ποιήσειν τῆς πραγματείας ἐπηγγειλάμην οὐδὲν
προσθεὶς οὐδ᾽ αὖ παραλιπών.

1 παραλαβεῖν Ἰὰ : παριδεῖν Ο, 2 potuisset (ἂν εἶχεν 3) Lat.

4 ἄπορα γίνεται τὰ πόριμα, the reverse of the phrase of
Aeschylus (P.V. 904), ἄπορα πόριμος “ making impossibilities

8

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 13-17

five thousand years and recount all sorts of surprising
reverses, many fortunes of war, heroic exploits of
generals, and political revolutions. But, speaking
generally, the main lesson to be learnt from this
history by any who care to peruse it is that men who
conform to the will of God, and do not venture to
transgress laws that have been excellently laid down,
prosper in all things beyond belief, and for their
reward are offered by God felicity; whereas, in pro-
portion as they depart from the strict observance of
these laws, things (else) practicable become imprac-
ticable,? and whatever imaginary good thing they
strive to do ends in irretrievable disasters. At the
outset, then, I entreat those who will read these
volumes to fix their thoughts on God, and to test
whether our lawgiver has had a worthy conception
of His nature and has always assigned to Him such
actions as befit His power, keeping his words concern-
ing Him pure of that unseemly mythology current
among others; albeit that, in dealing with ages so
long and so remote, he would have had ample licence
to invent fictions. For he was born two thousand
years ago, to which ancient date the poets never
ventured to refer even the birth of their gods, much
less the actions or the laws of mortals. The precise
details of our Scripture records will, then, be set
forth, each inits place, as my narrative proceeds, that
being the procedure that I have promised to follow
throughout this work, neither adding nor omitting
anything.®

possible,” which is perhaps in the mind of the historian's
cultured assistant, notwithstanding its association with the
“unseemly mythology ’’ denounced below.

δ § 5. In fact he “ adds ”’ some curious legends, on Moses
in particular, and there are some few pardonable omissions.

9

Moral lesson
of present
work,

18

10

2]

JOSEPHUS

(4) ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ [τὰ] πάντα σχεδὸν ἐκ τῆς τοῦ
νομοθέτου σοφίας ἡ ἡμῖν ἀνήρτηται Μωυσέος, a ἀνάγκη
μοι ι βραχέα περὶ ἐκείνου προειπεῖν, ὅπως μή τινες
τῶν ἀναγνωσομένων διαπορῶσι, πόθεν ἡμῖν ὁ
λόγος περὶ νόμων" καὶ πράξεων ἔχων τὴν ἀνα-
γραφὴν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον φυσιολογίας κεκοινώνηκεν.
ἱστέον οὖν, ὅτι πάντων ἐκεῖνος ἀναγκαιότατον
ἡγήσατο τῷ καὶ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ μέλλοντι βίον otko-
νομήσειν καλῶς καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις νομοθετεῖν θεοῦ
πρῶτον φύσιν κατανοῆσαι καὶ τῶν ἔργων τῶν
ἐκείνου θεατὴν τῷ νῷ γενόμενον οὕτως παρά-
δειγμα τὸ πάντων ἄριστον μιμεῖσθαι, καθ᾽ ὅσον
οἷόν τε, καὶ πειρᾶσθαι κατακολουθεῖν. οὔτε γὰρ
αὐτῷ ποτ᾽ ἂν γενέσθαι νοῦν ἀγαθὸν τῷ νομοθέτῃ
ταύτης ἀπολειπομένῳ τῆς θέας, οὔτε τῶν γραφη-
σομένων εἰς ἀρετῆς λόγον οὐδὲν ἀποβήσεσθαι τοῖς
λαβοῦσιν, εἰ μὴ πρὸ παντὸς ἄλλου διδαχθεῖεν, ὅτι
πάντων πατήρ τε καὶ δεσπότης ὁ θεὸς ὧν καὶ
πάντα ἐπιβλέπων τοῖς μὲν ἑπομένοις αὐτῷ δίδωσιν
εὐδαίμονα βίον, τοὺς ἔξω δὲ βαίνοντας ἀρετῆς
μεγάλαις περιβάλλει συμφοραῖς. τοῦτο δὴ παι-
δεῦσαι βουληθεὶς Μωυσῆς τὸ παίδευμα τοὺς
ἑαυτοῦ πολίτας τῆς τῶν νόμων θέσεως οὐκ ἀπὸ
συμβολαίων καὶ τῶν πρὸς ἀλλήλους δικαίων ἤρξατο
τοῖς ἄλλοις παραπλησίως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸν θεὸν καὶ
τὴν τοῦ κόσμου κατασκευὴν τὰς γνώμας αὐτῶν
ἀναγαγὼν καὶ πείσας, ὅτι τῶν ἐπὶ γῆς ἔργων τοῦ

2 om. Ο. 2 περὶ λύγων RE Lat.: παραλόγων O.

@ Greek ‘‘ physiology,” 7.e. the investigation of the origin
of existence in the account of creation. He uses the cognate
verb with reference to Gen. ij. 7 in particular (ἢ 354).

10

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 18-21

(4) But, sinee well-nigh everything herein related Moses con-
is dependent on the wisdom of our lawgiver Moses, I See
must first speak briefly of him, lest any of my readers !’sislators.
should ask how it is that so much of my work, which
professes to treat of laws and _ historieal facts, is
devoted to natural philosophy. Be it known, then,
that that sage deemed it above all neeessary, for one
who would order his own life aright and also legislate
for others, first to study the nature of God, and then,
having eontemplated his works with the eye of reason,
to imitate so far as possible that best of all models
and endeavour to follow it. For neither could the
lawgiver himself, without this vision, ever attain to a
right mind, nor would anything that he should write
in regard to virtue avail with his readers, unless before
all else they were taught that God, as the universal
Father and Lord who beholds all things, grants to
such as follow Him a life of bliss, but involves in dire
ealamities those who step outside the path of virtue.

Sueh, then, being the lesson whieh Moses desired to
instil into his fellow-eitizens, he did not, when framing
his laws, begin with contracts and the mutual rights
of man, as others have done®; no, he led their
thoughts up to God and the eonstruction of the world ;
he eonvineed them that of all God’s works upon earth

> Here and in the sequel the writer has before him Philo’s
De opificio mundi, a work which he has used again in the
Contra Apionem. Philo’s work begins with a similar contrast
between Moses and other legislators. Of these some have
set out their codes bare and unadorned, others have deluded
the multitude by prefixing to them mythical inventions.
Moses did neither, but, in order to mould (mporumdcat) the
minds of those who were to use his laws, did not at once
prescribe what they should do or not do (μήτ᾽ εὐθὺς ἃ χρὴ
πράττειν ἢ τοὐναντίον ὑπειπών), but began with a marvellous
account of ereation (§§ 1-3 Cohn-Wendland).

1]

29

24

JOSEPHUS

θεοῦ Kaddorov ἐσμεν ἄνθρωποι, ὅτε πρὸς τὴν
εὐσέβειαν ἔσχεν ὑπακούοντας, ῥᾳδίως ἤδη περὶ
πάντων ἔπειθεν. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλοι νομοθέται τοῖς
μύθοις ἐξακολουθήσαντες τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων ἁμαρ-
τημάτων εἰς τοὺς θεοὺς τῷ λόγῳ τὴν αἰσχύνην
μετέθεσαν καὶ πολλὴν ὑποτίμησιν τοῖς πονηροῖς
ἔδωκαν" O08 ἡμέτερος νομοθέτης ἀκραιφνὴ τὴν
ἀρετὴν ἔχοντα τὸν θεὸν ἀποφήνας ὠήθη δεῖν τοὺς
ἀνθρώπους ἐκείνης πειρᾶσθαι μεταλαμβάνειν καὶ
τοὺς μὴ ταῦτα φρονοῦντας μηδὲ μὴν πιστεύοντας
ἀπαραιτήτως ἐκόλασε. πρὸς ταύτην οὖν τὴν
ὑπόθεσιν ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἐξέτασιν τοὺς ἀναγνω-
σομένους παρακαλῶ: φανεῖται γὰρ σκοπουμένοις
οὕτως οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἄλογον αὐτοῖς οὔτε πρὸς τὴν
μεγαλειότητα τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὴν φιλανθρωπίαν
ἀνάρμοστον: πάντα γὰρ τῇ τῶν ὅλων φύσει σύμ-
φωνον ἔχει τὴν διάθεσιν, τὰ μὲν αἰνιττομένου τοῦ
νομοθέτου δεξιῶς, τὰ δ᾽ ἀλληγοροῦντος μετὰ
σεμνότητος, ὅσα δ᾽ ἐξ εὐθείας λέγεσθαι συνέφερε

5 TAUTA ῥητῶς ἐμφανίζοντος. τοῖς μέντοι βουλο-

μένοις καὶ τὰς αἰτίας ἑκάστου σκοπεῖν πολλὴ

7 ᾽ ba ς ‘ ‘ 7 , Δ 7 Ἁ
γένοιτ᾽ av 7 θεωρία Kat λίαν φιλόσοφος, ἣν ἐγὼ
νῦν μὲν ὑπερβάλλομαι, θεοῦ δὲ διδόντος ἡμῖν
χρόνον πειράσομαι μετὰ ταύτην γράψαι τὴν πραγ-

20 ματείαν. τρέψομαι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἀφήγησιν ἤδη τῶν

πραγμάτων μνησθεὶς πρότερον ὧν περὶ τῆς τοῦ
κόσμου κατασκευῆς εἶπε Δίωυσῆς: ταῦτα δ᾽ ἐν

4 The idea of the Law being in harmony with the universe
again comes from Philo. ‘‘ The opening of the narrative is,
as I said, most marvellous, comprising the creation of the
world, ws καὶ τοῦ κόσμου τῷ νόμῳ καὶ τοῦ νόμου τῷ κόσμῳ
avrddovros καὶ τοῦ νομίμου ἀνδρὸς εὐθὺς ὄντος κοσμοπολίτου πρὸς

12

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 21-26

we men are the fairest; and when once he had won
their obedience to the dictates of piety, he had no
further difficulty in persuading them of all the rest.
Other legislators, in fact, following fables, have in
their writings imputed to the gods the disgraceful
errors of men and thus furnished the wicked with a
powerful excuse; our legislator, on the contrary,
having shown that God possesses the very perfection
of virtue, thought that men should strive to partici-
pate in it, and inexorably punished those who did not
hold with or believe in these doctrines. I therefore
entreat my readers to examine my work from this
point of view. For, studying it in this spirit, nothing
will appear to them unreasonable, nothing ineongru-
ous with the majesty of God and His love for man
everything, indeed, is here set forth in keeping with
the nature Sur the universe 27; some things the lawgiver
shrewdly veils in enigmas, others he sets forth in
solemn allegory; but wherever straightforward speech
was expedicnt, there he makes his meaning absolutely
plain. Should any further desire to consider the
reasons for every article in our creed, he would find
the inquiry profound and highly philosophical ; that
subject for the moment I defer, but, if God grants me
time, 1 shall endeavour to write upon it after com-
pleting the present work.? I shall now accordingly
turn to the narrative of events, first mentioning what
Moses has said eoneerning the creation of the world,

τὸ βούλημα τῆς φύσεως τὰς πράξεις ἀπευθύνοντος, καθ᾽ ἣν καὶ ὁ
σύμπας κόσμος διοικεῖται," De op. mundi 8.

» This projected work on ** Customs and Causes " (4. iv
198) was apparently never completed, but the mention of
its ‘* four books *’ (4. xx. 268) and scattered allusions in the
Antiquities to its intended contents suggest that it had
taken shape in the author’s mind and was actually begun.

VOL. IV B us

27

Os

pid

Jl

JOSEPHUS

~ ¢ ~ 4 e > , y \
tats ἱεραῖς βίβλοις εὗρον ἀναγεγραμμένα. ἔγχει δὲ
οὕτως"

Φ 3 > ~ « \ \ 3 A ‘

(1. 1) “Ev ἀρχῇ ἐκτισεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν καὶ
τὴν γῆν. ταύτης δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὄψιν οὐκ ἐρχομένης, ἀλλὰ

βαθεῖ μὲν κρυπτομένης σκότει, πνεύματος δ᾽ αὐτὴν

ἄνωθεν ἐπιθέοντος, γενέσθαι φῶς ἐκέλευσεν ὃ
θεός. καὶ γενομένου τούτου κατανοήσας τὴν ὅλην
ὕλην διεχώρισε τό τε φῶς καὶ τὸ σκότος καὶ τῷ
μὲν “ὄνομα ἔθετο νύκτα, τὸ δὲ ἡμέραν ἐκάλεσεν,
ἑσπέραν τε καὶ ὄρθρον τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ φωτὸς καὶ
τὴν ἀνάπαυσιν προσαγορεύσας. καὶ αὕτη μὲν ἂν
εἴη πρώτη ἡμέρα, Μωυσῆς δ᾽ αὐτὴν μίαν εἶπε'
A
τὴν δὲ αἰτίαν ἱκανὸς μέν εἰμι ἀποδοῦναι καὶ νῦν,
ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὑπέσχημαι τὴν αἰτιολογίαν πάντων ἰδίᾳ
συγγραψάμενος παραδώσειν, εἰς τότε καὶ τὴν περὶ
αὐτῆς ἑρμηνείαν ἀναβάλλομαι. μετὰ δὴ τοῦτο
τῇ δευτέρᾳ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὸν οὐρανὸν τοῖς ὅλοις
Ὗ 4 ¢ 3 > A > \ ~ » “
ἐπιτίθησιν, ὅτ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων διακρίνας
3 ς A 3 , 4 , “4
καθ᾽ αὑτὸν ἠξίωσε τετάχθαι, κρύσταλλόν τε
περιπήξας αὐτῷ καὶ νότιον αὐτὸν καὶ ὑετώδη
A 4 > A a ᾽ 3 7 ¢ , 1 “-
πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν δρόσων ὠφέλειαν ἁρμοδίως τῇ
γῇ μηχανησάμενος. τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ ἵστησι τὴν γῆν
\
ἀναχέας περὶ αὐτὴν τὴν θάλασσαν: κατ᾽ αὐτὴν
δὲ ταύτην τὴν ἡμέραν εὐθὺς φυτά τε καὶ σπέρματα
γῆθεν ἀνέτειλε. τῇ τετάρτῃ δὲ διακοσμεῖ τὸν
> ν «γ7 oes ἢ Ἅ nO »
οὐρανὸν ἡλίῳ καὶ σελήνῃ καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἄστροις
κινήσεις αὐτοῖς ἐπιστείλας καὶ δρόμους, οἷς ἂν

1 LE: ἁρμονίως rell.

“ὦ “ founded ’”’: Josephus, in common with the later
translator of Scripture, Aquila (2nd cent. a.p.), writes ἔκτισεν,
not ἐποίησεν of the earlier Alexandrian translators.

ὑ Gen, i. 5 “ There was evening and there was morning,

14

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 26-31

as I find it recorded in the sacred books. His account
is as follows:

(i. 1) In the beginning God created? the heaven and The ©
the earth. The earth had not come into sight, but (00". |
was hidden in thick darkness, and a breath from
above sped over it, when God commanded that there
should be light. It came, and, surveying the whole
of matter, He divided the light from the darkness,
calling the latter night and the former day, and
naming morning and evening the dawn of the light
and its cessation. This then should be the first day,
but Moses spoke of it as “one” day ὃ; I could
explain why he did so now, but, having promised to
render an account of the causes of everything in a
special work,® I defer till then the explanation of
this point also. After this, on the second day, He
set the heaven above the universe, when He was
pleased to sever this from the rest and to assign it
a place apart, congealing ice about it and withal
rendering it moist and rainy to give the benefit of
the dews in a manner congenial to the earth. On
the third day he established the earth, pouring
around it the sea; and on the self-same day plants
and seeds sprang forthwith? from the soil. On the
fourth he adorned the heaven with sun and moon and
the other stars, prescribing their motions and courses
one day.”’ Jewish Rabbis sought to explain the use of the
cardinal number here, rather than the ordinal “ first.’
Philo, whose work is in the writer’s mind, has a mystical
interpretation of his own: ἡμέραν ὁ ποιῶν ἐκάλεσε, Kal ἡμέραν
οὐχὶ πρώτην, ἀλλὰ μίαν, ἣ λέλεκται διὰ THY τοῦ νοητοῦ κόσμου
μόνωσιν μοναδικὴν ἔχοντος φύσιν, De opif. (9) § 35.

ο 8 250 10te;

4 So Philo, op. cit. (12) 8 40 (quoted by Weill): ἐβεβρίθει δὲ
πάντα καρποῖς εὐθὺς ἅμα TH πρώτῃ γενέσει κατὰ τὸν ἐναντίον
τρόπον ἢ τὸν νυνὶ καθεστῶτα.

IS

JOSEPHUS

32 at τῶν ὡρῶν περιφοραὶ σημαίνοιντο. πέμπτῃ δ᾽

33

34

35

Newt

ἡμέρᾳ ζῷά τε κατ αὐτὴν νηκτὰ καὶ μετάρσια τὰ
μὲν κατὰ Balovs' τὰ δὲ δι᾿ ἀέρος ἀνῆκε συν-
δησάμενος αὐτὰ κοινωνίᾳ καὶ μίξει γονῆς ἕνεκα καὶ
τοῦ συναύξεσθαι καὶ πλεονάζειν αὐτῶν τὴν φύσιν.
τῇ δὲ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρᾳ δημιουργεῖ τὸ τῶν τετραπόδων
γένος ἄρρεν τε καὶ θῆλυ ποιήσας" ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ καὶ
τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔπλασε. καὶ τὸν κόσμον ἕξ ταῖς
πάσαις ἡμέραις Μωυσῆς καὶ πάντα τὰ ἐν αὐτῷ
φησι γενέσθαι, τῇ δὲ ἑβδόμῃ ἀναπαύσασθαι καὶ
λαβεῖν ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων ἐκεχειρίαν, ὅθεν καὶ ἡμεῖς
σχολὴν ἀπὸ τῶν πόνων κατὰ ταύτην ἄγομεν τὴν
ἡμέραν προσαγορεύοντες αὐτὴν σάββατα: δηλοῖ
δὲ ἀνάπαυσιν κατὰ τὴν “EBpaiwy διάλεκτον
τοὔνομα.

(2) Καὶ δὴ καὶ φυσιολογεῖν Mwvojs μετὰ τὴν
ἑβδόμην “ἤρξατο περὶ τῆς τἀνθρώπου κατασκευῆς
ιέγων οὕτως" ἔπλασεν ὁ θεὸς τὸν ἄνθρωπον χοῦν
ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς λαβών, καὶ πνεῦμα ἐνῆκεν αὐτῷ καὶ
ψυχήν. ὁ δ᾽ ἄνθρωπος οὗτος “Adapos ἐκλήθη:
σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ γλῶτταν τὴν “Ἑβραίων
Truppov,” ἐπειδήπερ ἀπὸ τῆς πυρρᾶς γῆς φυρα-
θείσης ἐγεγόνει" τοιαύτη γάρ ἐστιν ἡ παρθένος γῆ
καὶ “ἀληθινή. παρίστησι δὲ ὁ θεὸς τῷ ᾿Αδάμῳ
κατὰ γένη τὰ ζῷα θῆλύ τε καὶ ἄρρεν ἀποδει-
Edpevos, καὶ τούτοις ὀνόματα τίθησιν οἷς ἔτι καὶ
νῦν καλοῦνται. βλέπων δὲ τὸν “Adapov οὐκ
ἔχοντα κοινωνίαν πρὸς τὸ θῆλυ καὶ συνδιαίτησιν,

1 Βυθ SPL. 2 πυρρός SPL Lat.

@ 4.e,, as modern critics recognize, near the point of transi-
tion from one document (‘' P ’’) to another (‘' J ’’).

16

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 32-35

to indieate the revolutions of the seasons. The fifth
day He let loose in the deep and in the air the
creatures that swim or fly, linking them in partnership
and union to generate and to increase and multiply
their kind. The sixth day He ereated the race of
four-footed creatures, making them male and female :
on this day also He formed man. Thus, so Moses
tells us, the world and everything in it was made in
six days in all; and on the seventh God rested and
had respite from His labours, for whieh reason we
also pass this day in repose fiom toil and call it the
sabbath, a word which in the Hebrew language means
“Festi.

(2) And here, after the seventh day,? Moses begins
to interpret nature,® writing on the formation of man
in these terms : ‘‘ God fashioned man by taking dust Gen. ii. 7.
from the earth and instilled into him spirit and soul.”’
Now this man was called Adam, which in Hebrew
signifies ‘‘ red,” beeause he was made from the red
earth kneaded together ; for such is the eolour of
the true virgin soil.©. And God brought before Adam
the living creatures after their kinds, exhibiting both
male and female, and gave 4 them the names by which
they are still ealled to this day. Then seeing Adam
to be without female partner and consort (for indeed
there was none), and looking with astonishment at the

» Greek “ physiologize ”; cf. § 18.

* Addmah =" ground,” from which Adam or man was
formed (Gen. ii. 7): Adém=“ red" (ef. Edom). “‘ The old
derivation [of Adam and Adamah] from the verb ‘ be red '
is generally abandoned, but none better has been found to
replace it’’ (Skinner, Genesis).

4 In Gen. ij. 20 Adam names the animals: in Josephus
there is no indication of a change of subject to justify the
rendering ‘‘ and he (Adam) gave,”’ ete.

ν΄

17

36

Φ9
“}

98

90

JOSEPHUS

οὐδὲ γὰρ ἦν, ξενιζόμενον δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ζῴοις
οὕτως ἔχουσι, μίαν αὐτοῦ κοιμωμένου πλευρὰν
ἐξελὼν ἐξ αὐτῆς ἔπλασε γυναῖκα. καὶ ὁ “Adapos
προσαχθεῖσαν αὐτὴι' ἐγνώρισεν ἐξ αὑτοῦ γενομένην.
” \ > ers. ’ Qe / -
ἔσσα δὲ καθ᾽ “Ιἱβραίων διάλεκτον καλεῖται γυνή,
ν ὧν » ἐς ᾿ :
τὸ δ᾽ ἐκείνης ὄνομα τῆς γυναικὸς Eda ἦν: σημαίνει
δὲ τοῦτο πάντων [τῶν ζώντων) μητέρα.
A a] 4 3 ᾿ ’ ‘ 4
(3) Φησὶ δὲ τὸν θεὸν καὶ παράδεισον πρὸς τὴν
3 ~ ~
ἀνατολὴν καταφυτεῦσαι παντοίῳ τεθηλότα duTa:
3 - ~ ‘
ev τούτοις δ᾽ εἶναι καὶ τῆς ζωῆς τὸ φυτὸν καὶ
LAA \ ~ , 3 ὃ tf , j
ἄλλο τὸ τῆς φρονήσεως, ἡ" διεγινώσκετο τί [TE
εἴη τὸ ἀγαθὸν καὶ τί τὸ κακόν. εἰς τοῦτον δὲ τὸν
κῆπον εἰσαγαγόντα τόν τε Adapov καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα
κελεῦσαι τῶν φυτῶν ἐπιμελεῖσθαι. ἀἄρδεται δ᾽
οὗτος ὃ κῆπος ὑπὸ ἑνὸς ποταμοῦ πᾶσαν ἐν κύκλῳ
τὴν γῆν περιρρέοντος, ὃς εἰς τέσσαρα μέρη σχίζεται.
καὶ Φεισὼν μέν, σημαίνει δὲ πληθὺν τοὔνομα, ἐπὶ
A
τὴν ᾿Ινδικὴν φερόμενος ἐκδίδωσιν ets τὸ πέλαγος
vp Ελλήνων Payyns λεγόμενος, Εὐφράτης δὲ
ay S > 4 Ἁ 3 t > ’ ’
καὶ Τίψρις ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὰν ἀπίασι θάλασσαν"
~ 3 € ‘ 3 ΄ , 4 U δι
καλεῖται δὲ ὁ μὲν Εὐφράτης Φοράς," σημαίνει δὲ
ἤτοι σκεδασμὸν ἢ ἄνθος, Τίγρις δὲ Διγλάθ, ἐξ οὗ
φράζεται τὸ μετὰ στενότητος ὀξύ: [ηὼν δὲ διὰ

RO: τὴν γιναῖκα Γ6]].

= om. RO. 8. RO: ᾧ rell. 4 RO Lat.: Φορά rell.

------ a ..... -΄ῤΦΦ4ΦὉὋ6΄ῤῦΦἔοῬ“[΄'ἪἋὋὌ ΄΄΄΄“ἷἝἷἝἾἝἾἧ ΄““.--΄΄΄. ...-..θϑθὃ 5Ο ὕ0 ΘΌΟϑς. . ..-Ἔ...

4 Isshah in modern transcription (Gen. ij. 23 R.V. margin).

» Strictly (/aveval (Eve)= “living ” or “ life”: Josephus,
constantly loose in his etymology, following the Biblical
** because she was the mother of all living,’ implies that that
is the actual meaning of the word.

¢ Heb. Pishon, river and etymology unknown (by some
connected with Heb. push=“ spring up”); Josephus

18

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 35-39

other creatures who had their mates, He extracted
one of his ribs while he slept and from it formed
woman ; and when she was brought to him Adam
recognized that she was made from himself. In the
Hebrew tongue woman is called essa ?; but the name
of that first woman was Eve, which signifies ‘“* mother
of all (living).”’ ®

(3) Moses further states that God planted east-
ward a park, abounding in all manner of plants,
among them being the “tree of life and another of
the wisdom by which might be distinguished what
was good and what evil; and into this garden he
brought Adam and his wife and bade them tend the
plants. Now this garden is watered by a single river
whose stream encircles all the earth and is parted
into four branches. Of these Phison* (a name
meaning “‘ multitude ᾽ runs towards India and falls
into the sea, being called by the Greeks Ganges ;
Euphrates and Tigris end in the Erythraean @ Sea :
the Euphrates is “called Phoras,¢ signifying either
“ dispersion ἡ or “ flower,” and the Tigris Diglath,’
expressing at once “‘ narrowness ”’ and “ rapidity ἡ ;
᾿ ἘΠΕ με: “the land of Havilah where there is gold” with
Nala,

4 Greek “ Red Sea,” in the wider meaning, found in
Herodotus, of the Indian Ocean, including its two gulfs,
the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf.

* Heh. ΡΠ: <dérived by Josephus from either (2)

.'Pdras “ divide” or ./Pdardh “ be fruitful.” Philo adopts
the second interpretation, rendering by καρποφορία (Leg.
-[lleg. i, 23, § 72). These etymologies are probably taken
over from others.

? Diglath is the Aramaic equivalent of Heb. Hiddelel ;
Josephus quotes the Aramaic form but translates the
Hebrew! J/ad=“‘ sharp” (ὀξύ), dak=“‘ thin” (στενόν) ;

this, though it leaves out the last syllable el, seems the most
satisfactory explanation.

19

Gén, ἷ1. 38,
ΠῚ. 50.

Paradise.

Gen. ii. 10 ft.

JOSEPHUS

τῆς Αἰγύπτου ῥέων δηλοῖ τὸν ἀπὸ τῆς ἐναντίας"
ἀναδιδόμενον ἡμῖν, ὃν δὴ Νεῖλον Ἕλληνες προσ-
αγορεύουσιν᾽
4“. (4) ὦ δὴ τοίνυν θεὸς τὸν "Λδαμον καὶ τὴν
γυναῖκα τῶν μὲν ἄλλων φυτῶν ἐκέλευε, γεύεσθαι,
τοῦ δὲ τῆς φρονήσεως ἀπέχεσθαι, προειπὼν ἁψα-
41 μένοις ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὄλεθρον γενησόμενον. ὁμο-
φωνούντων δὲ κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνο καιροῦ τῶν ζῴων
ἁπάντων ὄφις συνδιαιτώμενος τῷ τε ᾿Αδάμῳ καὶ
τῇ γυναικὶ φθονερῶς μὲν εἶχεν ἐφ᾽ οἷς αὐτοὺς
εὐδαιμονήσειν ᾧετο πεπεισμένους τοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ
42 παραγγέλμασιν, οἰόμενος δὲ συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖσθαι
παρακούσαντας ἀναπείθει κακοήθως τὴν γυναῖκα
γεύσασθαι τοῦ φυτοῦ τῆς φρονήσεως ἐν αὐτῷ
λέγων εἶναι τήν τε τἀγαθοῦ καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ διά-
γνωσιν, ἧς γενομένης αὐτοῖς μακάριον καὶ μηδὲν
43 ἀπολείποντα τοῦ θείου διάξειν βίον. καὶ παρα-
κρούεται μὲν οὕτω τὴν γυναῖκα τῆς ἐντολῆς τοῦ
θεοῦ καταφρονῆσαι" γευσαμένη δὲ τοῦ φυτοῦ καὶ
ἡσθεῖσα τῷ ἐδέσματι καὶ τὸν "Adapov ἀνέπεισεν
4: αὐτῷ χρήσασθαι. καὶ συνίεσάν τε αὑτῶν ἤδη
γεγυμνωμένων καὶ τὴν αἰσχύνην ὕπαιθρον ἔχοντες
σκέπην αὑτοῖς ἐπενόουν" τὸ γὰρ φυτὸν ὀξύτητος
καὶ διανοίας ὑπῆρχε. φύλλοις οὖν ἑαυτοὺς συκῆς
ἐσκέπασαν καὶ ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς αἰδοῦς. προβαλλό-
μενοιῦ μᾶλλον ἐδόκουν εὐδαιμονεῖν ὡς ὧν πρότερον

1 RO: ἀνατολῆς rell. 2 προβαλόμενοι Niese with 853,

* Heb. Gihon ; ; derived by Josephus, as by modern critics,
from giah * ‘burst forth.” The reading “‘ from the opposite
(world) ” is preferable to the other “* from the east.’ Ancient
writers rather looked to the west for the source of the Nie;

20

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 39-44

lastly Geon,? which flows through Egypt, means
‘that which wells up to us from the opposite world,”
and by Greeks is called the Nile.

(4) Now God bade Adam and his wife partake of The fall ana

the rest of the plants, but to abstain from the tree of pus!
wisdom, forewarning them that, if they touched it, Paradise.
it would prove their destruction. At that epoch all
the ereatures spoke a common tongue,? and the
serpent, living in the company of Adam and his wife, Gen. iii. 3
grew jealous of the blessings which he supposed
were destined for them if they obeyed God’s behests,
and, believing that disobedience would bring trouble
upon them, he maliciously persuaded the woman to
taste of the tree of wisdom, telling her that in it
resided the power of distinguishing good and evil,
possessing which they would lead a blissful existence
no whit behind that of a god. By these means he
misled the woman to scorn the commandment of
God : she tasted of the tree, was pleased with the
food, and persuaded Adam also to partake of it.
And now they became aware that they were naked
and, ashamed of such exposure to the light of day,
bethought them of a covering ; for the tree served
to quicken their intelligence. So they covered
themselves with fig-leaves, and, thus screening their
persons, believed themselves the happier for having
thus Dio Cassius, using the same verb as Josephus, writes
ἐκ τοῦ ΓΑτλαντος τοῦ ὄρους σαφῶς ἀναδίδοται (Ixxv. 18).

> This legend appears in the Book of Jubilees (c. 100 B.c.) :
‘* On that day [of Adam’s exit from Paradise] was closed the
mouth of all beasts... so that they could no longer
speak: for they had all spoken one with another with one
lip and with one tongue ”’ (iii. 28 trans. Charles). Cf. also
Philo, De opif. mundi 55, § 156 λέγεται τὸ παλαιὸν τὸ (oSddrov
καὶ γηγενὲς ἑρπετὸν [ὄφις] ἀνθρώπου φωνὴν προΐεσθαι (quoted
by Weill).

VOL. IV B2 21

45

we

41

45

49)

50

JOSEPHUS

ἐσπάνιζον εὑρόντες. τοῦ θεοῦ δ᾽ εἰς τὸν κῆπον
ἐλθόντος ὁ μὲν Λδαμος, πρότερον εἰς ὁμιλίαν
αὐτῷ φοιτῶν, συνειδὼς αὑτῷ τὴν ἀδικίαν ὑπεχώρει,
τὸν δὲ θεὸν ἐξένιζε τὸ πραττόμενον καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν
ἐπυνθάνετο, δι’ ἣν πρότερον ἡδόμενος τῇ πρὸς
αὐτὸν ὁμιλίᾳ νῦν φεύγει ταύτην καὶ περιίσταται.
τοῦ δὲ μηδὲν φθεγγομένου διὰ τὸ συγγινώσκειν
ἑαυτῷ παραβάντι τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόσταξιν ' ᾿ ἀλλ᾽
ἐμοὶ μέν,᾽ εἶπεν ὁ θεός, “᾿ ἔγνωστο περὶ ὑμῶν,
ὅπως βίον εὐδαίμονα καὶ κακοῦ παντὸς ἀπαθῆ
βιώσετε μηδεμιᾷ ξαινόμενοι τὴν ψυχὴν φροντίδι,
πάντων δ᾽ ὑμῖν αὐτομάτων ὅσα πρὸς ἀπόλαυσιν
καὶ ἡδονὴν συντελεῖ κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν ἀνιόντων
πρόνοιαν χωρὶς ὑμετέρου πόνου καὶ ταλαιπωρίας,
ὧν παρόντων γῆράς τε θᾶττον οὐκ ἂν ἐπέλθοι καὶ
τὸ ζῆν ὑμῖν μακρὸν γένοιτο. νῦν δ᾽ εἰς ταύτην
μου τὴν γνώμην ἐνύβρισας παρακούσας τῶν ἐμῶν
ἐντολῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀρετῇ τὴν σιωπὴν ἄγεις, ἀλλ᾽
ἐπὶ συνειδότι πονηρῷ. ᾿Αδαμος δὲ παρῃτεῖτο
τῆς ἁμαρτίας αὑτὸν καὶ παρεκάλει τὸν θεὸν μὴ
χαλεπαίνειν αὐτῷ, τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ γεγονότος
αἰτιώμενος καὶ λέγων ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐξαπατηθεὶς
ἁμαρτεῖν, ἡ δ᾽ αὖ κατηγόρει τοῦ ὄφεως. ὁ δὲ
θεὸς ἥττονα γυναικείας συμβουλίας αὐτὸν γενό-
μενον ὑπετίθει τιμωρίᾳ, τὴν γῆν οὐκέτι μὲν οὐδὲν
αὐτοῖς ἀναδώσειν αὐτομάτως εἰπών, πονοῦσι δὲ
καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις τριβομένοις τὰ μὲν mace: TOV
δ᾽ οὐκ ἀξιώσειν. Εὔαν δὲ τοκετοῖς Kat ταῖς ἐξ
ὠδίνων ἀλγηδόσιν ἐκόλαζεν, ὅτι τὸν “Adapov οἷς
αὐτὴν ὁ ὄφις ἐξηπάτησε τούτοις παρακρουσαμένη
συμφοραῖς περιέβαλεν. ἀφείλετο δὲ καὶ τὸν ὄφιν
τὴν φωνὴν ὀργισθεὶς ἐπὶ τῇ κακοηθείᾳ τῇ πρὸς
Oo)

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 45-50
found what they lacked before. But, when God

entered the garden, Adam, who ere then was wont
to resort to His company, conscious of his crime
withdrew ; and God, met by action so strange, asked
for what reason he who once took delight in His
company now shunned and avoided it. But when he
spoke not a word, conscious of mee transgressed
the divine command, God said, “‘ Nay, a had decreed
for you to live a life of bliss, selected by all ill,
with no care to fret your souls ; all things that
contribute to enjoyment and pleasure were, through
my providence, to spring up for you spontaneously ‘
without toil or distress of yours : blessed with these
gifts, old age would not soon have overtaken you
and your life would have been long. But now thou
hast flouted this my purpose by disobeying my
commands; for it is through no virtue that thou
keepest silence but through an evil conscience.”’
Adam then began to make excuse for his sin and
besought God not to be wroth with him, laying the
blame for the deed upon the woman and saying that
it was her deception that had caused him to sin;
while she, in her turn, accused the serpent. There-
upon God imposed punishment on Adam for yielding
to a woman’s counsel, telling him that the earth would
no more produce any thing of herself, but, in return
for toil and grinding iabour. would but afford some
of her fruits and refuse others. Eve He punished by
child-birth and its attendant pains, because she had
deluded Adam, even as the serpent had beguiled her,
and so brought calamity upon him. He moreover
deprived the serpent of speech,? indignant at his

4. See § 41 (note).

51

53

64

JOSEPHUS

\ ” \ aA 3 , « ‘ A ~
τὸν ΓΑδαμον Kat tov ἐντίθησιν ὑπὸ τὴν γλῶτταν
αὐτῷ πολέμιον. ἀποδείξας ἀνθρώποις καὶ ὑὕὑπο-
θέμενος κατὰ τῆς κεφαλῆς φέρειν τὰς πληγὰς, ὡς
ἐν ἐκείνῃ τοῦ τε κακοῦ τοῦ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους κει-
μένου καὶ τῆς τελευτῆς ῥάστης τοῖς ἀμυνομένοις
ἐσομένης, ποδῶν τε αὐτὸν ἀποστερήσας σύρεσθαι
κατὰ τῆς γῆς ἰλυσπώμενον ἐποίησε. καὶ ὁ μὲν
wie ταῦτα προστάξας αὐτοῖς πάσχειν μετοικίζει
τὸ ᾿Αδαμον καὶ τὴν Εὔαν ἐκ τοῦ κήπου εἰς
Ὁ ΠΝ χωρίον.

5.5 7 A a -
Gi. 1) Τίνονται δὲ αὐτοῖς παῖδες ἄρρενες δύο'
~ ¢ ~ r
προσηγορεύετο δὲ αὐτῶν ὁ μὲν πρῶτος Kats,
“-"-. / ~
κτῆσιν δὲ σημαίνει τοῦτο μεθερμηνευόμενον Tov-
" oe ΄ , \ 19\ 1
voua, Ἄβελος δὲ ὁ δεύτερος, σημαίνει δὲ οὐθὲν
~ “ ~ ¢€
τοῦτο: γίνονται δὲ αὐτοῖς καὶ θυγατέρες. οἱ μὲν

> 3 \ Fé wv 3 ON 7
οὖν ἀδελφοὶ διαφόροις ἔχαιρον ἐπιτηδεύμασιν:
"ABedos μὲν γὰρ ὁ νεώτερος δικαιοσύνης ἐπεμελεῖτο
καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πραττομένοις παρεῖναι

‘ \ “. 3
τὸν θεὸν νομίζων ἀρετῆς προενόει, ποιμενικὸς ὃ
oo e , 3 ~ ὦ ‘ [4 »¥ ,
ἦν ὁ βίος αὐτῷ: Kats δὲ τά τε ἄλλα πονηρότατος
ee ‘ ᾿ “.
ἦν καὶ πρὸς τὸ κερδαίνειν μόνον ἀποβλέπων γὴν
τε ἀροῦν ἐπενόησε πρῶτος καὶ κτείει δὲ τὸν
ἀδελφὸν ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας" θῦσαι τῷ θεῷ δόξαν
αὐτοῖς ὁ μὲν Kats τοὺς ἀπὸ THs γεωργίας καὶ
φυτῶν καρποὺς ἐπήνεγκεν, "“ABeAos δὲ γάλα καὶ

“. ‘
Ta πρωτότοκα τῶν βοσκημάτων. ὁ δὲ θεὸς ταύτῃ
1 Rid O Lat.: πένθος τοὶ] ]. 2 προέβη RO.

α Greek “Καὶ ᾿ς Josephus, for the sake of his readers,
hellenizes Hebrew proper names, as he explains below (8 129).
For a like reason the familiar forms are generally retained
in this translation.

δ So the Biblical etymology “1 have gotten a man”
(Lxx ἐκτησάμην), from Heb. kanah “ acquire.”

“24

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 50-54

malignity to Adam; Ie also put poison beneath his
tongue, destining him to be the enemy of men, and
admonishing them to strike their blows upon his
head, because it was therein that man’s danger lay
and there too that his adversaries conld most easily
infliet a mortal blow; He further bereft him of feet
and made him erawl and wriggle along the ground.
Having imposed these penalties upon them, God
removed Adam and Eve from the garden to another
place.

(ii. 1) Two male children were born to them ; the
first was ealled Cain,? whose name being interpreted
means *‘ acquisition,” ? and the seeond Abel, meaning
“ nothing.”’¢ They also had daughters.¢ Now the
brothers took pleasure in different pursuits. Abel,
the younger, had respect for Justice ὁ and, believing
that God was with him in all his aetions, paid heed to
virtue ; he led the life of a shepherd. Cain, on the
contrary, was thoroughly depraved and had an eye
only to gain: he was the first to think of ploughing
the soil, and he slew his brother for the following
reason. The brothers having decided to sacrifice to
God, Cain brought the fruits of the tilled earth and
of the trees, Abel came with milk 7 and the firstlings
of his flocks. This was the offering which found more

¢ Abel, Heb. [Tebel =“ vapour” or “ vanity’: the noun
is translated, as here, by οὐθέν in Is. xlix. 4. The reading
πένθος (=IHleb. ‘¢bel) presents another etymology found
also in Philo, De migr. Abr. 13, § 74 ὄνομα δ᾽ ἐστι τὰ θνητὰ
πενθοῦντος (quoted by Weill).

4 Legendary addition: Jubilees iv. 1, 8 names them
*Awan and ’Azura.

ia OS a righteousness.”

7 Heb. “fat”? and so Lxx (o7redrwr): Josephus, with a
different vocalization of the [eb. hls, reads ‘* milk,” showing
independenee of the Greek Bible.

20

The serpent
deprived

of speech.

Gen, ili, 15.

Cain and
Abel.
Gen. iv. 1.

JOSEPHUS

ἀλλ nO ~ A ᾽ - 9 ? ‘ s
μᾶλλον ἤδεται TH θυσίᾳ, Tots αὐτομάτοις καὶ κατὰ
é , ~
φύσιν γεγονόσι τιμώμενος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ Tots κατ᾽
> / 3 f ὔ N / ,
ἐπίνοιαν ἀνθρώπου πλεονέκτου [καὶ] βίᾳ πεφυκόσιν.
Ww ¢ ~ ~
ἔνθεν ὁ Kats παροξυνθεὶς ἐπὶ τῷ προτετιμῆσθαι
4 » “-- “- \
TOV Αβελον ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ κτείνει τὸν ἀδελφὸν καὶ
τὸν νεκρὸν αὐτοῦ ποιήσας ἀφανῆ λήσειν ὑπέλαβεν.
ὁ δὲ θεὸς συνεὶς τὸ ἔργον ἧκε πρὸς τὸν Kaw περὶ
τἀδελφοῦ πυνθανόμενος, ποῖ ποτ᾽ εἴη" πολλῶν γὰρ
αὐτὸν οὐκ ἰδεῖν ἡμερῶν τὸν ἄλλον χρόνον πάντα
3 9 ~ ‘4 3 A > 7 { ‘
55 μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ βλέπων αὐτὸν ἀναστρεφόμενον. ὁ δὲ
TP 9 μ
Kats ἀπορούμενος καὶ οὐκ ἔχων 6 τι λέγοι πρὸς
\ 3 ~ >
τὸν θεὸν ἀμηχανεῖν μὲν Kat αὐτὸς ἔφασκε τὸ
- 3 N 3 ~ ‘ 7 .
πρῶτον ἐπὶ τἀδελφῷ μὴ βλεπομένῳ, παροξυνθεὶς
A ~ “~ ~
δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ λιπαρῶς ἐγκειμένου καὶ πολυπραγμο-
νοῦντος οὐκ εἶναι παιδαγωγὸς καὶ φύλαξ αὐτοῦ
Ά ~ ~ ϑ
καὶ τῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πραττομένων ἔλεγεν. ὁ δὲ
A 9 ~ ” ” 4 rf 4
θεὸς τοὐντεῦθεν ἤλεγχεν ἤδη τὸν Kaw φονέα
53 ~ f Ἁ {{ δὰ ᾽ν} Ψ {{ κι
τἀδελφοῦ γενόμενον καὶ “᾿ θαυμάζω, φησίν, “εἰ
΄- ~ N
περὶ ἀνδρὸς ἀγνοεῖς εἰπεῖν τί γέγονεν, Ov αὐτὸς
~ > ~ tA
58 ἀπολώλεκας. τῆς μὲν οὖν ἐπὶ TH φόνῳ τιμωρίας
9 4 9 , , 9 , r 4 9 9 ~
αὐτὸν ἠφίει, θυσίαν τε ἐπιτελέσαντα Kat δι᾿ αὐτῆς
¢€ 4 N - 3 εἶ 3 3 3 ~
ixerevoavta μὴ λαβεῖν ὀργὴν [ἐπ᾿] αὐτῷ χαλε-
‘ ‘
πωτέραν, ἐπάρατον δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐτίθει καὶ τοὺς
~ 4 ¢ ,
ἐγγόνους αὐτοῦ τιμωρήσεσθαι κατὰ τὴν ἑβδόμην
ἠπείλησε γενεάν, καὶ τῆς γῆς αὐτὸν ἐκείνης
Φ 7 ‘ ~ é ~ A . 4 Ρ] é
59 ἐκβάλλει σὺν TH γυναικί. τοῦ δὲ μὴ θηρίοις ἀλώ-

ωτ
wl

~J]

@ Weill quotes Pirké R. Eliezer xxi “ He took the corpse
of his brother Abel and hid it in the field.”

Ὁ Cain’s words “ My punishme nt is greater than I can
bear ’’ (Gen. iv. 13) were, in Rabbinical opinion, “ reckoned

20

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 54-59

favour with God, who is honoured by things that
grow spontaneously and in accordance with natural
laws, and not by the products forced from nature by
the ingenuity of grasping man. Thereupon Cain,
incensed at God’s preference for Abel, slew his
brother and hid his corpse,? thinking to escape detec-
tion. But God. aware of the deed. came to Cain, and
asked him whither his brother had gone, since for
many days He had not seen him, whom he had con-
stantly before beheld in Cain’s company. Cain, In
embarrassment, having nothing to reply to God,
at first declared that he too was perplexed at not
seeing his brother, and then, enraged at the in-
sistent pressure and strict inquiries of God, said that
he was not his brother’s guardian to keep watch over
his person and his actions. Upon that word God
now accused Cain of being his brother’s murderer,
saying, “ [ marvel that thou canst not tell what has
become of a man whom thou thyself hast destroyed.”
God, however, exempted him from the penalty
merited by the murder, Cain having offered a sacri-
fice and therewith supplicated Him not to visit him
too severely in His wrath®; but He made him accursed
and threatened to punish his posterity in © the seventh
generation, and expelled him from that land with his
wife. But, when Cain feared that in his wanderings
to him as repentance” (Pirké 10, Eliezer, xxi, quoted with
other passages by Weill).

© The rendering of xara by “ until’ seems unwarranted.
Josephus apparently, in common with the Targum (Weill),
means that Cain's penalty is suspended until the seventh
generation, cf. § 65. Gen. iv. 15, however, on which this
interpretation is based, as interpreted by modern critics
states something quite different, viz. that seven lives, that of

the slayer and six of his family, would be exacted for the
slaughter of Cain,

9]

cf Gen, iv
13-15.

6(

~——

0]

63

64

JOSEPHUS

μενος περιπέσῃ δεδιότος καὶ τοῦτον ἀπόληται τὸν
τρόπον, ἐκέλευε μηδὲν ὑφορᾶσθαι σκυθρωπὸν ἀπὸ
τοιαύτης αἰτίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἕνεκα τοῦ μηδὲν αὐτῷ ἐκ
θηρίων γενέσθαι δεινὸν διὰ πάσης ἀδεῶς χωρεῖν
γῆς καὶ σημεῖον ἐπιβαλών, ᾧ γνώριμος ἂν εἴη,
προσέταξεν ἀπιέναι.

(9) "Τολλὴν δ᾽ ἐπελθὼν γῆν ἱδρύεται μετὰ τῆς
γυναικὸς Kats! Ναΐδα τόπον οὕτω καλούμενον καὶ
αὐτόθι ποιεῖται τὴν κατοίκησιν, ἔνθ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ

“- > / ν᾿ 3 A , \ ‘ "ἢ
παῖδες ἐγένοντο. οὐκ ἐπὶ νουθεσίᾳ δὲ τὴν κόλασιν
ἔλαβεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐξήσει τῆς κακίας, ἡδονὴν μὲν
πᾶσαν ἐκπορίζων αὑτοῦ τῷ σώματι, κἂν μεθ᾽
ὕβρεως τῶν συνόντων δέῃ ᾿ ταύτην ἔχειν" αὔξων
δὲ τὸν οἶκον πλήθει χρημάτων ἐξ ἁρπαγῆς καὶ
βίας πρὸς ἡδονὴν καὶ λῃστείαν τοὺς ἐ ἐντυγχάνοντας
παρακαλῶν διδάσκαλος αὐτοῖς ὑπῆρχε πονηρῶν
ἐπιτηδευμάτων, καὶ τὴν ἀπραγμοσύνην, ἡ πρό-
τερον συνέζων οἱ ἄνθρωποι, μέτρων ἐπινοίᾳ καὶ
σταὐμῶν μετεστήσατο ἀκέραιον αὐτοῖς ὄντα τὸν
βίον ἐκ τῆς τούτων ἀμαθίας καὶ μεγαλόψυχον εἰς
πανουργίαν περιαγαγών, ὅρους τε γῆς πρῶτος
ἔθετο καὶ πόλιν ἐδείματο καὶ τείχεσιν ὠχύρωσεν
εἰς, ταὐτὸν συνελθεῖν τοὺς οἰκείους καταναγκάσας.
καὶ τὴν πόλιν δὲ ταύτην ἀπὸ ᾿Ανώχου τοῦ πρε-

7 A ” > Ld 3 ’ \
σβυτάτου παιδὸς "Avwyav ἐκάλεσεν. ᾿Ανώχου δὲ
la (ὃ ἘΔ > 3 δὲ , M , r ὩΣ

ράδης υἱὸς ἣν, ἐκ δὲ τούτου MapouvndAos, οὗ

é ~ ~
γίνεται παῖς ΔΙαθουσάλας, τοῦ δὲ Λάμεχος, @

~ e ~ € A 4 ¢ , > /
παῖδες ὑπῆρξαν ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα ἐκ δύο

~ : 3 ~ / , Nv AAG \ "Ad ,
γυναικῶν αὐτῷ φύντες NeAAGs καὶ ας. τούτων

2

1 - εἰς Εὶ (Lat. in loco).

* Mentioned in a Rabbinical commentary in loc. (“ who-

28

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 59-64

he would fall a prey to wild beasts α and perish thus,

God bade him have no melancholy foreboding from

such cause: he would be in no danger from beasts,

and might fare unafraid through every land. He then

set a mark upon him, by which he should be recog-
nized, and bade him depart.

(2) After long travels Cain settled with his wife in Descendants
of Cain.

a place called Naik. 6 where he made his abode and Gen. iv. 16
children were born to him. His punishment, however,

far from being taken as a warning, only served to
increase his vice. He indulged in every bodily
pleasure, even if it entailed” outraging his com-
panions ; he increased his substance with wealth
amassed by rapine and violence ; he incited to luxury

and pillage all whom he met, and became their in-
structor in wicked practices. He put an end to that
simplicity in which men lived before by the invention

of weights and measures : the guileless and generous
existence which they had enjoyed in ignorance of
these things he converted into a life of craftiness.

He was the first to fix boundaries of land and to build

a city, fortifying it with walls and constraining his

elan to eongregate in one place. This city he called
Anocha after his eldest son Anoch.¢ Anoch had a

son Jarad,? of whom came Marnel,¢ who begat
Mathousalas, the father of Lamech, who had
seventy-seven / ehildren by his two wives, Sella and

soever slayeth ”) as assembling to avenge the blood of Abel

(Weill). ὁ Heb. Nod, ixx Naié,
“ Heb. and txx Enoch (city and son).
4 Heb. Trad, rxx Γαιδάδ, ¢ Heb. Mehnjael.

’ As suggested by Weill, these seventy-seven children, not
mentioned in Scripture, have probably been extracted,
through some misreading of the text, out of the allusion to
‘** Lamech ” being avenged “seventy and sevenfold ”’
(Gen. iv. 24, rxx ἐκ δὲ Λάμεχ ἑβδομηκοντάκις ἑπτά).

29

JOSEPHUS

᾿Ιώβηλος μὲν ἐξ "Adas γεγονὼς σκηνὰς ἐπήξατο
καὶ προβατείαν ἡ ἠγάπησεν, ᾿Ιούβαλος δέ, ὁμομήτριος
᾿ ἦν αὐτῷ, μουσικὴν ἤσκησε καὶ ψαλτήρια καὶ
κιθάρας ἐπενόησεν, ᾿Ιουβῆλος" δὲ τῶν ἐκ τῆς
ἑτέρας γεγονότων ἰσχύι πάντας ὑπερβαλὼν τὰ
πολεμικὰ διαπρεπῶς μετῆλθεν, ἐκ τούτων καὶ τὰ
πρὸς ἡδονὴν τοῦ σώματος ἐκπορίζων, χαλκείαν

65 τε πρῶτος ἐπενόησεν. πατὴρ δὲ θυγατρὸς γενό-
μενος ὃ Λάμεχος Νοεμᾶς ὄνομα, ἐπεὶ τὰ θεῖα
σαφῶς ἐξεπιστάμενος ἑώρα δίκην αὑτὸν ὑφέξοντα
τῆς Kavos ἀδελφοκτονίας [μείζονα], τοῦτο ταῖς

66 ἑαυτοῦ γυναιξὶν ἐποίησε φανερόν. ἔτι δὲ ζῶντος
᾿Αδάμου ἰκάιος τοὺς ἐγγόνους πονηροτάτους συνέβη
γενέσθαι κατὰ διαδοχὴν καὶ μίμησιν ἄλλον ἄλλου
χείρονα τελευτῶντα" πρὸς τε γὰρ πολέμους εἶχον
ἀκρατῶς καὶ πρὸς λῃστείαν ὡρμήκεσαν' ἄλλως"
δ᾽ εἴ τις ὀκνηρὸς ΟΣ TO φονεύειν, ἄλλην"
ἀπόνοιαν ἦν θράσους ὑβρίζων καὶ πλεονεκτῶν.

67 (8) “Adapios | δὲ ὁ πρῶτος ἐκ vis. γενόμενος,
ἀπαιτεῖ γὰρ ἡ διήγησις τὸν περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγον,
᾿Αβέλου μὲν ἐσφαγμένου, Kdios δὲ διὰ τὸν ἐκείνου
φόνον πεφευγότος, παιδοποιίας ἐφρόντιζε, καὶ
deus εἶχεν αὐτὸν γενέσεως ἔρως ἔτη τριάκοντ᾽ ἤδη
καὶ διακόσια ἠνυκότα τοῦ βίου, πρὸς οἷς ἕτερα

NO (Lat.): Θύϑελος (Θε.8.) rell.
2G Po: EEX;
* conj. Niese: ἄλλος or ὅλως codd.
4 ἀλλ οὖν SP Exc.

α So xx? ΤΟ. {889ὲ],

> Heb. Tubal-cain, τχχ Θοβέλ (see other reading in
Josephus).

¢ So rxx: Heb. Naamah,

30

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 64-67

Ada. Of these children, Jobél,* son of Ada, erected
tents and devoted himself to a pastoral life ; Jubal,
born of the same mother, studied music and invented
harps and lutes ἢ Jubél,° one of the sons of the other
wife, surpassing all men in strength, distinguished
himself in the art of war, procuring also thereby the
means for satisfying the pleasures of the body, and
first invented the forging of metal. Lamech was also
the father of a daughter named Noema’; and
because through his clear knowledge of divine things
he saw that he was to pay the penalty 7 foy Cain’s
murder of his brother, he made this known to his
wives. Thus, within Adam’s lifetime, the descendants
of Cain went to depths of depravity, and, inhcriting
and imitating one another’s vices, each ended worse
than the last. They rushed incontinently into battle
and plunged into brigandage; or if anyone was too
timid for slaughter, he would display other forms of
mad recilessnecs by insolence and greed. ¢

(3) Meanwhile Adam, the man first formed out
of earth—for my narrative requires me to revert to
him—after the slaughter of Abel and the consequent
fight of his murderer Cain, longed for children, and
was seized with a passionate desire to beget a family,
when he had now completed 230% years of his life :

4 Or, with the other reading, “a greater penalty.” See
$58 note: Lamech was but five generations from Cain, but
in his address to his wives (obviously misunderstood by
Josephus) the allusions to “ἃ man” and “ἃ young man"
may have been taken to refer to a son and grandson, thus
completing the predicted seven generations.

¢ Text a little doubtful.

! So txx: in the Heb. Bible Adam was 130 years old
when he begat Seth and lived for 800 years more after that
date. Similar numerical divergences will be met with later,
δὲ 83 tf.

31

Descendan(«
of Seth.

Gen. v. 8 &,

68

69

71

JOSEPHUS

ζήσας ἑπτακόσια τελευτᾷ. γίνονται μὲν οὖν αὐτῷ
παῖδες ἄλλοι τε πλείους καὶ Σῆθος: ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν
τῶν ἄλλων “μακρὸν ἂν εἴη λέγειν, πειράσομαι δὲ
μόνα τὰ τῶν ἀπὸ Σήθου διελθεῖν. τραφεὶς γὰρ
οὗτος καὶ παρελθὼν εἰς ἡλικίαν ἤδη [τὰ] καλὰ
κρίνειν δυναμένην [ἀρετὴν ἐπετήδευσε]" καὶ γενό-
μενος αὐτὸς ἄριστος μιμητὰς τῶν αὐτῶν τοὺς ἀπο-
yovous κατέλιπεν. οἱ δὲ πάντες ἀγαθοὶ φύντες γῆν
τε τὴν αὐτὴν ἀστασίαστοι κατῴκησαν εὐδαιμονή-
σαντες, μηδενὸς αὐτοῖς ἄχρι καὶ τελευτῆς δυσκόλου
προσπεσόντος, σοφίαν τε τὴν περὶ τὰ οὐράνια καὶ
τὴν τούτων διακόσμησιν ἐπενόησαν. ὑπὲρ δὲ τοῦ
μὴ διαφυγεῖν. τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τὰ εὑρημένα μηδὲ
πρὶν εἰς γνῶσιν ἐλθεῖν φθαρῆναι, προειρηκότος
ἀφανισμὸν ᾿Αδάμου τῶν ὅλων ἔσεσθαι, τὸν μὲν
κατ᾽ ἰσχὺν πυρὸς τὸν ἕτερον δὲ κατὰ βίαν καὶ
πλῆθος ὕδατος, στήλας δύο ποιησάμενοι τὴν μὲν
ἐκ πλώθου τὴν ἑτέραν δὲ ἐκ λίθων ἀμφοτέραις
ἐνέγραψαν τὰ εὑρημένα, ἵνα καὶ τῆς πλινθίνης
ἀφανισθείσης ὑπὸ τῆς ἐπομβρίας ἡ λιθίνη μείνασα
παράσχῃ μαθεῖν TOUS ἀνθρώποις τὰ ἐγγεγραμμένα
ἡλοῦσα καὶ πλιωθίνην ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀνατεθῆναι.
μένει δ᾽ ἄχρι δεῦρο κατὰ γῆν τὴν Σ)ειρίδα.3

(in. 1) Kat δύ τοὶ prev ἑπτὰ γενεὰς διέμειναν θεὸν
ἡγούμενοι δεσπότην εἶναι τῶν ὅλων καὶ πάντα
πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἀποβλέποντες, εἶτα προϊόντος χρόνου

Eom, nO; 2. Σιριάδα ΒΓΕ Ἰνχο,

* See preceding note.

’ The Bible mentions ‘‘ sons and daughters,” but names
none except Seth: Jubilees iv. 10 specifies ὁ yet nine sons.’

© Rabbinical amplification; Enoch in particular was

credited with these discoveries (/ubilees iv. 17 and the book
that bears his name).

a2

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 68-72

he lived for 700% years more before he died. Many
other children ὃ were born to him, and among them
Seth ; it would take me too long to speak of the rest,
and I will only endeavour to narrate the story of the
progeny of Seth. He, after being brought up and
attaining to years of discretion, ΤΣ τεεᾷ virtue,
ereelied: in it himself, and left descendants who
imitated his ways. These, being all of virtuous
character, inhabited the same country without dissen-
sion and in prosperity, meeting with no untoward
incident to the day of their death they also dis-
covered the science of the heavenly bodice and their
orderly array.© Moreover,to prevent their discoveries
from being lost to mankind and perishing before they
became known—Adam having predicted a destruc-
tion of the universe, at one time by a violent fire and
at another by a mighty deluge of water—they erected
two pillars, one of brick and the other of stone, and
inscribed these discoveries on both; so that, if the
pillar of brick disappeared in the deluge, that of stone
would remain to teach men what was graven thereon
and to inform them that thev had also erected one of
brick. It exists to this dav in the land of Seiris.¢
(iii. 1) For seven generations these people con-
tinued to believe in God as Lord of the universe and
in everything to take virtue for their guide ; then,

4 Another version of this story appears in Jubilees viii.
3 (discovery of a writing carved on the rock recording the
teaching of the watchers or angels concerning the heavy enly
bodies).

¢ Unidentified: Seirah, mentioned in connexion with
‘* sculptured stones ἡ in the story of Ehud (Jud. iii. 26), has
been suggested. The tradition, as Reinach writes, doubtless
arose from some ancient monument with an inscription in
unknown (? Hittite) characters,

9

Their
astronomi-
cal dis-
coveries

and tater
deyenera-
tion.

JOSEPHUS

μεταβάλλονται πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον ἐκ τῶν πατρίων
ἐθισμῶν μήτε τὰς νενομισμένας τιμὰς ἔτι TH θεῷ
παρέχοντες μήτε τοῦ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους δικαίου
ποιούμενοι λόγον, ἀλλ᾽ ἣν πρότερον εἶχον τῆς
ἀρετῆς ζήλωσιν διπλασίονα τῆς κακίας τότ᾽ ἐπι-
δεικνύμενοι δι᾿ ὧν ἔπραττον: ἔνθεν ἑαυτοῖς τὸν

73 θεὸν ἐξεπολέμωσαν. πολλοὶ γὰρ ἄγγελοι θεοῦ

7

4

75

~]

γυναιξὶ συνιόντες ὑβριστὰς ἐγέννησαν παῖδας καὶ
παντὸς ὑπερόπτας καλοῦ διὰ τὴν ἐπὶ τῇ δυνάμει
πεποίθησιν: ὅμοια γὰρ τοῖς ὑπὸ γιγάντων τε-
τολμῆσθαι λεγομένοις ὑφ᾽ Ελλήνων καὶ οὗτοι
δράσαι παραδίδονται. ΪΝῶχος δὲ τοῖς πραττο-
μένοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν δυσχεραίνων καὶ τοῖς βουλεύ-
μασιν ἀηδῶς ἔχων ἔπειθεν ἐπὶ τὸ κρεῖττον τὴν
διάνοιαν αὐτοὺς καὶ Tas πράξεις μεταφέρειν,
¢€ ~ ed , > ΄ 3 > > ~ « \ “-
ὁρῶν δ᾽ οὐκ ἐνδιδόντας, ἀλλ᾽ ἰσχυρῶς ὑπὸ τῆς
ἡδονῆς τῶν κακῶν κεκρατημένους, δείσας μὴ καὶ
φονεύσωσιν αὐτὸν μετὰ γυναικῶν' καὶ τέκνων
καὶ τῶν τούτοις συνοικουσῶν ἐξεχώρησε τῆς γῆς.

(2) Ὃ δὲ θεὸς τοῦτον μὲν τῆς δικαιοσύνης
ἠγάπησε, κατεδίκαζε δ᾽ οὐκ ἐκείνων μόνων τῆς
κακίας, ἀλλὰ καὶ πᾶν ὅσον ἦν ἀνθρώπινον. τότε
δόξαν αὐτῷ διαφθεῖραι καὶ ποιῆσαι γένος ἕτερον
πονηρίας καθαρόν, ἐπιτεμόμενος αὐτῶν τὸν βίον
καὶ ποιήσας ἐτῶν οὐχ ὅσα πρότερον ἔζων, ἀλλ᾽
ἑκατὸν εἴκοσιν, εἰς θάλασσαν τὴν ἤπειρον μετέβαλε.
καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἀφανίζονται πάντες, N@yos δὲ
σώζεται μόνος, ὑποθεμένου μηχανὴν αὐτῷ καὶ

1 γυναικὺς Bekker with Lat.

9 So the txx renders the Heb. ‘‘ sons of God”: from
the 2nd cent. a.p. Jewish Rabbis, to avoid this ‘* unseemly

34

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 72-76

in course of time, they abandoned the customs of
their fathers for a life of depravity. They no longer
rendered to God His due honours, nor took aecount of
justice towards men. but displayed by their actions
a zeal for vice twofold greater than they had formerly
shown for virtue, and thereby drew upon themselves
the enmity of Gor. For many angels ἃ of God now
consorted with women and begat sons who were
overbearing and disdainful of every virtue, such con-
fidence had they in their strength ; in fact the deeds
that tradition ascribes to them resemble the audacious
exploits told by the Greeks of the giants. But Noah,?
indignant at their eonduet and viewing their counsels
with displeasure, urged them to come to a better
frame of mind and amend their ways ¢; but seeing
that, far from yielding, they were eompletely en-
slaved to the pleasure of sin, he feared that they would
murder him and, with his wives and sons and his
sons’ wives, quitted the country.

(2) God loved Noah for his righteousness, but, as
for those men, He condemned not them alone for their
wiekedness, but resolved to destroy all mankind then
existing and to create another race pure of vice.
abridging their term of life from its former longevity
to one andre and twenty years ; he the fetore eon-
verted the dry land into sea. Thus were they all
obliterated, while Noah alone was saved. God having

mythology ” (§ 15), interpreted the phrase to mean members
of aristocratic families.

δ" Nochos.”’

¢ For Noah as “ preacher of righteousness ”’ ef. 2 Peter ii.
5 (1 Peter iii. 20); Book [. of the Sibulline Oracles (a work
of mixed Jewish and Christian origin) devotes some 50 lines
to two of his addresses. Genesis knows nothing of this or of
Noah's migration mentioned below.

35

Gen. vi. I.

Noah's!
preaching.

The tlood,

Gen. vi. ἃ,

77

7

ie 6

70

80

δ]

JOSEPHUS

πόρον πρὸς σωτηρίαν τοῦ θεοῦ τοιαύτην᾽ λάρνακα
τετράστεγον κατασκευάσας πηχῶν τὸ μῆκος τρια-
κοσίων πεντήκοντα δὲ τὸ πλάτος καὶ “τριάκοντα
τὸ βάθος, εἰς ταύτην σὺν τῇ μητρὶ τῶν παίδων
καὶ ταῖς τούτων γυναιξὶν ἀνέβη, τά τε ἄλλα ὅσα
πρὸς τὰς χρείας ἐπικουρήσειν αὐτοῖς ἔμελλεν
ἐνθέμενος, ζῷά τε παντοῖα πρὸς διατήρησιν τοῦ
γένους αὐτῶν ἀρρενάς τε καὶ θηλείας συνεισβαλό-
μενος ἄλλα τε τούτων ἑπταπλασίονα τὸν ἀριθμόν.
ἣν δ᾽ ἡ λάρναξ τούς τε τοίχους καρτερὰ καὶ τὸν
” ¢ f 3 / > € “
ὄροφον, ws μηδαμόθεν ἐπικλύζεσθαι μηδ᾽ ἡττᾶσθαι
τῆς τοῦ ὕδατος βίας. καὶ Νῶχος μὲν οὕτως μετὰ
τῶν οἰκείων διασώζεται. ἦν δ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν ἀπὸ
᾿Αδάμου δέκατος" Λαμέχου γάρ ἐστιν υἱός, οὗ
πατὴρ ἣν Μαθουσάλας, οὗτος δὲ ἦν τοῦ ᾿Ανώχου
τοῦ ᾿Ιαρέδου, δΝαλαήλου δὲ ᾿Ιάρεδος ἐγεγόνει, ὃς
ἐκ Kaiva τεκνοῦται τοῦ ᾿Ανώσου σὺν ἀδελφαῖς
πλείοσιν, “Avwaos δὲ Σιήθου νἱὸς ἦν τοῦ ᾿Αδάμου.

Oo Nv 4 δὲ ~ 4 7. A 4 ¢€

(3) Συνέβη ἐ τοῦτο τὸ πάθος κατὰ τὸ ἐξα-
κοσιοστὸν ἔτος. ἤδη. Νώχου τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐν μηνὶ
δευτέρῳ Δίῳ μὲν ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων λεγομένῳ, Map-
σουάνῃ δ᾽ ὑπὸ “EBpaiwy: οὕτω yap ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ
τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν ἦσαν διατεταχότες. Μωυσῆς δὲ τὸν
Νισᾶν, ὅς ἐστι Ξανθικός, μῆνα πρῶτον ἐπὶ ταῖς

1 OL: ἐνέβη rell.

* Josephus employs the word used by classical) writers of
Deucalion’s ark (λάρναξ), not κιβωτός of the Lxx.

δ ‘Three only in Scripture.

‘ These words must have accidentally dropped out of
the Greek text.

4 Viz. the ‘‘ clean” beasts, the “ unclean ’’ being limited
lo pairs (Gen. vii. 2 “ J”): the Priestly narrator (ἡ P ’’)

makes no such distinction and speaks only of pairs (Gen.
vi. 19).

36

as

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 77-81

put into his mind a device and means of salvation on
this wise. He constructed an ark @ of four ὃ stories,
three hundred cubits in length, fifty in breadth and
thirty in depth, on which he embarked with [his
children,]* the mother of his children and his sons’
wives, not only furnishing it with all things requisite
to supply their needs, but also taking with him
creatures of every kind, male and female, to preserve
their species, some among them being numbered by
sevens. This ark had stout sides and roof so as
not to be overwhelmed from any quarter and to defy
the violence of the waters. Thus was Noah saved
with his family. He was the tenth descendant of
Adam, being son of Lamech, whose father was
Mathusalas,é the son of Anoch,f the son of Jared, the
son of Malael,? who with many sisters * was begotten
by Cainas,* son of Anos, the son of Seth, the son of
Adam.

(3) This catastrophe happened in the six hundredth
year of Noah’s rulership,* in what was once the second
month, called by the Macedonians Dius and by the
τς Marsuan,! according to the arrangement
of the calendar which they followed in Egypt. Moses,
however, appointed Nisan, that is to say Xanthicus,

* Heb. Methuselah.

‘ Heb. Enoch.

° Heb. Mahalalel.

δ΄ Read perhaps ἀδελφοῖς τε" brothers and sisters.’

‘ Heb. Kenan.

7 Heb. Enosh.

* “ Life δ must be meant (Gen. vii. 6, Ll): the first-born
Υ regarded as becoming head of the clan at his birth. Cf.

86 ἢ,

ἐ Tleb. Marheshwan(=October-November). Josephus com-
monly takes the names of the months from the Macedoman
calendar, appending the Hebrew post-exilic equivalents.

37

Gen. vi. 15 ἢ,

Date of the
flood.
Gen. vil. 11.

te

JOSEPHUS

ἑορταῖς ὥρισε Kata τοῦτον ἐξ Αἰγύπτου τοὺς
‘EBpatovs προαγαγών' οὗτος δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς
ἁπάσας τὰς εἰς τὸ θεῖον τιμὰς ἦρχεν, ἐπὶ μέντοι
γε πράσεις καὶ ὠνὰς καὶ τὴν ἄλλην διοίκησιν
τὸν πρῶτον κόσμον διεφύλαξε: ΤῊΝ 20. ἐπομβρίαν
ἄρξασθαί φησιν ἑβδόμῃ τοῦ προειρημένου μηνὸς
καὶ εἰκάδι. χρόνος δὲ οὗτος ἀπὸ ᾿Αδάμου τοῦ
πρώτου γεγονότος ἐτῶν ὑπῆρχε δισχιλίων δια-
κοσίων ἑξηκονταδύο.' ἀναγέγραπται δὲ ὁ χρόνος
ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις σημειουμένων μετὰ πολλῆς
1 δισχιλίων ἑξακοσίων πεντηκονταέξ SPL Lat.

Ἰνοῦς Ὁ

δ The old Ilebrew year began in autumn; later custom
transferred the opening, for certain purposes, to the spring.
The Babylonian year began in spring, and the completion
of the change in Hebrew practice doubtless dates from the
exile, though there are indications before that date of the
alternative custom. [ἢ attributing an innovation to Moses
Josephus is merely following the Priestly (exilic) editor of
Exodus xii.: in referring to him a distinction between an
ecclesiastical and a civil year the historian seems to impute
to earher ages the custom of his own day. For this there is a
classical passage in the Mishnah, Rosh Hashanah, i. Ἃς dis-
tinguishing four New Years’ Days for various purposes.
(Driver on Exodus loe. cit.: I. Abrahams in Hastings’ B.D.,
art. ‘‘ Time’ supports the accuracy of Josephus.)

¢ So txx: Heb. “" on the seventeenth day.”

4 So Niese, with the best ms. of Josephus here extant,
cod. O; there is a lacuna at this point in its usual companion,
cod. R. The figure 2262 is the correct total of the items which
follow and is donbtless original (Niese., Preface p. xxxv).
The figures in the other authorities (2656 SPL Lat,, 1656
Zonaras, 1056 Epitome) are due to conformation, partial or
complete, to the Hebrew text of Genesis. For the Hebrew
and the Greek texts of that book here diverge, representing
two different schemes of antediluvian chronology: and
Josephus follows the u.xx or an alhed text. The lifetime of
each patriarch remains constant in both schemes. The main

38

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 81-82

as the first month for the festivals, because it was in Moses
this month that he brought the Hebrews out οἷς

beypt*,

mencement of the ycar for everything relating to
divine worship, but for selling and buying and οἰ πεὺ

ordinary affairs he preserved the ancient order.®

It

was, he tells us, on the seven and twentieth © day of

the said month that the deluge began.

The time

of this event was 2262 4 years after the birth of Adam.

the first man;

the date is recorded in the sacred

books, it being the custom of that age to note with

difference between the totals of the first and third columns
below arises from the repeated transference of a century from
one portion of the life to the other: clearly a deliberate and
arbitrary alteration made in one or other of the texts in the

interest of some scheme of world chronology.

GREEK TEXT

Both
Texts

Total

930
912
905
910
895
962
365
N69
{1180 aie
ἈΝ Ν ΟΣ

i Jos. 707

HEBREW TEXT (Gen vy. 3-31). (LXX and
Josephus).
=a ΗΝ ᾿νε νος
Ϊ Age at birth of | After | Aceat birth | ao
first-born life. of first-born. (LXX).
Adam | 130 800 230 700
Seth | 105 807 205 707
pies | a ae εν is
enan ‘ ‘ ἢ
Mahalalet ee | a 1s ae
ie aS &
ee 65 _ 300 163: | 200
Methuselah. | 187 | 782] = 187, | Fra
Lamech 182 | 990 188 565
Age at Flond | Age at Flood
(Gen vi 6 }}} | (Ant. 1. 80). |
Noah HO0 | 600
ἐς .. «οκς ἘΞ. 5 ει Ξοθο τ 1) τι... οἰ 5}
Total = date y |
of Flood 5 7 1656 |, 2262
annomunar |

alteration
of the

he also reckoned this month as the com- ‘lender.

The year
of the flood
anno mundi

JOSEPHUS

ἀκριβείας τῶν τότε Kal Tas γενέσεις τῶν ἐπι-
φανῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τὰς τελευτάς.

84. (4) ᾿Αδάμῳ μὲν [οὖν] τριακοστῷ ἤδη καὶ δια-
κοσιοστῷ ἔτει γεγοιότι παῖς Σιῆθος γίνεται, ὃς
ἐνακόσια καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη ἐβίωσε. Σῆθος δὲ
κατὰ πέμπτον καὶ διακοσιοστὸν ἔτος ἐγέννησεν
ἼΑνωσον, ὃς πέντε ζήσας ἔτη καὶ ἐνακόσια Kaiva
τῷ παιδὶ τὴν τῶν πραγμιάτων ἐπιμέλειαν δίδωσι

,
τεκνώσας αὐτὸν περὶ “ἐνενηκοστὸν καὶ ἑκατοστὸν
ἔτος" οὗτος ἐβίωσεν ἔτη δώδεκα πρὸς τοῖς ἐνα-

84 κοσίοις. Laivas δὲ βιοὺς δέκα καὶ ἐνακόσια
Μαλάηλον υἱὸν ἔσχεν ἔτει γενόμενον ἐβδομη-
κοστῷ καὶ ἑκατοστῷ. οὗτος ὁ MaAandos ζήσας
πέντε καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ ὀκτακόσια ἔτη ἐτελεύ-
τησεν ᾿Ιάρεδον καταλιπὼν υἱόν, ὃν ἔτος πέμπτον
ἑξηκοστὸν καὶ ἑκατοστὸν γενόμενος ἐγέννησε.

85 τοῦτον εἰς δύο' καὶ ἑξήκοντα πρὸς τοῖς ἐνακοσίοις
βιώσαντα ᾿Ανωχος υἱὸς διαδέχεται γεννηθεὶς περὶ
ἔτη δύο καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῷ
τυγχά ἵνοντος. οὗτος ζήσας πέντε καὶ ἑξήκοντα
πρὸς τοῖς τριακοσίοις ἀνεχώρησε πρὸς τὸ θεῖον,

86 ὅθεν οὐδὲ τελευτὴν αὐτοῦ ἀναγεγράφασι. Ma-
θουσάλας δὲ ᾿Ανώχου παῖς κατὰ ἔτος αὐτῷ γεγονὼς
πέμπτον καὶ ἑξηκοστὸν καὶ ἑκατοστὸν Λάμεχον
υἱὸν ἔσχε περὶ ἔτη γεγονὼς ἑπτὰ καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα
καὶ ἑκατόν, ᾧ τὴν ἀρχὴν παρέδωκεν αὐτὸς αὐτὴν
κατασχὼν ἐννέα καὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ ἐνακοσίοις.

87 Λάμεχος δὲ ἄρξας ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑπτακοσίοις ἔτεσι

ὥχον τῶν πραγμάτων ἀποδείκνυσι προστάτην
υἱόν, ὃς Λαμέχῳ γενόμενος ὄγδοον καὶ ὀγδοη-
κοστὸν καὶ ἑκατοστὸν ἔτος ἡἠνυκότι πεντήκοντα

88 καὶ ἐνακοσίοις ἔτεσιν ἦρξε τῶν πραγμάτων. ταῦτα
40

«-.

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 82-88

minute care the birth and death of the illustrious
men.

(4) For Adam was 230 years old when his son Seth tixed bush
was born and @ lived (in all) 930 years. Seth at the a
age of 205 begat Anos,® who when aged 905 years eee iy
delivered the care of affairs to his son Cainas, © whom
he had begotten when he was about 190 years old ;

Seth 4 lived in all 912 years. Cainas liv ed 910 years
and in his 170th year had a son Malael.¢ This
Malael died aged 895 years, leaving a son Jared,
whom he begat at the age of 165. Jared lived
969 years and was succeeded by his son Anoch,/ born
when his father was in his 162nd year ; Anoch lived
365 years and then returned to the divinity,? whence
it comes that there is no record in the chronicles of
his death. Mathusalas” the son of Anoch was born
when his father was 165, and at the age of 187 had a
son Lamech, to whom he transmitted the rulership
which he had held for 969 years. Lamech bare rule
for 707 years and pnt at the head of affairs his son
Noah, who was born when his father was 188, and
for 950 years held the reins of power. ‘These years, /. ix. 29.

* Gr. ‘‘ who,”” apparently referring to Seth. But Adam
must be intended (see table): Seth's age at death is men-
tioned below. Josephus is not concerned with the ages at
death which do not help to fix the date of the flood (ὃ $8);
and the two clauses in ὃ $3 és... ἐβίωσε, οὗτος ἐβίωσεν κτλ,
may be later marginal insertions which have become mis-
placed in the text.

δ Enosh. ¢ Kenan. 4 Gr. ‘‘ he*’: see note a.
¢ Nlahalalel. 7 Enoch.

e%

* “God took him‘ or in Ltxx “transported bim
(μετέθηκεν), Gen. v. 24; Josephus uses the same phrase
return to the divinity ’’ of the passing of Moses, «tl. iv. 326
(ili. 96). & Methuselah.

1 ἐννέα O Lat.
41

89

90

9]

JOSEPHUS

συναγόμενα τὰ ἔτη τὸν προαναγεγραμμένον πληροῖ'
χρόνον. ἐξεταζέτω δὲ μηδεὶς τὰς τελευτὰς τῶν
ἀνδρῶν, τοῖς γὰρ αὐτῶν παισὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐκείνων
ἀπογόνοις παρεξέτεινον" τὸν βίον, ἀλλὰ τὰς γενέσεις

He αθδοεν a
αὐτῶν μόνον OpaTw.

(5) ᾿Επισημήναντος δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ ὕειν ἀρξα-
μένου τὸ ὕδωρ ἡμέραις τεσσαράκοντα ὅλαις κατ-
ἐφέρετο, ὡς ἐπὶ πήχεις πεντεκαίδεκα τὴν γῆν
ὑπερέχειν. καὶ τοῦτο ἦν τὸ αἴτιον τοῦ μὴ δια-
σωθῆναι πλείονας φυγῆς ἀφορμὴν οὐκ ἔχοντας.
παυσαμένου δὲ τοῦ ὑετοῦ μόλις ἤρξατο ὑπο-
βαίνειν τὸ ὕδωρ ἐφ᾽ “ἡμέρας ἑκατὸν καὶ πεντήκοντα,
ws μηνὶ ἑβδόμῳ, ἱσταμένου δὲ ἦν ἑβδόμη, κατ᾽
ὀλίγον ὑπονοστεῖν ἀπολήγοντος. ἔπειτα THs λάρ-
vakos περὶ ἄκραν τινὰ ὄρους σταθείσης κατὰ τὴν

᾿Αρμενίαν συνεὶς ὁ Νῶχος ἀνοίγει. Τ᾿ αὐτὴν" καὶ
θεασάμενος γῆν βραχεῖαν περὶ αὐτὴν ἐπὶ χρηστο-
τέρας ἤδη “γεγονὼς ἐλπίδος ἠρέμει. ὀλίγαις δ᾽
ὕστερον ἡμέραις μᾶλλον ὑποχωροῦντος τοῦ ὕδατος
μεθίησι κόρακα, βουλόμενος μαθεῖν εἴ τι καὶ ἄλλο
τῆς γῆς ἐκλελειμμένον ὑπὸ τοῦ ὕδατος ἀσφαλές

' συμπληροῖ SPL.

2 συμπαρεξέτεινον SPL.

δ. γ᾽ αὐτὴν Niese: ταύτην codd.

4 Greek ὡς “50 that “': possibly éws should be read.

’ Gr. ‘in the seventh month, and it was the seventh (day)
of its first decade.”

¢ Such I take to be the meaning: ἀπολήγοντος (sc. τοῦ unvds)
is the converse of ἱσταμένου and a variant for the normal
ἀπιόντος or φθίνοντος, the technical term for the last decade of
the month. The Scriptural account, composed of two sources,
“J” and “ P,” is different: ‘‘(J) And the waters returned
from off the earth continually: (P) and after the end of

19

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 88-91

added together, give the total above mentioned.
The reader should not examine the ages of the
individuals at death, for their life-times extended into
those of their sons and of their sons’ descendants,
but should confine his attention to their dates of
birth.

(5) When God gave the signal and caused the rain-
fall to begin, the water poured down for forty entire
days, insomuch that it rose to fifteen cubits above
the surface of the earth. That was the reason why
no more escaped, since they had no place of refuge.
When the rain at length ceased, for 150 days the
water scarcely began to sink, until? at the opening
of the seventh month, from the seventh day,” it little
by little subsided as the month drew to a close.‘
Then the ark settled on a mountain-top in Armenia :
observing this, Noah opened the ark and, seeing a
little land surrounding it, with hopes now revived,
remained where he was. But a few days later,? the
water continuing to sink, he let loose a raven, to
learn whether any other portion of the earth had
emerged from the flood and would now make it sate

150 days the waters decreased. And the ark rested in the
7th month, on the 17th (rxx 27th) dav of the month,
upon the mountains of Ararat."’ Josephus indicates three
dates. a period of 150 days, not of stagnation bnt of slight,
almost imperceptible, subsidence (this he apparently gets
from ‘J *'), a more pronounced fall at the opening of the
7th month, increasing towards its close. The distinct
mention of the opening and closing decades of the month
may have arisen from conflicting readings in his Scriptural
Mss., one of which named the 7th day as the turning-point,
the other (like the txx) the 27th. On the further stages in
the subsidence (Gen. viii. 5, 14) he is silent.

4 Gen. viii. 6 (J) Noah sends out the raven ἡ at the end
οὗ the fortydays.~ οὗ the: Hood:

18

Subsidence
of the flood.
Gen. vu.
haya:

Ib. villi. 3 ἔν

JOSEPHUS

? N A » e \ ~ 4 Ἁ ΝΜ
ἐστιν ἤδη πρὸς ἐκβασιν' ὁ δὲ πᾶσαν εὑρὼν ETI
‘
λιμναζομένην πρὸς Νῶχον ἐπανῆλθε. μετὰ δὲ
ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ περιστερὰν ἐπὶ τῷ γνῶναι τὰ περὶ
92 τὴν γῆν προύπεμψεν" ἐπανελθούσης δὲ πεπηλω-
, ef A \ 3 , , Aa
μένης ἅμα καὶ θαλλὸν ἐλαίας κομιζούσης, μαθὼν
τὴν γῆν ἀπηλλαγμένην τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ μείνας
ἄλλας ἑπτὰ ἡμέρας τά τε ζῷα τῆς λάρνακος
ἐξαφίησιν αὐτός τε μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς προελθὼν
καὶ θύσας τῷ θεῷ συνευωχεῖτο τοῖς οἰκείοις.
ἀποβατήριον μέντοι τὸν τόπον τοῦτον ᾿Αρμένιοι
“-- - ~ ,
καλοῦσιν: ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἀνασωθείσης τῆς λάρνακος ἔτι
νῦν αὐτῆς" τὰ λείψανα ἐπιδεικνύουσι.
~ \ “- “ \ ~ 7
93 (6) Tod δὲ κατακλυσμοῦ τούτου καὶ τῆς Adp-
e A e
vakos μέμνηνται πάντες ot τὰς βαρβαρικὰς ἵστο-
,ὔ > , ον 3 ‘ ς a A
pias ἀναγεγραφότες, ὧν ἐστι Bypwaos ὁ Xaddatos:
᾿ \ \
διηγούμενος yap τὰ περὶ τὸν κατακλυσμὸν οὕτως
4 {ς λ , \ \ “ ’ὔ > ~
που διέξεισι: έγεται δὲ καὶ τοῦ πλοίου ἐν τῇ
᾿Αρμενίᾳ πρὸς τῷ ὄρει τῶν Kopdvaiwy ἔτι μέρος
τι εἶναι καὶ κομίζειν τινὰς τῆς ἀσφάλτου ἀφαιροῦν-
τας" χρῶνται δ᾽ οἱ ἄνθρωποι τῷ κομιζομένῳ πρὸς
94 τοὺς ἀποτροπιασμούς.᾽᾿ μέμνηται δὲ τούτων καὶ
Ἱερώνυμος ὁ Λἰγύπτιος ὁ τὴν ἀρχαιολογίαν τὴν
Φοινικικὴν συγγραψάμενος καὶ Mvacéas δὲ καὶ

1 αὐτῆς RO: οἱ ἐπιχώριοι MM Lat.: the rest, including
Euseb., present a conflate text.

* Condensation of the Scriptural account in which the
dove is sent out three times at intervals of seven days (Gen.
Vins 10512):

> remmwuévns: this detail comes apparently from Berosus
(mentioned below), who writes in his account of the flood

44

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 91-94

to disembark ; but the bird found the whole land
inundated and returned to Noah. Seven days after
he sent forth a dove * to explore the eondition of the
earth ; it returned bearing the marks of elay ἡ and
an olive-branch in its mouth. Noah, thus learning
that the earth was delivered from the flood, waited
yet seven days, and then let the animals out of the
ark, went forth himself with his family, sacrificed to
God and feasted with his household. ‘The Armenians
eall that spot the Landing-place, for it was there that
the ark caine safe to land, and they show the relics
of it to this day.

(6) This flood and the ark are mentioned by all
who have written histories of the barbarians. Among
these is Berosus the Chaldaean,° who in his descrip-
tion of the events of the flood writes somewhere ὦ as
follows : “ It is said, moreover, that a portion of the
vessel still survives in Armenia on the mountain of
the Cordyaeans,¢ and that persons carry off pieecs
of the bitumen, which they use as talismans.’’ These
matters are also mentioned by Hieronymus the
Egyptian, author of the ancient history of Phoenicia,
ταῦτα (τὰ ὄρνεα) δὲ πάλιν εἰς τὴν ναῦν ἐλθεῖν τοὺς πόδας πεπη-
λωμένους ἔχοντα, C, Miiller, Prag. Hist. Graec. ii, 501.

“αὶ Hellenized Babylonian priest, c. 330-250 πιο, who
wrote a history of Babylon in three books (-4p. i. 129 ff.). His
account of the Chaldaean flood and the salvation of the hero
Xisouthros (the equivalent of Noah) has been preserved by
Alexander Polyhistor, through Syncellus, and is printed in
Miiller, loc. cit. (last note).

4 Or “" somewhat.” The text quoted by Syncellus differs
slightly from that below.

¢ Alias Gordyacans or Carduchi, occupying approximately
the modern Kurdistan.

Otherwise unknown (co be distinguished from Hier-
onymus of Cardia, historian of the Diadochi, mentioned
elsewhere, Ap. i. 213).

VOL. ἀν c 48

Gen. viii. 8.

ἰὑ, 11.

External
witnesses to
Lhe flood.

96

97

98

JOSEPHUS

ἄλλοι πλείους, καὶ Νικόλαος δὲ ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς ἐν
TH ἐνενηκοστῇ καὶ “ἕκτῃ βίβλῳ ¢ ἱστορεῖ περὶ αὐτῶν
λέγων οὕτως" “ ἔστιν ὑπὲρ τὴν Μινυάδα μέγα
ὄρος κατὰ τὴν ᾿Αρμενίαν Βάρις λεγόμενον, εἰς
ὃ πολλοὺς συμφυγόντας ἐπὶ τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ
λόγος ἔχει περισωθῆναι καί τινα ἐπὶ λάρνακος
ὀχούμενον ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρώρειαν ὀκεῖλαι καὶ τὰ
λείψανα τῶν ξύλων ἐπὶ πολὺ σωθῆναι. γένοιτο
δ᾽ ἂν οὗτος, ὅντινα καὶ Μωυσῆς ἀνέγραψεν ὁ
᾿Ιουδαίων νομοθέτης.᾽᾿

(7) Νῶχος δὲ φοβούμενος, μὴ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον ἔτος
ἐπικλύζῃ τὴν γῆν ὁ θεὸς φθορὰν ἀνθρώπων κατα-
ψηφισάμενος, ἱερὰ' καύσας ἐδεῖτο τὸν θεὸν τοῦ
οιποῦ ἐπὶ τῆς πρώτης μένειν εὐταξίας καὶ μηδὲν
ἔτι τοιοῦτον ἐπενεγκεῖν πάθος, ὑφ᾽ οὗ κινδυνεύσει
πᾶν ἀπολέσθαι τὸ τῶν ζῴων γένος, ἀλλὰ τετι-
μωρημένον τοὺς πονηροὺς φειδὼ ποιεῖσθαι τῶν
διὰ χρηστότητα περιλειφθέντων καὶ τὸ δεινὸν
διαφυγεῖν κεκριμένων: κακοδαιμονεστέρους γὰρ
ἐκείνων ἔσεσθαι καὶ χείρω κακίαν καταδικασθέν-
τας, εἰ μὴ πρὸς τὸ παντελὲς εἶεν σεσωσμένοι,
τηρηθεῖεν δ᾽ ἑτέρῳ κατακλυσμῷ, τοῦ μὲν πρώτου
τὸν φόβον καὶ τὴν ἱστορίαν μαθόντες, τοῦ δευ-
τέρου δὲ τὴν ἀπώλειαν. εὐμενῶς τε οὖν αὐτὸν
προσδέχεσθαι τὴν θυσίαν παρεκάλει καὶ μηδεμίαν

1 RO Lat. (fana!): ἱερεῖα rell.
2 v.l. παθόντες, which should probably be inserted after
ἀπώλειαν,

2 Of Patara in Lycia, antiquary and disciple of Erato-
sthenes, end of third cent. s.c.: there are passing allusions to
hime Ape 216, i. 2:

* Friend and biographer of Hered the Great and author
of a Universal History whieh was one of the main sources

40

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 94-98

by Mnaseas* and by many others. Nicolas of
Damascus δὶ in his ninety- -sixth book relates the story
as follows : ‘‘ There is above the country of Minyas “
in Armenia a great mountain called Baris, where, as
the story goes, many refugees found safety at the
time of the flood, and one man, transported upon an
ark, grounded upon the summit, and relics of the
timber were for long preserved ; tlns might well be
the same man of whom Moses, the Jewish legislator,
wrote.’

(7) Noah, fearing that God, having sentenced
mankind to annihilation, might annually inundate the
earth, offered burnt-sacrifices and besought Him to
maintain for the future the primitive order (of nature)
and to inflict no more such calamity as would bring
the whole race of living creatures into danger of
destruction, but, having now punished the wicked,
to spare those who for their rectitude had survived
and been judged fit to escape the peril. For their
lot would be more miserable than that of those
miscreants, and they would be condemned to a yet
worse evil, were they now not absolutely secure but
reserved for another deluge, and after learning the
terrible reality and tale of the first, they were to
be the victims of the second. He therefore entreated
Him graciously to accept his sacrifice and to be moved

of Josephus. Here, as in 8 108, Nicolas is the last name in
a list of authorities; and Josephus perhaps takes over the
other names from him and has no first-hand knowledge of
Hieronymus, ete.

¢ The Minni of the O.T. (Jer. li. 27), like the Manne of
Assyrian inscriptions, are mentioned in close connexion with
Ararat. Another tradition, mentioned elsewhere by Josephus
(4d. xx. 24 f.), places the relics of the ark in a region remote
from Ararat, viz. at Carrhae, S.E. of Edessa.

47

Noah 8 fear
of a second
tlood

99

100

10]

102

JOSEPHUS

ὀργὴν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν ὁμοίαν λαβεῖν, ὅπως ἔργοις τε

τοῖς ταύτης προσλιπαροῦντες καὶ πόλεις ἀναστή-

σαντες εὐδαιμόνως ζῆν ἔχοιεν καὶ μηδενὸς ὧν καὶ

πρὸ τῆς ἐπομβρίας ἀπέλαυον ὑστερῶσιν ἀγαθῶν,

εἰς μακρὸν αὐτῶν γῆρας καὶ βίου μῆκος ὅμοιον
Α

τοῖς τάχιον ἐπερχομένων.

(8) Νώχου δὲ ταύτας ποιησαμένου τὰς ἱκετείας
ὁ θεὸς ἐπὶ δικαιοσύνῃ τὸν avdpa ἀγαπῶν ἐπένευεν
αὐτῶ: Tas εὐχὰς - εἰς τέλος ἄξειν, οὔτε τοὺς δι-
εφθαρμένους λέγων αὐτὸς ἀπολέσαι, κακίᾳ δὲ τῇ
οἰκείᾳ ταύτην αὐτοὺς ὑποσχεῖν τὴν δίκην, οὔτ᾽
av, εἰ γενομένους ἀνθρώπους ἀφανίσαι διεγνώκει,
παραγαγεῖν αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸν βίον, σῶφρον γὰρ
εἶναι τὴν ἀρχὴν αὐτοῖς μηδὲ χαρίσασθαι τὸ ζῆν
ἢ δόντα τοῦτο διαφθείρειν" “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἐξύβριζον
εἰς τὴν ἐμὴν εὐσέβειαν καὶ ἀρετήν, τούτοις ἐξ-
εβιάσαντό με ταύτην αὐτοῖς ἐπιθεῖναι τὴν δίκην.
παύσομαι δὲ τοῦ λοιποῦ μετὰ τοσαύτης ὀργῆς τὰς
τιμωρίας ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀδικήμασιν εἰσπραττόμενος καὶ
πολὺ μᾶλλον σοῦ παρακαλοῦντος. εἰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ πλέον
ποτὲ χειμάσαιμι, μὴ δείσητε τῶν ὄμβρων τὸ μέγε-
θος" οὐ γὰρ ἔτι τὴν γῆν ἐπικλύσει τὸ ὕδωρ.
παραινῶ μέντοι σφαγῆς ἀνθρωπίνης ἀπέχεσθαι
καὶ καθαρεύειν φόνου τοὺς δράσαντάς τι τοιοῦτον
κολάζοντας, γρῆσθαι δὲ τοῖς ἄλλοις ζῴοις ἅπασι
πρὸς ἃ βούλεσθε καὶ τὰς ὀρέξεις ἔχετε" δεσπότας
γὰρ ἁπάντων ὑμᾶς εἶναι πεποίηκα τῶν τε χερσαίων

1 So most mss. (cf. i. 58): βαλεῖν RO.

4 χάχιον is occasionally used in Josephus as equivalent to
πρότερον, 6.9. A. xvi. 179, 2. i. 284 (=70 πρῶτον in the parallel

48

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 98-102

no more to such wrath against the earth, that so they
might assiduously devote themselves to its cultiva-
tion, erect cities. live in happiness, lacking none of
the blessings which they enjoyed before the deluge,
and attain to a ripe old aoe and a length of days
like that of the men of yore.

(8) Noah having ende od his supplications, God, who
loved this man for his righteousness, signified to him
that He would grant his pravers. hase who had
perished. He s ear had not been destroyed by Him,
but through their own wickedness had ineurred this
punishment ; - had He determined to annihilate man-
kind when made, He would not have called them into
existence, for it were reasonable not to have bestowed
the boon of life at all rather than having given to
destroy it. “ΝΟ, it was the outrages with w hich they
met my reverent regard® and coodness that con-
strained me to impose this penalty upon them. How-
beit from henceforth I will cease to exact punishment
for crimes with such wrathful indignation; I will
cease above all at thy petition. And if ever I send
tempests of exceeding fury, fear ye not the violence of
the rainfall : for never more shall the water overwhelm
the earth. Yet I exhort vou to refrain from shedding
human blood. to keep yoursely es pure from murder
and to punish those guilty of such crime. The other
living creatures ve may use as may meet your desires
and appetites, for I have made you lords of ails
creatures both of the land and of the deep, and ΠΝ

passage in “fl. xiv. 354), 432 καὶ τάχιον μὲν μάλιστα δὲ μετὰ
τὴν... ἄφιξιν. There is no need, as Weill thinks, to alter the
text to is renee:

δ εὐσέβεια, pietas, rather strangely placed in the mouth
of the Deity, scems to denote His respect for His creatures,
unless it is a synonym for “ἡ holiness.”

49

God's

covenant
with Noah.
Cf. Gen. viil
21 ff.

103

104

105

106

107

JOSEPHUS

Kal νηκτῶν καὶ ὅσα τὴν μετάρσιον αἰώραν ἔχει
καὶ φορᾶν, χωρὶς αἵματος" ἐν τούτῳ γάρ ἐστιν ἡ
ψυχή. σημανῶ' δὲ ὑμῖν παῦλαν ἐσομένην τοξείᾳ
Τῇ ἐμῇ, τὴν ἶριν ἀποσημαίνων᾽ τόξον γὰρ εἶναι
τοῦ θεοῦ παρὰ τοῖς ἐκεῖ νενόμισται. καὶ ὁ μὲν
θεὸς ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν καὶ ὑποσχόμενος ἀπαλλάσσεται.
(9) Naxos δὲ βιοὺς μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν πεντή-
κοντα καὶ τριακόσια ἔτη καὶ πάντα τὸν χρόνον
τοῦτον εὐδαιμόνως διαγαγὼν τελευτᾷ ζήσας ἐτῶν
ἀριθμὸν ἐνακοσίων καὶ πεντήκοντα. μηδεὶς δὲ
πρὸς τὸν νῦν βίον καὶ τὴν βραχύτητα τῶν ἐτῶν
ἃ ζῶμεν συμβαλὼν τὸν τῶν παλαιῶν ψευδῆ νομι-
ζέτω τὰ περὶ ἐκείνων λεγόμενα τῷ μηδένα νῦν
τοσοῦτον ἐν τῷ βίῳ παρατείνειν χρόνον τεκμαιρό-
μενος μηδ᾽ ἐκείνους εἰς ἐκεῖνο τὸ μῆκος τῆς ζωῆς
αφῖχθαι. ot μὲν γὰρ θεοφιλεῖς ὄντες καὶ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ
τοῦ θεοῦ γενόμενοι καὶ διὰ τὰς τροφὰς ἐπιτηδειο-
τέρας πρὸς πλείονα χρόνον οὔσας εἰκότως ἔζων
πλῆθος τοσοῦτον ἐτῶν: ἔπειτα καὶ δι᾿ ἀρετὴν καὶ
τὴν εὐχρηστίαν ὧν ἐπενόουν, ἀστρονομίας" καὶ
γεωμετρίας, πλεῖον ζῆν τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν,
ἅπερ οὐκ ἦν ἀσφαλῶς αὐτοῖς προειπεῖν μὴ ζήσασιν
ἑξακοσίους ἐνιαυτούς διὰ τοσούτων γὰρ ὁ μέγας
ἐνιαυτὸς πληροῦται. μαρτυροῦσι δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ
πάντες οἱ παρ᾽ “EXAno καὶ βαρβάροις συγγραψά-
μενοι τὰς ἀρχαιολογίας: καὶ γὰρ καὶ δανέθων ὁ
τὴν Αἰγυπτίων ποιησάμενος ἀναγραφὴν καὶ Βηρω-
σὸς ὁ τὰ Ναλδαϊκὰ συναγαγὼν καὶ Νίῶχός τε καὶ
‘Eatiaios καὶ πρὸς τούτοις ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ‘lepw-

«

νυμος, οἱ τὰ Φοινικικὰ συγγραψάμενοι," συμ-

* SPL: σημαίνω rell. Lat.
Ὁ ἀστρολογίας SP Lat. Eus. ® ROE: συνταξάμενοι rell.

50

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 102-107

as hover aloft or wing the air—yet without the blood,
for therein is the soul. Moreover I will manifest the
truce that ye shall have by displaying my bow.”” He
meant the rainbow, which in those countries was
believed to be God’s bow. Having spoken these
words and promises God left him.

(9) Noah lived after the deluge for 350 years, all
happily passed, and died at the age of 050. Nor let
the reader, comparing the life of the ancients with
our own and the brevity of its years, imagine that
what is recorded of them is false ; let him not infer
that, because no life is so prolonged to-day, they too
never reached such a span of existence. For, in the
first place, they were beloved of God and the creatures
of God Himself; their diet too was more conducive
to longevity : it was then natural that they should
live so long. Again, alike for their merits and to
promote the utility of their discoveries in astronomy
and gcometry, God would accord them a longer life ;
for they could have predicted nothing with certainty
had they not lived for 600 years, that being the com-
plete period of the great year. Moreover, my words
are attested by all historians of antiquity, whether
Greeks or barbarians: Manetho the annalist of the
Egyptians, Berosus the compiler of the Chaldaean
traditions ; Mochus, Hestiaeus, along with the
Egyptian Hieronymus, authors of Phoenician his-

¢ As suggested by Weill, Josephus appears here to be
ultimately dependent on Berosus (possibly through the
inedium of Nicolas or other later writer). Berosus (Frag 4
in Miiller, F.H.G, ii. 498) reckoned world history by cycles
of 60, 600 and 3600 years: the “ great year’ of Josephus
is the middle cycle called by Berosus νῆρος.

5]

Gen. ix. 28.
The lon-
gevity of the
patriarchs,
three
reasons

for it.

108

109

110

11]

JOSEPHUS

~ ~ e 3 > ~ 4 ¢ , ,
φωνοῦσι τοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ λεγομένοις, ‘Holodds τε
Ἀ ¢ ra) A ς a 4 3 é
καὶ ‘Exatatos καὶ 'Βλλάνικος καὶ ᾿Ακουσίλαος
ι \ ,ὕ ” , ἍΤ , € ~
καὶ πρὸς τούτοις Ιφορος καὶ Νικόλαος ἱστοροῦσι
τοὺς ἀρχαίους Cyoavras ἔτη χίλια. περὶ μὲν
[οὖν] τούτων, ὡς ἂν ἑκάστοις ἢ φίλον, οὕτω

σκοπείτωσαν.
(iv. 1) Οἱ δὲ Νώχου παῖδες τρεῖς ὄντες, Σήμας

Ά 3 ’ Ά r ¢ Mv e \ ”
καὶ ᾿Ιάφθας Kat Ἀαμας, ἔτεσιν ἑκατὸν ἔμπροσθεν
τῆς ἐπομβρίας γεγονότες, πρῶτοι κατελθόντες ἀπὸ
τῶν ὀρῶν εἰς τὰ πεδία τὴν ἐν τούτοις οἴκησιν
» ft A 4 v f + ‘
ἐποιήσαντο Kat τοὺς ἄλλους σφόδρα δεδιότας διὰ
4 ~ f
Tov κατακλυσμὸν τὰ πεδία Kal ὀκνηρῶς ἔχοντας
πρὸς τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ὑψηλῶν τόπων κατάβασιν ἔπει-
~ A
σαν θαρσήσαντας μιμητὰς αὐτῶν γενέσθαι. Kat
τὸ μὲν πεδίον, εἰς ὃ πρῶτον αὐτοὶ κατῴκησαν,"
~ ~ ~ ‘
καλεῖται Nevadp*: τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος αὐτοὺς
Ἁ
διὰ πολυανθρωπίαν στέλλειν ἀποικίας, ἵνα μὴ
~ 4
στασιάζοιεν πρὸς ἀλλήλους, ἀλλὰ γῆν πολλὴν
γεωργοῦντες ἀφθονίας ἀπολαύοιεν τῶν καρπῶν,
ὑπὸ ἀμαθίας παρήκουσαν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
~ ~ f

συμφοραῖς περιπεσόντες ἤσθοντο τῆς ἁμαρτίας.

> \ ‘ ” , 7 tA ς θ ‘
έπει Yap ἤνθουν VEOTYTOS πλήθει, παλιν O ὕεος
Peon: ROE.
3. So most mss. (supported by Lxx): Niese αὐτοὺς κατῴκισαν,
3 Xévapov ΤᾺ

5 For Nicolas as last of the list see note on ὃ 94.

ὃ The first occurrence of a formula which, with variations,
recurs repeatedly where anything of a miraculous nature is
in question (il. 348, 111. 81, etc.) Dionysius of Halicarnassus
in his Roman Antiquities (the unnamed model for our
author’s Jewish Antiquities) had already used similar
formulas in the same connexion, ¢.g. i. 48. 1 κρινέτω δὲ ws
ἕκαστος τῶν ἀκουόντων βούλεται: and by the 2nd century a.D.
this non-committal attitude to the marvellous had become

δῶ

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 108-111

tories, concur in my statements; while Hesiod,
Hecataeus, Hellanicus, Acusilaus, as well as Ephorus
and Nicolas,? report that the ancients lived for a
thousand years. But on these matters let everyone
decide according to his fancy.”

(iv. 1) The three sons of Noah—Shem, Japhet and The descent
to the plain
Ham—born a hundred years® before the deluge, WEEC tend refosal

the first to descend from the mountains to the plains Ae

and to make their abode there; the rest,? who by
reason of the flood were sore afraid of the plains and
loath to descend from the heights,¢ they persuaded to
take courage and follow their example. ‘The plain 7. xi. 2.
where they first settled is called Senaar.’ God bade
them, owing to increasing population, to send out
colonies, that they might not quarrel with each other
but cultivate much of the earth and enjoy an abun-
dance of its fruits ; but in their blindness they did not
hearken to Him, and in consequence were plunged
into calamities which made them sensible of their
error. For when they had a flourishing youthful popu-

a rule for historians. “* And should any myth come into
question, it should be related but not wholly credited: rather
it should be left open (ἐν μέσῳ Geréos) for readers to con-
jecture about it as they will, but do you take no risks and
incline neither to one opinion nor to the other,” Lucian,
Quomodo hist. sit conseribenda 60 (67).

¢ Noah was 500 years of age when he begat them (Gen.

-, 32) and 600 at the date of the flood (vii. 6).

4 Presumably the grandsons and later descendants, unless
this is a relic of some version of the story in whieh others
beside the family of Noah survived the flood.

© Non-Biblical, like most of this paragraph. Weill quotes
a partial parallel from the Pirke Rabbi Lliezer, cap. xi
(tr. Friedlander, p. 80), “ All the creatures were dwelling in
one place and they were afraid of the waters of the flood,
and Ninirod was king over them.”

7 txx form of the Heb. Shinar.

wl
ως

VOL. IV Cc?

JOSEPHUS

αὐτοῖς συνεβούλευσε ποιεῖσθαι τὴν ἀποικίαν: οἱ
δὲ οὐ κατὰ τὴν εὐμένειαν τὴν ἐκείνου νομίζοντες
ἔχειν τὰ ἀγαθά, τὴν δ᾽ ἰσχὺν αὑτοῖς τὴν οἰκείαν
αἰτίαν τῆς εὐπορίας ὑπολαμβάνοντες οὐκ ἐπεί-

’ 1 ~ , ~ “
119 θοντο. προσετίθεσαν δὲ τῷ παρακονειν TIS τοὺ

113

114

“

6

θεοῦ γνώμης καὶ τὸ κατ᾽ ἐπιβουλὴν ὑπονοεῖν εἰς
ἀποικίαν αὐτοὺς παρορμᾶν, ἵνα διαιρεθέντες εὐ-
επιχειρητότεροι γένωνται.

>? - / 3 Ἁ , @ ~ ~

(2) ᾿Εξῆρέ τε αὐτοὺς πρός te ὕβριν τοῦ θεοῦ

Ἁ a N ὃ 1 “ € \ \ Can
καὶ καταφρόνησιν Νεβρώδης, ὃς υἱωνὸς μὲν ἦν
7 ft ~ ΤΑ i Ἁ λ Ἁ ~
Xdpov tot Νώχου, τολμηρὸς δὲ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα
γενναῖος" ἔπειθεν οὖν αὐτοὺς μὴ τῷ θεῷ διδόναι

‘ > > “- > a 3 Ἁ Ἁ Qs > \
TO OL ἐκεῖνον εὐδαιμονεῖν, ἀλλὰ τὴν. ἰδίαν “ἀρετὴν
ταῦτα παρέχειν αὐτοῖς ἡγεῖσθαι, καὶ περιίστα δὲ
κατ᾽ ολίγον ets τυραννίδα τὰ πράγματα, μόνως
οὕτως νομίζων ἀποστήσειν τοὺς ἀνθρώπους τοῦ
φόβου τοῦ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, εἰ χρώμενοι τῇ αὐτοῦ
δυνάμει διατελοῖεν, ἀμυνεῖσθαί τε τὸν θεὸν πάλιν
ἡπείλει τὴν γῆν ea eat θελήσαντα: πύργον γὰρ
οἰκοδομήσειν ὑψηλότερον ἢ τὸ ὕδωρ ἀναβῆναι
δυνηθείη, μετελεύσεσθαι δὲ καὶ τῆς τῶν προγόνων
ἀπωλείας.

(3) Τὸ δὲ πλῆθος πρόθυμον ἦν τοῖς Νεβρώδου
ἕπεσθαι δόγμασι δουλείαν ἡγούμενοι" τὸ εἴκειν τῷ
θεῷ, καὶ τὸν πύργον φκοδόμουν οὐδὲν ἀπο-
λείποντες σπουδῆς οὐδὲ πρὸς τὸ ἔργον ὀκνηρῶς
»ἢ 3 , ~ itd a ,
ἔχοντες" ἐλάμβανε δε θᾶττον ὕψος ἢ προσεδό-
κησεν av τις ὑπὸ πολυχειρίας. τὸ μέντοι πάχος

1 So most (with Lxx): Niese with other Mss. Ναβρώδης.
2 Ni: ἡγούμενον rell,

4 Nimrod, txx Νεβρώδ, His connexion with the tower
5+

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 1.0111-Ὲ16

lation. God again counselled them to colonize; but
they. never thinking that they owed their blessings
to His benevolence and regarding their own might
as the cause of their felicity, refused to obey. Nay,
to this disobedience to God’s will they even added the
suspieion that God was plotting against them in
urging them to emigrate, in order that, being divided.
they might be more open to attack.

2) They were incited to this insolent contempt of
God by Nebrodes,? grandson of Ham the son of Noah.
an audacious man of doughty vigour. He persuaded
them to attribute their prosperity not to God but to
their own valour, and little by little transformed the
state of affairs into a tyranny, holding that the only
way to detaeh men from the fear of God ὃ was by
making them continuously dependent upon his own
power. He threatened to have his revenge on God
if He wished to inundate the earth again; for he
would build a tower higher than the water could reach
and avenge the destruction of their forefathers.

(3) The people were eager to follow this adviee of
Nebrodes, deeming it slavery to submit to God ; so
they set out to build the tower with indefatigable
ardour and no slackening in the task; and it rose
with a speed beyond all expeetation, thanks to the
multitude of hands. Its thickness, however, was so

of Babel is unbiblical and inferred from his activity as city-
lnilder (Gen. x. 11 f.); such identification of names and
deductions from Scripture are in Rabbinic vein and recur in
Josephus. The same identification appears in the Pirke 10,
hliezer, cap. xxiv. (Weill).

> A saying attributed in the Talmud to Johanan ben
Zakkai (a contemporary of Josephus) speaks of “ Nimrod
the wicked who led all the world to rebel against (God),”’
neuen I3a, i. (Streane); again | owe the reference to

Aes

9

The rebel
Nimrod
builds the
tower of
Babel.

117

118

119

JOSEPHUS

> 4 ~ ¢ ᾽ ~ ~
ἦν ἰσχυρὸν τοσοῦτον, ὥσθ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ μειοῦσθαι
τοῖς ὁρῶσι τὸ μῆκος. φκοδομεῖτο δὲ ἐκ πλίνθου
ὀπτῆς ἀσφάλτῳ συνδεδεμένης, ὡς ἂν μὴ περιρρέοι.
οὕτως δὲ μεμηνότας αὐτοὺς ὁρῶν ὁ θεὸς ἀφανίσαι
μὲν ἐκ παντὸς οὐκ ἔκρινεν, ὅτι μηδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν
πρώτων ἀπολωλότων σωφρονισθεῖεν, εἰς στάσιν
Ἁ >) A ᾿] , > / > ἢ
δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐνέβαλεν ἀλλογλώσσους ἀπεργασάμενος
καὶ ὑπὸ πολυφωνίας ποιήσας ἑαυτῶν ἀσυνέτους
εἶναι. ὁ δὲ τόπος ἐν ὦ τὸν πύργον φκοδόμησαν
νῦν [)αβυλὼν καλεῖται διὰ τὴν σύγχυσιν τοῦ περὶ
~ > ~ A
τὴν διάλεκτον πρῶτον ἐναργοῦς" ‘EBpatoe yap τὴν
σύγχυσιν βαβὲλ καλοῦσι. περὶ δὲ τοῦ πύργου τού-
του καὶ τῆς ἀλλοφωνίας τῶν ἀνθρώπων μέμνηται
καὶ Σίβυλλα λέγουσα οὕτως" “πάντων ὁμοφώνων
ὄντων τῶν ἀνθρώπων πύργον φὠκοδόμησάν τινες
ξ / e > 4 \ 2 \ > , Ε]
ὑψηλότατον ὡς ἐπὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀναβησόμενοι δι
~ >
αὐτοῦ. ot δὲ θεοὶ ἀνέμους ἐπιπέμψαντες ἀν-
\ “ νι 397 ς ΄ \ ”
ἔτρεψαν Tov πύργον καὶ ἰδίαν ἑκάστῳ φωνὴν ἔδω-
A Ἁ ~ ~ , : ~ A
Kav: Kat διὰ τοῦτο Βαβυλῶνα συνέβη κληθῆναι τὴν
πόλιν. "περὶ δὲ τοῦ πεδίου τοῦ λεγομένου Σεναὰρ
ἐν TH Βαβυλωνίᾳ χώρᾳ μνημονεύει “Ἑστιαῖος λέγων
οὕτως" “᾿ τῶν δὲ ὦ ἱερέων τοὺς διασωθέντας τὰ τοῦ

᾽᾿Ενναλίου Διὸς ¢ ἱερώματα λαβόντας εἰς Σεναὰρ Τῆς

Βαβυλωνίας ἐλθεῖν.᾽᾽

« So the Heb. and τὐχχ (using the same Greek word
σύγχισι).

δ There follows a prose paraphrase, loosely taken over
from Alexander Polyhistor, of Oracula Sibyllina iii. 97 ff., a
Jewish work of about the 2nd cent. B.c. (ed. Rzach, 1891).
The original runs:

ἀλλ᾽ ὁπότ᾽ ἂν μεγάλοιο θεοῦ τελέωνται amecdal,'
ἅς ποτ᾽ ἐπηπείλησε βροτοῖς, ὅτε πύργον ἔτευξαν
χώρῃ ἐν ᾿Ασσυρίῃ" ὁμόφωνοι δ᾽ ἦσαν ἅπαντες

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 116-119

stout as to dwarf its apparent height. It was built Gen. xi. 3.
of baked bricks cemented with bitumen to prevent
them from being washed away. Seeing their mad
enterprise, God was not minded to exterminate them
utterly, because even the destruction of the first
victims had not taught their descendants wisdom ;
but He created discord among them by making them
speak different languages, through the variety of
which they could not understand one another. The
place where they built the tower is now called
Babylon from the confusion of that primitive speech
once intelligible to all, for the Hebrews call confusion
“ Babel.t” This tower and the confusion of the m. 9.
tongues of men are mentioned also by the Sibyl in
the following terms ὃ: “* When all men spoke a com-
mon language, certain of them built an exceeding
high tower, thinking thereby to mount to heaven.
But the gods ¢ sent winds against it and overturned
the tower and gave to every man a peculiar language ;
whence it comes that the city was called Babylon.”
And as concerning the plain called Scnaar in the
region of Babylon, Hestiaeus? speaks as follows :
‘‘ Now the priests who escaped took the sacred vessels
of Zeus Enyalius ὁ and came to Senaar in Babylonia.”
καὶ βούλοντ᾽ ἀναβῆναι és οὐρανὸν ἀστερόεντα"
αὐτίκα δ᾽ ἀθάνατος μεγάλην ἐπέθηκεν ἀνάγκην
πνεύμασιν" αὐτὰρ ἔπειτ᾽ ἄνεμοι μέγαν ὑψόθι πύργον
ῥίψαν καὶ θνητοῖσιν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἔριν ὠρσαν"
τοὔνεκά Tot βαβυλῶνα βροτοὶ moder οὔνομ ἔθεντο.
‘The plural comes from Alexander’s paraphrase (ap.
Rzach), τοὺς δὲ θεοὺς ἀνέμους ἐμφυσήσαντας ἀνατρέψαι.
4 Already mentioned (8 107) as author of a Phoenician
history ; his date is unknown.
e“ The Warlike” (Enyo = Lat. Bellona), in Hlomer
epithet of Ares, here only applied to Zeus ς Gutschmid pro-
posed to read Z. ᾿Ενάλιος, i.e. Poseidon (‘T. Reinach).

δὴ

JOSEPHUS

120 (V.) Σκίδνανται δὴ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐντεῦθεν ὑπὸ τῆς
ἀλλογλωσσίας τὰς ἀποικίας ποιησάμενοι πανταχοῦ,
καὶ γῆν ἕκαστοι κατελάμβανον τὴν ἐντυχοῦσαν καὶ
εἰς ἣν αὐτοὺς ἦγεν ὁ θεός, ὡς πληρωθῆναι πᾶσαν
αὐτῶν ἤπειρον μεσόγεών τε καὶ παράλιον" εἰσὶ δ᾽
οἵ καὶ περαιωσάμενοι ναυσὶ τὰς νήσους κατῴκησαν.

121 καὶ τῶν ἐθνῶν ἔνια μὲν διασώζει τὰς ὑπὸ τῶν
κτισάντων κειμένας προσηγορίας, ἔνια δὲ καὶ
μετέβαλεν,, οἱ δὲ καὶ πρὸς τὸ σαφέστερον εἶναι
δοκοῦν τοῖς παροικοῦσι τροπὴν ἔλαβον. “Ἕλληνες
δ᾽ εἰσὶν οἱ τούτου καταστάντες αὐτιοὶ" ἰσχύσαντες
γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον ἰδίαν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ τὴν
πάλαι δόξαν, καλλωπίσαντες τὰ ἔθνη τοῖς ὀνόμασι
πρὸς τὸ συνετὸν αὑτοῖς καὶ κόσμον θέμενοι
πολιτείας ὡς ἀφ᾽ αὑτῶν γεγονόσιν.

199. (vi. 1) Ἦσαν δὲ τῶν Νώχου παίδων υἱοί, ὧν
ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῖς ἔθνεσι τὰ ὀνόματα ἐπετίθεσαν οἱ
γῆν τινα καταλαβόντες. ‘ladda μὲν οὖν τοῦ
Nwyov παιδὸς ἦσαν ἑπτὰ υἱοί. κατοικοῦσι δὲ
οὗτοι ἀπὸ Ταύρου καὶ ᾿Αμάνου τῶν ὁρῶν ἀρξά-
μενοι καὶ προῆλθον ἐπὶ μὲν τῆς ᾿Ασίας ἄχρι ποτα-
μοῦ Ταναιδος, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἕως [ Γαδείρων"
γῆν ἣν ἔτυχον καταλαμβάνοντες, καὶ μηδενὸς προ-
κατῳκηκότος τὰ ἔθνη τοῖς αὑτῶν ἐκάλουν ὀνό-

123 μασιν. τοὺς μὲν] γὰρ νῦν ὑφ᾽ ᾿Βλλήνων Γαλάτας
καλουμένους, Γομαρεῖς δὲ λεγομένους, όμαρος
ἔκτισε. Mayuyns δὲ τοὺς am αὐτοῦ Maywyas

1 μετέβαλον codd. 7 Tafjpwr RO (Gazirorum Lat.).

* Or“ tosojourners among them.” ? Greek “ Japhtha.”
The Don, regarded in antiquity as the boundary between

re and Europe. a Cadiz. ae ON το provinces.”
! Biblical Gomer: in reality “ the Gamir of the Assyrian

δὸ

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 120-123

(v.) From that hour, therefore, they were dispersed The eieper
through their diversity of languages and founded jounding of
colonies everywhere, each group occupying the gone, |
country that they lit upon and to which God led them,
so that every eontinent was peopled by them, the
interior and the seaboard alike; while some crossed
the sea on shipboard and settled in the islands. Of
the nations some still preserve the names which were
given them by their founders, some have changed
them, while yet others have modified them to make
them more intelligible to their neighbours.? It is
the Greeks who are responsible for this change of
nomenclature ; for when in after ages they rose to
power, they appropriated even the glories of the past,
embellishing the nations with names which they
could understand and imposing on them forms of
government, as though they were descended from
themselves.

(vi. 1) Noah’s children had sons, who were honoured Nations
by having their names conferred upon the nations by (’scen?”"

. ὍΤΙ
the first occupants of the several countries. Japheth,? Japheth,
son of Noah, had seven sons. These, beginning by °°"?
inhabiting the mountains of Taurus and Amanus,
advanced in Asia up to the river Tanais ὁ and in
Kurope as far as Gadeira,? occupying the territory

upon which they lit, and, as no inhabitant had pre-

ceded them, giving their own names to the nations.¢

Thus those whom to-day the Greeks call Galatians

were named Gomarites, having been founded by
Gomarf Magog founded the Magogians, thus

3

inscriptions, the Cimmerians of the Greeks,” Skinner,
Genesis. Here and in the sequel the alleged ancient cp-
onymous names of the nations are generally fictitious. ‘Phe
Greek terminations as in Gomar(os), Magog(es), ete., are
as a rule not reproduced in translation.

59

124

19:

120

127

JOSEPHUS

> , » Vv / A 4 3 ᾿ “-
ὀνομασθέντας ᾧκισεν, Σκύθας δὲ ὑπ’ αὐτῶ»
4 ~ \ > ΄ / > é

προσαγορευομένους. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ιάφθα παίδων ᾿Ιαυά-
νου καὶ Mddou ἀπὸ μὲν τούτου Madatoe γίνονται
ἔθνος, ot πρὸς ᾿Ιλλήνων Mijdoe κέκληνται, ἀπὸ δὲ
> / 3 , \ 7ὔ i 4
lavavov ᾿Ιωνία Kat πάντες “EAAnves γεγόνασι.
κατοικίζει δὲ Kat Θεοβήλους Θεόβηλος, οἵτινες ἐν
τοῖς νῦν Ἴβηρες καλοῦνται. καὶ Δίεσχῆνοι δὲ ὑπὸ
Μέσχου κτισθέντες Ικαππάδοκες μὲν ἄρτι κέκλην-
ται, τὴς de ἀρχαίας αὐτῶν προσηγορίας σημεῖον
Sora πόλις γάρ ἐστι παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἔτι καὶ γῦν
Μάζακα, δηλοῦσα τοῖς συνιέναι δυναμένοις οὕτως
ποτὲ προσαγορευθὲν πᾶν τὸ ἔθνος. Θείρης δὲ
ἄν \ > ὦ e 5. ὁ “ \ ~
Θείρας μὲν ἐκάλεσεν ὧν ἦρξεν, EAAnves δὲ Θρᾷ
κας αὐτοὺς μετωνόμασαν. καὶ τοσαῦτα μὲν ἔθνη
e \ “ 3 ’ὔ , “ / \
ὑπὸ τῶν “ladfov παίδων κατοικεῖται" ᾿ομάρου δὲ
τριῶν υἱῶν γενομένων ᾿Ασχανάξης μὲν ᾽Ασχα-
νάξους ᾧκισεν, οἱ νῦν “Ῥήγινες v ὑπὸ τῶν “Ελλήνων
καλοῦνται, Piacons δὲ “Ριφαθαίους τοὺς [[αφλα-
γόνας λεγομένους, Θυγράμης δὲ Θυγραμαίους, οἵ
sae Ἕλλησι Φρύγες ὠνομάσθησαν. ᾿Ιαυάνου δὲ
τοῦ ᾿Ιάφθου τριῶν καὶ αὐτοῦ παίδων γενομένων

1 ᾿Ιαυγάνου RO: ᾿Ι[ωυάνου SPL (similar variants below).

“ Bib]. Madai (the common Heb. name for Media and the
Medes).

> Bibl. Tubal (Lxx Θοβέλ).

¢ Bibl. Meshech (Moody). Josephus's identification of
Meshech and Tubal, who are mentioned together elsewhere
in Seripture, with Iberians and Cappadocians respectively
is “arbitrary.”” ‘Since Bochart no one has questioned
their identity with the Tisapnvoi and Mécxoa”’ of Herodotus
(ili. 94, vil. 78); they appear in Assyrian monuments as
Tabali and Muské and are regarded by modern writers as
remnants of the Hittites (Skinner).

60

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 123-127

named after him, but who by the Greeks are called
Seythians. Two other sons of Japheth, Javan and
Mados,? gave birth, the latter to the Madaeans—the
race called by the Greeks Medes—the former to
Ionia and all the Greeks. Theobel ® founded the
Theobclians, nowadays called Iberians.. The Mes-
chenians, faded by Meschos,° are to- day called
Cappadocians, but a clear trace of their ancient
designation survives ; for they still have a city of
the name of Mazaca,? indicating to the expert that
such was formerly the name a: the whole race.
Theires ¢ called his subjects Theirians, whom the
Greeks have converted into Thracians. So numerous
are the nations founded by the sons of Japheth.
Gomar had three sons, of whom Aschanaxes 7 founded
the Aschanaxians, whom the Greeks now call
Reginians,9 Riphathes* the Riphataeans—the modern
Paphlagonians—and Thugrames ὦ the Thugramaeans,
whom the Greeks thought good to call Phrygians.
Javan, son of Japhet, alee had three sons : of hese

¢ The name had in fact been changed to Caesarea when

Cappadocia became a Roman province under ‘Tiberius.

¢ Bibl. Tiras: now conjectured to be identical with the
Tuponvoi, Mediterranean pirates who gave their name to the
Etruscans (Skinner; his valuable edition of Genesis in
the dnt. Crit. Comm. has been consulted throughout this
passage).

Γ Bibl. Ashkenaz, often connected with the Homeric
Aseania (in Asia Minor), now thought to be Scythians ;
the name survives to-day in the Ashkenazim, one of the two
main classes of Jews, those of Gerinan and Slavonie-speaking
countries, as opposed to Sephardim (Spanish and Portuguese).

9 Name unknown, perhaps corrupt.

’ Bibl. Riphath ; otherwise unknown.

' Bibl. Togarmah (Lxx Gepyaua, Gopyaua); “ traditionally
associated with Armenia ᾽ (Skinner).

61

128

129

130

JOSEPHUS

“Αλισᾶς μὲν ᾿Λλισαίους ἐκάλεσεν ὧν ἦρχεν, Alo-
Nets δὲ νῦν εἰσι, Θάρσος δὲ Θαρσεῖς- οὕτως γὰρ
ἐκαλεῖτο τὸ παλαιὸν ἡ Κιλικία. σημεῖον dé:
Tapoos yap παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς τῶν πόλεων ἡ ἀξιολογω-
τάτη καλεῖται, μητρόπολις οὖσα, τὸ ταῦ πρὸς τὴν
κλῆσιν ἀντὶ τοῦ θῆτα μεταβαλόντων. Χέθιμος δὲ
Χέθιμα τὴν νῆσον ἔσχε, Κύπρος αὕτη νῦν καλεῖται,
καὶ am αὐτῆς νῆσοί τε πᾶσαι καὶ τὰ πλείω τῶν
παρὰ θάλατταν ΧΝεθὶμ' ὑπὸ ᾿ΕΡβραίων ὀνομάζεται"
μάρτυς δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ μία τῶν ἐν Κύπρῳ πόλεων
ἰσχύσασα τὴν προσηγορίαν φυλάξαι: Κίτιον γὰρ
ὑπὸ τῶν ἐξελληνισάντων αὐτὴν καλεῖται μηδ᾽

e ~ ~ ΄ , 4 wv 3 ,
οὕτως διαφυγοῦσα τοῦ Χεθίμου τὸ ὄνομα. ᾿Ιάφθα
μὲν δὴ παῖδές τε καὶ υἱωνοὶ τοσαῦτα ἔσχον ἔθνη.
Δ > oH” ¢ > ¢ , > ~ ~ ‘
ὃ δ᾽ lows ὑφ ἰϑλλήνων ἀγνοεῖται, τοῦτο προειπὼν
τρέψομαι πρὸς τὴν ἀφήγησιν ὧν κατέλιπον. τὰ
γὰρ ὀνόματα διὰ τὸ τῆς γραφῆς εὐπρεπὲς ἡλ-
λήνισται πρὸς ἡδονὴν τῶν ἐντευξομένων᾽ οὐ γὰρ
ἐπιχώριος ἡμῖν 6 τοιοῦτος αὐτῶν τύπος, ἀλλ᾽ ἕν
τε αὐτῶν σχῆμα καὶ τελευτὴ μία: Νῶχός γέ τοι
Νῶε καλεῖται καὶ τοῦτον τὸν τύπον ἐπὶ παντὸς
τηρεῖ σχήματος.

(2) Οἱ δὲ Χάμου παῖδες τὴν ἀπὸ Συρίας καὶ
᾿Αμάνου καὶ Λιβάνου τῶν ὁρῶν γῆν κατέσχον, ὅσα
1 Lat. (Cethim): Χέθη (.ημ) ete. codd.

4 Bibl. Elishah (Βλισά), else only known as the name
of ‘isles’ supplying Tyre with purple (Ezek. xxvii. 7);
Conder’s identification with Alasia of the Tel-Amarna
Tablets (probably = Cyprus) is now widely accepted.

δ Bibl. Tarshish (OQapceis), doubtless τ Ταρτησσός in the
south of Spain; Tarsus in Semitic has no s but a z (Tarzé).

¢ Bibl. Kiltim (Kari); the view here given and still
prevalent that Cyprus is primarily intended has recently

been questioned, 4 site farther west being desiderated.
62

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 1. 127-130

Halisas * gave his name to his subjects the Halisaeans
—the modern Acolians—and ‘Tharsos ® to the
Tharsians ; the latter was the ancient name of Cilicia,
as is prov ed by the fact that its principal and capital
city is called Tarsus, the Th having been converted
into 7’. Chethimos ¢ held the island of Chethima—
the modern Cyprus—-whence the name Chethim given
by the Hebrews to all islands and to most maritime
countries 4; here I call to witness one of the cities
of Cyprus which has succeeded in preserving the
old appellation, for even in its Hellenized form Cition ¢
is not far removed from the name of Chethimos.f So
many were the countries possessed by the sons and
grandsons of Japheth. I have one thing to add, of
which Greeks are perhaps unaware, before reverting
to the narrative where I| left it. With a view to
euphony and my readers’ pleasure these names have
been Hellenized. The form in which they here
appear is not that used in our country, where their
structure and termination remain always the same ;
thus Nochos (Noah) in Hebrew is Noe.” and the name
retains this form in all the cases.

(2) The children of Ham held the countries branch-
ing from Syria and the mountain-ranges of Amanus
and Libanus. occupying all the district in the direction

4

4 In the phrase “ ships of Kittim δ it denotes the coast-
lands of the Mediterranean generally, including in one
instance (Dan. xi. 50) Greece. * Nod... Larnaka.

’ Josephus omits one name, Dodanim (rxx ᾿Ρόδιοι), also
omitted in one gronp of mss. of the Greek Bible.

¢ ‘This is why he elsewhere omits lists of strange names as
unnecessary (vil. 369, xi. 68, 152, xii. 57): an exception is made
for a special reason in ti. 176, Other writers, such as Strabo,
did the same. (Cadbury, Making of Luke-:lcts, Ὁ. 12-4.)

" The usual .xx transliteration of the Hebrew NH (in
the vocalized Masoretic form Noah).

63

Descendants
of Ham.

Cf Gen. x.
ὉΠ:

15}

133

i34

JOSEPHUS

\ “ 2 ~ + , UZ
πρὸς θάλασσαν αὐτῆς ἐτέτραπτο καταλαβόντες
AY “- “-
καὶ τὰ μέχρι τοῦ ὠκεανοῦ ἐξιδιωσάμενοι" αἱ μέντοι
προσηγορίαι τῶν μὲν καὶ παντελῶς ἐξίτηλοι
γεγόνασιν, ἐνίων δὲ μεταβαλοῦσαι καὶ μεταρρυθ-
μισθεῖσαι πρὸς ἑτέρας δύσγνωστοι τυγχάνουσιν,
+ , Α e ἤ 3 ? 4
ὀλίγοι δὲ οὗ φυλάξαντες ἀκεραίους τὰς προσ-
ηγορίας ὑπάρχουσι. τεσσάρων γὰρ Νάμου παίδων
γενομένων Νουσαῖον μὲν οὐδὲν ἔβλαψεν ὁ χρόνος"
Αἰθίοπες γὰρ ὧν ἦρξεν ἔτι καὶ νῦν ὑπὸ ἑαυτῶν τε
~ ~ 3 7 ~ “
καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Aoia πάντων Χουσαῖοι καλοῦνται.
ἐτηρήθη δὲ καὶ Mepoaiots' ἡ κατὰ τὴν προσηγορίαν
μνήμη: τὴν γὰρ Λἴγυπτον Μέρσην καὶ Μερσαίους
τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἅπαντες ot ταύτῃ καλοῦμεν. ἔκτι-
\ \ “ Α ’ ' 7? 3 > ¢€ ~
σε δὲ Kat Φούτης τὴν Λιβύην Φούτους ad’ αὑτοῦ
καλέσας τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ποταμὸς
ἐ ~ 4 ~ A
v TH ΔΙαύρων χώρᾳ τοῦτο ἔχων τὸ ὄνομα, ὅθεν
καὶ τοὺς πλείστους τῶν “Ἑλληνικῶν ἱστοριογράφων
ἔστιν ἰδεῖν μεμνημένους τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τῆς
παρακειμένης αὐτῷ χώρας Φούτης λεγομένης.
‘ ~ ~ 3 2 3 ~
μετέβαλε δὲ ὃ νῦν αὐτῇ ἐστιν ὄνομα ἀπὸ τῶν
’ὔ 3 ta ᾿ ’ : é > > A
Mepaatov? υἱῶν Λίβυος λεγομένου: μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ
? 5 ~ ‘ > & 9 “ > Ἁ \ ow
δ᾽ ἐροῦμεν τὴν αἰτίαν, de ἣν αὐτὴν καὶ "Αφρικαν
προσαγορεύεσθαι συμβέβηκε. Χαναναῖος δὲ τέ-
ταρτος ὧν Χαάμου παῖς τὴν νῦν ᾿Ιουδαίαν καλου-
μένην οἰκίσας ad’ αὑτοῦ Navavaiav προσηγόρευσεν.
γίνονται δὲ παῖδες ἐξ αὐτῶν Χούσον μὲν ἕξ, ὧν
Σ άβας μὲν NaBatovus, ὐίλας δὲ [ὡὐιλαίους ἔκτισεν,
\ Meo7paiors SPE and so (with Mésrpnyv) below.
> Niese (¢f. § 132): Mee(r)aduou codd.
~ @ The Mediterranean. υ The Indian Ocean.
¢ Bibl.-Cush (xx Notts),
4 Or (with v./.) °° Mestraeans": Bibl. Mizraim (Lxx, some
Mss., Meorpaciu).

04

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 130-134

of the sea? and appropriating the regions reaching to
the ocean.®? Of the names of these countries, how-
ever, some have altogether disappeared, others have
been altered and remodelled beyond recognition,
tew have been preserved unimpaired. Thus, of the
four sons of Ham, the name of one, Chusaeus,¢ has
escaped the ravages of time: the Ethiopians. his
subjects, are to this day called by themselves and
by all in Asia Chusaeans. The Mersaeans ὁ also
have kept their memory alive in their name, for we
in these parts all call Egypt Merse’ and the
Kevptians Mersaeans.¢ Phut9 colonized Libya and
ealled the inhabitants after his name Phutians.
There is moreover a river in Mauretania which bears
this name: mention of the river and of the adjacent
region, called Phute, is to be found in most Greek
historians.” But this country has changed its name
into that which it now bears, taken from one of the
sons of Mersaeus? named Libys; I shall state
shortly why it also came to be called Africa? Chana-
naeus,* the fourth son of Ham. settled in the country
now called Judaea and named it after himself
Chananaea. The sons of Ham had sons in their turn.
Chus? had six, of whom Sabas ™ founded the Sa- Gen. x.7
baeans,” Bula? the Evilaeans, the Gactulians of

¢ ‘The author, writing in Kome, adopts the standpoint of
ἕξ ’

his native Palestine. 7 Or “" Alestre.”
? Bibl. Pat (Ῥούθ or Φούδ). * Unverifiable.
τ Or “ Mestramus.”’ 2 §$ 989-9-41.
* Bib]. Canaan (Lxx Χαναάν).
Bibl. Cush, called Chusaeus above. π Bibl. Seba.

" There were Sabaeans on either side of the Red Sea and
elsewhere ; as the Ethiopian branch seems to be alluded to
below, this may mean the Arabian clan.

° Bibl. Havilah, probably to be located in N. Arabia,
not in N.W. Africa, as here.

65

191

13

~

S

JOSEPHUS

ot νῦν LattotAot λέγονται, τ αβάθης δὲ Σ αβαθη-
, > , \ ? {a > «

vous, ὀνομάζονται δὲ ᾿Αστάβαροι παρ᾽ “EAAnow:
3 ’ δὲ Ἁ Ν᾽ 7 ΝΣ ‘A ὲ ‘Pa

οἰκίζει δὲ καὶ Σαβάκτας Σαβακτηνούς άμος
δὲ “Papaious ᾧκισε καὶ δύο παῖδας ἔσχεν, ὧν
᾿Ιονδάδας μὲν ᾿Ιουδαδαίους ΑΛἰθιοπικὸν ἔθνος τῶν
ἑσπερίων οἰκίσας ἐπώνυμον αὑτοῦ κατέλιπε, Σα-
βαίους δὲ Σαβαῖος: Ναβρώδης δὲ Χούσον υἱὸς
ὑπομείνας παρὰ Βαβυλωνίοις ἐτυράννησεν, ὡς καὶ

) πρότερόν μοι δεδήλωται. τῶν δὲ Δερσαίου'

ἴω > \ 4 ¢e ? ‘ > \ /
παίδων ὀκτὼ γενομένων ot πάντες THY ἀπὸ Vals
¢ 3 ~
ἕως Αἰγύπτου γῆν κατέσχον, μόνου δὲ Φυλιστίνον
τὴν ἐπωνυμίαν ἡ χώρα διεφύλαξε" [Παλαιστίνην
γὰρ οἱ Ἕλληνες αὐτοῦ τὴν μοῖραν καλοῦσι. τῶν
δὲ ἄλλων, Λουμαίου καὶ ᾿Αναμία καὶ Λαβίμου τοῦ
μόνου κατοικήσαντος ἐν Λιβύῃ καὶ ὧδε τὴν χώραν
5.1} ς _ , τ , \ ,
ap αὑτοῦ καλέσαντος, Νεδέμου τε καὶ [lefpwatpov

‘ ᾿ é \ r 7 tA ~ > /
καὶ Χεσλοίμου καὶ Χεφθώμου πέρα τῶν ονομάτων
οὐδὲν ἴσμεν: ὁ γὰρ Αἰθιοπικὸς πόλεμος, περὶ οὗ
δηλώσομεν ὕστερον, ἀναστάτους αὐτῶν τὰς πόλεις
ἐποίησεν. ἐγένοντο δὲ καὶ Χαναναίου παῖδες,
Σιδώνιος ὃς καὶ πόλιν ἐπώνυμον ἔκτισεν ἐν τῇ

Φοινίκῃ, Σιδὼν δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ᾿Ελλήνων καλεῖται, ᾿Αμα-

1 vl. Μεστραίου,

4 Bibl. Sabtah.

> Astaboras appears elsewhere as a tributary of the
upper Nile, which it joined at the city of Saba, the later
Meroe, capi of the Ethiopian realm of the Queen of
Sheba (. 4. ii, 949).

¢ Bibl. Sabteca. @ Bibl. Raamah (Lxx ‘Peypa).

¢ Heb. Dedan (a merchant tribe of N. Arabia); but the
form in Josephus has the support of one group of Lxx aiss.
and—a constant ally—the Armenian version.

66

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 134-138

to-day, Sabathes? the Sabathenians, whom the Greeks
call Astabarians,? Sabactas¢ the Sabactenians, and
Ramus? the Ramaeans ; the last-named had two sons,
Judadas,¢ founder of the Judadaeans, a people of
western Aethiopia to whom he bequeathed his name,
and Sabaeus,f who stood in the same relation to the
Sabaeans. Nabrodes,* [the sixth] son of Chus,
remained in Babylonia, where he held sway, as I have
previously related.

Mersaeus? had eight sons, all of whom occupied Gen. x. 18
the territory extending from Gaza to Egypt; but
Phylistinus is the only one whose country has pre-
served the founder’s name, for the Greeks call his
portion Palestine. Of the rest, Lumaeus, Anamias,
Labimus *—who alone settled in Libya and thus gave
his name? to the country,—Nedemus, Pethrosimus,
Chesloimus and Cephthomus,™ we know nothing
beyond their names ; for the Ethiopian war, of which
we shall speak later," reduced their cities to ruins.

Chananaeus also had sons, of whom Sidonius built . 15.
in Phoenicia a city named after him, still called Sidon
by the Greeks, and Amathus?® founded Amathus,?

Γ Bibl. Sheba.

¢ Another mention of this ubiquitous name: the Heb.
refers to the great state in S.W. Arabia.

’ Nimrod. 8.119; § i.e. Mizraim.

κ Bibl. Ludim, Anamim, Lehabim.

' Given differently as Libys in ὃ 133.

™ Bibl. δ“ Naphtuhim, Pathrusim, Casluhim (whence went
forth the Philistines) and Caphtorim.”’ Pathros = Upper
Egypt: Caphtor = Crete.

ae fli oe I

° Bibl. * the Hamathite “ (Lxx ‘Apzaéi), Josephus here
deserts the Biblical order of names.

» Hainath on the Orontes, modern Hamah: the " Mace-
donian *’ or Seleucid name was short-lived.

67

JOSEPHUS

Gots δὲ ᾿Αμάθουν κατῴκισεν, ἥτις ἔστι Kal νῦν
ὑπὸ μὲν τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ᾿Αμάθη καλουμένη,
Makedoves δ᾽ αὐτὴν “Emdavetay ἀφ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν
ἐπιγόνων ἐπωνόμασαν, ᾿Δρουδαῖος δὲ Αραδον
τὴν νῆσον ἔσχεν, ᾿Αρουκαῖος δὲ ΓΛρκην τὴν ἐν τῷ

139 Λιβάνῳ. τῶν δὲ ἄλλων exta, Εὐαίου Χετταίου
᾿Ιεβουσαίου Αμορραίου Tepyecatov Σειναίου
Σαμαραίου, πλὴν τῶν ὀνομάτων ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς
βίβλοις οὐδὲν ἔχομεν' Ἑβραῖοι γὰρ αὐτῶν ἀν-
ἔστησαν τὰς πόλεις ἐκ τοιαύτης αἰτίας ἐν συμφορᾷ
γενομένας"

140 (9) N@xos μετὰ τὴν ἐπομβρίαν τῆς γῆς κατα-
σταθείσης εἰς τὴν αὐτῆς φύσιν ἐπ᾽ ἔργα χωρεῖ
καὶ καταφυτεύσας αὐτὴν ἀμπέλοις, ἡνίκα τοῦ
καρποῦ τελεσφορηθέντος καθ᾽ ὥραν ἐτρύγησε καὶ
παρῆν εἰς χρῆσιν ὁ οἶνος, θύσας ἐν εὐωχίαις ἦν.

141] μεθυσθεὶς δὲ εἰς ὕπνον καταφέρεται καὶ γεγυμνω-
μένος παρακόσμως ἔκειτο. θεασάμενος δὲ αὐτὸν
ὁ νεώτατος τῶν παίδων τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ἐπιγελῶν

142 δείκνυσιν: of δὲ περιστέλλουσι τὸν πατέρα. καὶ
Νῶχος αἰσθόμενος τοῖς μὲν ἄλλοις παισὶν εὐ-
δαιμονίαν εὔχεται, τῷ δὲ Χάμᾳ διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν
αὐτῷ μὲν οὐ κατηράσατο, τοῖς δ᾽ ἐγγόνοις αὐτοῦ"
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων διαπεφευγότων τὴν ἀρὰν τοὺς
Χαναναίου παῖδας μέτεισιν ὁ θεός: καὶ περὶ μὲν
τούτων ἐν τοῖς ἑξῆς ἐροῦμεν.

@ Bibl. ‘S the Arvadite ” (Lxx τὸν ᾿Αράδιον) : Arvad (126 Κ.
xxvii. 8), or Aradus, an island off the north coast of Phoenicia,
founded, according to Strabo (xvi. 2. 13), by exiles from Sidon.

δ᾽ So-uxx, Heb.“ the:Arkite ~ : Arca at the N.W. foot of
Lebanon, near Tripolis, was a seat of the worship of Astarte

OS

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [. 138-142

which the inhabitants to this day call Amathe,
though the Macedonians renamed it Epiphaneia after
one of Alexander’s successors. Arudacus@ occupied
the island of Aradus, and Arucaeus? Arce in Lebanon.
Of the seven others—Euaeus,° Chettaeus,? Jebuseus,
Amorreus, Gergesaeus, Seinaeus, Samaraeus ¢—we
have no record in the sacred Scriptures beyond their

names ; for the Hebrews destroyed their cities, which
owed this calamity to the following cause.

(3) After the flood. when the earth was restored
to its natura] state. Noah set to work and planted
vines upon it; and when the fruit ripened in due
season he gathered the vintage and. the wine being
ready, he held a sacrifice and gave himself up to
festivity. Drunken, he fell asleep and layman
indecent state of nudity. His youngest son’ saw
him and with mockery showed the sight to his
brethren, but they wrapped a covering about their
father. Noah, on learning what had passed, invoked
a blessing on his other sons, but cursed—not Ham
himself, because of his nearness of kin, but his pos-
terity. The other descendants of Ham escaped the
curse, but divine vengeance pursued the children of
Chananaeus. But of this I shall speak hereafter.

and the birthplace of the Roman emperor, Alexander
Severus.

σῷ τχχὶ 60. “ Ηἰϊν(ν ite.

ἀ So τχχ, Heb. ‘‘ Heth ἢ: the wide range of the Hittite
einpire has been revealed by modern exploration.

“ Bibl. Jebusite, Amorite, Girgashite, Sinite (Lxx ‘Acev-
vaios), Zemarite (Lxx as in Josephus).

7 Ham elsewhere in Genesis is the second son, yet in
this incident is called ‘“‘ the youngest son” (ix. 24). The
Bibl. writer apparently follows a distinct tradition in which
Canaan was the youngest son, the actual sinner, and Ham
disappears,

69

The curse
npon the
Canaaniten.

Gen. ix.

20.

JOSEPHUS

143 (4) Σήμᾳ δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ τῶν Νώχου υἱῶν πέντε
γίνονται παῖδες, ot τὴν μέχρι τοῦ κατ᾽ ᾿Ινδίαν
ὠκεανοῦ κατοικοῦσιν ᾿Ασίαν ἀπ᾽ Ιπὐφράτου τὴν
ἀρχὴν πεποιημένοι. ἼἜλυμος μὲν γὰρ ᾿Ιλυμαίους
Περσῶν ὄντας ἀρχηγέτας κατέλιπεν" ᾿Ασσούρας
δὲ Νίνον οἰκίζει πόλιν καὶ τοὺς ὑπηκόους ᾿Ασ-
συρίους ἐπωνόμασεν, ot μάλιστα εὐδαιμόνησαν'

144 ᾿Αρφαξάδης δὲ τοὺς νῦν Χαλδαίους καλουμένους
᾿Αρφαξαδαίους ὠνόμασεν ap€as αὐτῶν" ᾿Αραμαίους
δὲ "“Apapos ἔσχεν, οὗς “EAAnres Σύρους προσ-
αγορεύουσιν: οὗς δὲ Λυδοὺς νῦν καλοῦσι, Λούδους

145 δὲ τότε, Λούδας ἔκτισε. τῶν δὲ ᾿Αράμου παίδων
τεσσάρων ὄντων Οὔσης μὲν κτίζει τὴν Γραχωνῖτιν
καὶ Δαμασκόν, μέση δ᾽ ἐστὶ τῆς Παλαιστίνης καὶ
κοίλης Συρίας, ᾿Αρμενίαν δὲ Odpos,’ καὶ Lebépys
Βακτριανούς, ΔΙήσας δὲ Μησαναίους, Σ:πασίνου

146 Χάραξ ἐν τοῖς νῦν καλεῖται. ᾿Αρφαξάδου δὲ παῖς
γίνεται Σέλης, τοῦ δὲ “EBepos, ἀφ᾽ οὗ τοὺς
᾿Ιουδαίους - ‘EBpatous ἀρχῆθεν ἐκάλουν: “EBepos
δὲ ᾿Ιούκταν καὶ Φάλεγον ἐγέννησεν" ἐκλήθη δὲ
Φάλεγος, ἐπειδὴ κατὰ τὸν ἀποδασμὸν" τῶν οἰκή-
σεων τίκτεται: φαλὲκ γὰρ τὸν μερισμὸν Ἑβραῖοι

1 Niese: "Ὄτρος most mss.: Οὗὖλος (after 1,ΧΧ) SP.
2 LM: τὸν ἀπόστολον (τὴν ἀποστολήν 15) the rest.

° First in age, but Josephus follows Scripture in naming
his descendants, the progenitors of the Hebrews, last.

® Bibl. Flam (Αἰλάμ), a non-Semitic people.

¢ Bibl. Asshur.

4 Bibl. Arpachshad: Josephus, in common with many
modern commentators, recognized in the last part of the word
the name Chesed (Gen. xxii. 22), whence Chasdim, the Biblical
name for the Chaldaeans.

¢ Bibl. Lud: the equation with Lydia in Asia Minor
presents difficulties.

70

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 143-146

(4) Shem, the third? of Noah’s sons, had five sons, Descendants
who inhabited Asia as far as the Indian Oceatie tre
beginning at the Euphrates. Elymus? had for his
descendants the Elymaeans, ancestors of the Persians.
Assyras © founded the city of Ninus, and gave his
name to his subjects, the Assyrians, who rose to the
height of prosperity. Arphaxades named those under
his rule Arphaxadaeans, the Chaldaeans of to-day.4
Aramus ruled the Aramaeans, whom the Greeks
term Syrians; while those whom they now call
Lydians were then Ludians. founded by Ludas.¢
Of the four sons of Aramus, Uses / founded Tracho-
nitis and Damaseus. situated between Palestine and
Coele Syria, Urus? founded Armenia, Getheres the
Bactrians, and Mesas”* the Mesanaeans in the region
to-day called Spasini Charax. Arphaxades was the
father of Seles and he of Heber, after whom the
Jews were originally called Hebrews. Heber begat
Juctas’ and Phaleg, who was thus called because he
was born at the time of the partition of territories,
Phalek being the Hebrew for “division.” * Juctas,

\

f Bibl. Uz (Qs), probably identical with the first-born of
Nahor (Gen. xxii. 21) and therefore pointing to a region
north-east of Palestine. near Haran, distinct from Uz the
home of Job in the south. 9 Bibl. Hul (O8\).

* Bibl. Mash (Mocdx), “ὁ perhaps connected with Mons
Masius ᾿ (Skinner), the mountain-chain forming the north
boundary of Mesopotamia ; this would suit J.’s identification
with ** Spasini Charax,”’ which he elsewhere Jocates in the
neighbourhood of Adiabene, in the upper Tigris region
(οὐχ τ 8); 4 Bibl. Stelah (Saka),

? Bibl. Joktan (Ἰεκτάν), representing the southern (Arab-
ian) branch, as Peleg the northern (Aramaean) branch of
the Semites.

* A popular etymology repeated from Scripture and re-
ferring either to the dispersion at the time of the Tower of Babel
or to the severance of the northern and southern Semites.

71

147

149

JOSEPHUS

καλοῦσιν. ᾿Ιούκτᾳ δὲ τῶν ‘EBépov παίδων ἦσαν
υἱοὶ ᾿Ιλμόδαδος Ladedos ᾿Αζερμώθης Etpans
"Edwpajtos Οὐζάλης Δάκλης "HBados ᾿Αβιμάηλος
Nadas ᾿θφίρης Evidns ᾿Ιόβηλος. οὗτοι ἀπὸ Kw-
φῆνος ποταμοῦ ast Ινδικῆς καὶ τῆς πρὸς αὐτῇ
Myptas' τινὰ κατοικοῦσι. ταῦτα μὲν περὶ τῶν
Σήμα παίδων ἱστορήσθω ἢ

(5) ΠΟοιήσομαι δὲ" περὶ Ἑβραίων τὸν λόγον'
Φαλέγου γὰρ τοῦ ᾿Ββέρου γίνεται παῖς ‘Peous:
τούτου δὲ Nepovyos, ᾧ Ναχώρης. υἱὸς τίκτεται"
τούτου δὲ Θέρρος: πατὴρ δὲ οὗτος ᾿Αβράμου
γίνεται, ὃς δέκατος μέν ἐστιν ἀπὸ Νώχου, δευ-
τέρῳ δ᾽ ἔτει καὶ ἐνενηκοστῷ πρὸς ἐνακοσίοις μετὰ
τὴν ἐπομβρίαν ἐγένετο. Θέρρος μὲν γὰρ ἐβδομη-

1M: Συρίας the rest. ὁ Bekker: ἱστορείσθω codd.

8 δὴ RSP: read perhaps δ΄ 46n.

¢So.txx Heb.“Almodad,

» Bibl. Sheba (Lxx Σαβεῦ or the like).

¢ Bibl. Havilah (Εύειλά).

4 Bibl. Jobab, and so ('IWSa8os or the like) some mss. of
Josephus. * Tributary of the Indus.

! Probably N.W. China. The corresponding Biblical
verse (Gen. x. 30) runs: ** And their dwelling was from
Mesha, as thou goest toward Sephar (Lxx Xwonpa), the
mountain of the east.’’ The names are probably Arabian :
but the Lxx, in which Σωφείρ elsewhere = Ophir, seemed to
point to the far east. Ophir has been identified by some
modern commentators with Abhira near the mouths of the
Indus. Cf. 4. viii. 164 of Solomon's sending for gold εἰς
τὴν πάλαι μὲν Σώφειραν νῦν δὲ χρυσὴν γὴν καλουμένην, τῆς
Ινδικῆς ἐστιν αὕτη. σ Bibl. Terah (Oapa).

» So Niese’s two principal mss., ἢ and O: the figure here
given is approximately the total of the figures that follow
(993) and is doubtless original. The reading of the other
mss. (292) has been taken over from the Hebrew Bible. For,
as before in the case of the date of the flood (§ 82), we have to

ΤᾺ

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 147-149

Heber’s other son, was the father of Elmodad,2
Saleph. Azermoth, Ira, Edoram, Uzal, Dacles, bal.
Abimae], Saphas,? Ophir, Evil,¢ Jobel.? These, pro-
ceeding from the river Cophen,é inhabited parts of
India and of the adjacent country of Seria’ That
is all that I have to tell of the children of Shem.

(5) I shall now speak of the Hebrews. Phaleg, son Origin
of Heber, had a son Reus; of Reus was born Serug, oe
of Serug Nachor(es), of Nachor Therrus?; he was ‘en. x. 18.
the father of Abraham, who was tenth in descent
from Noah, and was born in the nine-hundred-and-
ninety-second year after the flood.” For Therrus

do with two (or three) different schemes of world chronology.
The interval from the flood to the birth of Abraham has, in
the scheme followed by Josephus, apparently been increased
by 700 years by the simple process of adding a century to the
age of most of the parents at the date of birth of their first-
born. The scheme of Josephus approximates to that of the
Lxx, but in the latter the total has been further inereased
by the insertion of another name (Kavav), The three
schemes run thus:

| | HEBREW | |
oe | LXX. | Josephus,
10-26). |
| Shem . Years after Hood at birth ᾿
of first-born pl | Z | "
| Arpachshad Age at birth of first-born 39 132 135
Karvat : ἐν τὸ xe } 130 7
| Shelah ᾿ ΕΣ ἣν "0 ΕΠ ΤῸ 130
ber 7 ‘“ ἢ 34 75... 84
| Peleg . } i ΗΝ τ 30 130 | ἘΠ
ἴρις : “ ᾽ν 322 τ} 130
Serug : vs Ν 30) 130 oe
Nahor a ἦι 1) 79 120
Terah 5 5 70 τυ τυ

TOTAL= Years from flood tu 292 ΤΣ 993
birth of Abraham

JOSEPHUS

κοστῷ ποιεῖται τὸν “Αβραμον' Ναχώρης δὲ
Θέρρον εἰκοστὸν αὐτὸς καὶ ἑκατοστὸν ἤδη γε-
γονὼς ἐγέννησε: Σερούγῳ δὲ Ναχώρης τίκτεται
περὶ ἔτος δεύτερον καὶ τριακοστὸν καὶ ἑκατοστόν᾽"
‘Podpos δὲ Σεροῦγον [ἔσχεν] ἔτη τριάκοντα γε-
ee πρὸς Tots éxatov’ ἐν δὲ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἔτεσι
150 καὶ ἹΡοῦμον Φάλεγος ἔσχεν: “EBepos δὲ τετάρτῳ
ἐπ τριακοστῷ πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατὸν γεννᾷ Φάλεγον
γεννηθεὶς αὐτὸς ὑπὸ Σέλου τριακοστὸν ἔτος ἔχον-
τος καὶ ἑκατοστόν, ὃν ᾿Αρφάξαδος ἐτέκνωσε κατὰ
πέμπτον καὶ τριακοστὸν ἔτος πρὸς τοῖς ἑκατόν'"
Σήμᾳ δὲ υἱὸς ᾿Αρφαξάδης ἡ ἦν μετὰ ἔτη δώδεκα τῆς
16} ἐπομβρίας γενόμενος. ἽΛβραμος δὲ εἶχεν ἀδελφοὺς
αχώρην καὶ ᾿Αράνην: τούτων ᾿Αράνης μὲν υἱὸν
καταλιπὼν Λῶτον καὶ Σάρραν καὶ Μελχὰν
θυγατέρας ἐν Χαλδαίοις ἀπέθανεν ἐν πόλει Οὐρῆ
λεγομένῃ τῶν Χαλδαίων, καὶ τάφος αὐτοῦ μέχρι
νῦν δείκνυται. γαμοῦσι δὲ τὰς ἀδελφιδὰς Μελχὰν
152 μὲν Ναχώρης Σάρραν δὲ “ABpapos. Θέρρου δὲ
μισήσαντος τὴν Χαλδαίαν διὰ τὸ ᾿Αράνου πένθος
μετοικίζονται πάντες εἰς Χαρρὰν τῆς δίεσο-
ποταμίας, ὅπου καὶ Θέρρον τελευτήσαντα θάπ-
τουσιν ἔτη βιώσαντα πέντε καὶ διακόσια: συν-
ετέμνετο γὰρ ἤδη τοῖς ἀνθρώποις τὸ ζῆν καὶ
ραχύτερον ἐγίνετο μέχρι τῆς Μωυσέος γενέσεως,
μεθ᾽ ὃν ὅρος ἣν τοῦ ζῆν ἑκατὸν ἔτη πρὸς τοῖς
εἴκοσι τοσαῦθ᾽" ὁρίσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ, ὅσα καὶ
163 Μωυσεῖ συνέβη βιῶναι. Ναχώρῃ μὲν οὖν ἐκ τῆς
Μελχᾶς ὀκτὼ παῖδες ἐγένοντο, Οὖξος Βαοῦξος
1 Dindorf: ταῦθ᾽ Mss.

* Called Reus above(Heb. ἢ δα): Payavos, the reading of other
m33. Of Josephus is doubtless derived from the txx (Payav).

74

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 149-153

begat Abraham at the age of 70; Nachor was 120 when
he begat Therrus, and Serug about 132 when Nachor
was born; Rumus 2 was 130 when he begat Serug,
and Phaleg the same age at the birth of Rumus ;
Heber was 134 when he begat Phaleg, having been
begotten himself by Seles when the latter was 130 ;
Seles was born when Arphaxad was in his 135th
year, while Arphaxad was son of Shem, and was born
12 years after the flood.

Abraham had brothers, Nachor and Aran.® Aran
left a son, Lot, and daughters, Sarra® and Melcha: he
died in Chaldaea in a city called Ur of the Chaldees,
and his sepulchre is shown to this day. Nachor
married his niece Melcha, and Abraham his niece
Sarra. Therrus having come to hate Chaldaea
because of the loss of his lamented Aran, they all
migrated to Charran¢in Mesopotamia, where Therrus
also died and was buried, after a life of 205 years. Tor
the duration of human life was already being curtailed
and continued to diminish until the birth of Moses,
after whom the limit of age was fixed by God at 120
years—the length of the life of Moses.¢ Nachor had
eight children by Melcha, namely, Ux, Baux,’

ὁ Bibl. Haran.

¢ Bibl. Sarai, later in the narrative Sarah: the spelling
Σάρρα of Josephus (for Σάρα) has the support of one im-
portant group of ~xx mss. According to Gen. xi. 29
Haran’s two daughters were Mileah and /scah: the latter,
otherwise unknown, is identified with Sarah by Josephus,
following Rabbinical tradition. In Josephus Sarah is
Abraham’s niece, in Scripture (Gen. xx. 12) his half-sister,
daughter of Terah by another wife.

4 Bibl. Haran (Harran), the Latin Carrhae.

* A combination of Gen. vi. 3 with Deut. xxxiv. 7.

f Bibl. Uz and Buz (Ὥξ, Bact).

Abraham
and his
family.
(16 η, Xi. 97.

[bs 32.

Abbrevia-
tion of
human life.

Gen, xxii. 20.

JOSEPHUS

Mafovndos' Xalapos ᾿Αζαοῦος ‘ladeAdds ᾿Ϊα-
δαφᾶς Βαθούηλος: οὗτοι μὲν Naywpov παῖδες
γνήσιοι" Ταβαῖος γὰρ καὶ Γάδαμος καὶ Τααῦος
καὶ Mayas ἐκ ‘Povpas παλλακῆς αὐτῷ γεγόνασι.
3adoundw δὲ τῶν Ναχώρου γνησίων παίδων
γίνεται Ῥεβέκκα θυγάτηρ καὶ Λάβανος υἱός.

154 (vin. 1) “Ἄβραμος δὲ Λῶτον τὸν ΠΡ ἘΝ τοῦ
ἀδελφοῦ υἱὸν τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ Σάρρας
ἀδελφὸν εἰσεποιήσατο γνησίου παιδὸς ἀπορῶν, καὶ
καταλείπει τὴν Ναλδαίαν ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ πέντε
γεγονὼς ἔτη τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος εἰς τὴν Χα-
ναναίαν μετελθεῖν, ἐν ἦ [καὶ] κατῴκησε καὶ τοῖς
ἀπογόνοις κατέλιπε, δεινὸς ὧν συνιέναι τε περὶ
πάντων καὶ πιθανὸς τοῖς ἀκροωμένοις περί τε ὧν

155 εἰκάσειεν οὐ διαμαρτάνων. διὰ τοῦτο καὶ φρονεῖν
μεῖζον én ἀρετῇ τῶν ἄλλων ἠργμένος καὶ τὴν
περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ δόξαν, ἣν ἅπασι συνέβαινεν εἶναι,
καινίσαι καὶ μεταβαλεῖν ἔγνω. πρῶτος οὖν τολμᾷ
θεὸν ἀποφήνασθαι δημιουργὸν τῶν ὅλων ἕνα, τῶν
δὲ λοιπῶν εἰ καί τι πρὸς εὐδαιμονίαν συντελεῖ
κατὰ προσταγὴν τὴν τούτου παρέχειν ἕκαστον

156 καὶ οὐ κατ᾽ οἰκείαν ἰσχύν. εἴκαζε δὲ ταῦτα τοῖς
γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης παθήμασι τοῖς τε “περὶ τὸν ἥλιον
καὶ τὴν σελήνην καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς κατ᾽ οὐρανὸν συμ-
βαίνουσι: δυνάμεως γὰρ αὐτοῖς παρούσης Kav"
προνοῆσαι τῆς καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς εὐταξίας, ταύτης δ᾽

1 So or ΔΙαούηλος Mss.: Camel (with txx) Lat.
2 εἰκάζεται RO. 3 Niese: καὶ codd.
“ Bibl. Kemuel. > Bibl. Chesed.
¢ So rxx: Heb. Hazo.
¢ Bibl. Pildash and Jidlaph.
‘ So txx: Heb. Bethuel. f Bibl. Tebah (TaBéx).

76

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 153-156

Mathuel,? Chazam,° Azau,° Iadelphas, Iadaphas,@
Bathuel.¢ These were Nachor’s legitimate children ;

his other sons, Tabai,f Gadam, Taau, and Machas,?

were born of his concubine Ruma. Bathuel, one of

the legitimate children, had a daughter Rebecca and

a son Laban.

(vii. 1) Now Abraham, having no legitimate son, Abraham's

adopted Lot, his brother Aran’s son and the brother eae

Canaan. His
of his wife Sarra ; and at the age of seventy-five he revolution-

left Chaldaea, God having bidden him to remove to theistic
Canaan, and there he settled, and left the country aaa
to his descendants. He was a man of ready intelli- 6
gence on all matters, persuasive with his hearers, and

not mistaken in his inferences. Hence he began to

have more lofty conceptions of virtue than the rest

of mankind, and determined to reform and change

the ideas universally current concerning God. He

was thus the first boldly to declare that God, the
creator of the universe, is one, and that, if any other

being contributed aught to man’s welfare, each did

so by His command and not in virtue of its own
inherent power. This he inferred from the changes

to which land and sea are subject, from the course of

sun and moon, and from all the celestial phenomena ;

for, he argued, were these bodies endowed with
power, they would have provided for their own
regularity,” but, since they lacked this last, it was

9 Bibl. Gaham, Tahash, Maacah.

Or “ uniformity ’?: Greek ** good order.” The heavenly
bodies betray irregularity, e.g. in the varying hours of
sunrise and sunset, the phases of the moon, etc. Had they
been their own masters they would have behaved in more
regular fashion. But since, notwithstanding these irregu-
larities, they work together for man’s good, there must
clearly be some controlling Power behind them.

VOL. IV D 11

JOSEPHUS

ὑστεροῦντας φανεροὺς γίνεσθαι μηδ᾽ ὅσα πρὸς τὸ
χρησιμώτερον ἡμῖν συνεργοῦσι κατὰ τὴν αὐτῶν
ἐξουσίαν, ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὴν τοῦ κελεύοντος ἰσχὺν
ὑπουργεῖν, @ καλῶς ἔχει μόνῳ τὴν τιμὴν καὶ

167 τὴν εὐχαριστίαν ἀπονέμειν. δι᾿ ἅπερ Χαλδαίων τε
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δΔίεσοποταμιτῶν στασιασάντων
πρὸς αὐτὸν μετοικεῖν δοκιμάσας κατὰ βούλησιν
καὶ βοήθειαν τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν Χαναναίαν ἔσχε γῆν,
ἱδρυθείς τε αὐτόθι βωμὸν φὠκοδόμησε καὶ θυσίαν
ἐτέλεσε τῷ θεῷ.

158 (9) Μνημονεύει δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς ἡμῶν ᾿Αβράμου
Βηρωσός, οὐκ ὀνομάζων λέγων δ᾽ οὕτως" 'μετὰ
δὲ τὸν κατακλυσμὸν δεκάτῃ γενεᾷ παρὰ Χαλδαίοις
τις ἦν δίκαιος ἀνὴρ καὶ μέγας καὶ τὰ οὐράνια

159 ἔμπειρος. “Exatatos δὲ καὶ τοῦ μνησθῆναι
πλεῖόν τι πεποίηκε: βιβλίον γὰρ περὶ αὐτοῦ συν-
ταξάμενος κατέλιπε. Νικόλαος δὲ ὁ Δαμασκηνὸς
ἐν τῇ τετάρτῃ τῶν ἱστοριῶν "λέγει οὕτως" “ ‘A-
βράμης ἐβασίλευσεν' ἔπηλυς σὺν στρατῷ ἀφιγμένος
ἐκ τῆς γῆς τῆς ὑπὲρ Βαβυλῶνος Χαλδαίων Aeyo-

160 μένης. μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺν δὲ “χρόνον μεταναστὰς καὶ
ἀπὸ ταύτης Tis χώρας σὺν τῷ σφετέρῳ λαῷ εἰς
τὴν τότε μὲν Χαναναίαν λεγομένην νῦν δὲ ᾿Ιου-
δαίαν μετῴκησε καὶ οἱ ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου πληθύσαντες,

1 RO: ἐβασίλευσε Δαμασκοῦ rell.

——

4 Philo in several passages (cited by Weill) refers to the
motives for Abraham’s migration and to the tenets of his
opponents, the Chaldaean astronomers and astrologers, who
taught ws δίχα τῶν φαινομένων οὐδενός ἐστιν οὐδὲν αἴτιον τὸ
παράπαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἡλίου καὶ σελήνης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀστέρων αἱ
περίοδοι τά τε ἀγαθὰ καὶ τὰ ἐναντία ἑκάστῳ τῶν ὄντων ἀπονέμουσι

78

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, J. 156-160

manifest that even those services in which they co-
operate for our greater benefit they render not
in virtue of their own authority, but througn the
might of their commanding sovereign, to whom alone
it is right to render our homage and thanksgiving.
It was in fact owing to these opinions that the Chal-
daeans and the other peoples of Mesopotamia rose
against him,? and he. thinking fit to emigrate, at the
will and with the aid of God, settled in the land of

Canaan. Established there, he built an altar and Gen. sii. 7.

offered a sacrifice to God.

(2) Berosus mentions our father Abraham, without
naming him, in these terms: “ In the tenth genera-
tion after the flood there lived among the Chaldaeans
a just man and great and versed in celestial lore.”
Hecataeus has done more than mention him: he
has left us a book which he composed about him.?
Nicolas of Damascus, again, in the fourth book of his
Histories makes the following statement : “ Abram(es)
reigned (in Damascus), an invader who had come with
an army from the country beyond Babylon called the
land of the Chaldees. But, not long after, he left this
country also with his people for the land then called
Canaan but now Judaea, where he settled, he and his

(De migrat. Abr. § 32, i. 464 M.). This is the argument
combated in the text above.

> Cf. Ap. i. 183 ** Hecataeus ... makes no mere passing
allusion to us, but wrote a book entirely about the Jews.”
Hecataeus of Abdera lived in Egypt ec. 300 n.c. That he
wrote inter alia on the Jews appears certain, and the extracts
which follow the above words in the Contra Apionem are
probably genuine. But apocryphal Jewish productions
were fathered upon him, and the work ‘on Abraham and
the Egyptians ’’ from which Clement of Alexandria (Strom.
v. 14. 113) quotes spurious verses of Sophocles must be re-
jected as a forgery.

79

External
allusions ta
Abraham.

JOSEPHUS

περὶ ὧν ἐν ἑτέρῳ λόγῳ διέξειμι τὰ ἱστορούμενα.
τοῦ δὲ “Αβράμου ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐν τῇ Δαμασκηνῇ
τὸ ὄνομα δοξάζεται καὶ κώμη δείκνυται ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ

“Αβράμου οἴκησις λεγομένη.
101] (vill. 1) Λιμοῦ δὲ χρόνοις ὕστερον τὴν Xavavaiav'
, Ὁ 3 f > aA
καταλαβόντος ἽΛβραμος Αἰγυπτίους εὐδαιμονεῖν
πυθόμενος μεταίρειν προς αὐτοὺς ἦν πρόθυμος τῆς
τε ἀφθονίας τῆς ἐκείνων μεθέξων καὶ τῶν ἱερέων
ἀκροατὴς ἐσόμενος ὧν λέγοιεν περὶ θεῶν" ἢ γὰρ
κρείσσοσιν εὑρεθεῖσι κατακολουθήσειν ἢ (beta
κοσμήσειν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ to βέλτιον αὐτὸς ἀμεινον
105 φρονῶν. ἐπαγόμενος δὲ καὶ τὴν Σάρραν καὶ
φοβούμενος τὸ πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν Αἰγυπτίων

>
ἐπιμανές, μ μὴ διὰ τὴν εὐμορφίαν τῆς γυναικὸς ὁ
βασιλεὺς αὐτὸν ἀνέλῃ, τέχνην ἐπενόησε τοιαύτην"
ἀδελφὸς αὐτῆς εἶναι προσεποιήσατο κἀκείνην τοῦθ᾽
103 ὑποκρίνασθ ; ip αὐτοῖς, ἐδίδαξ .
ρίνασθαι, συμφέρειν γὰρ αὐτοῖς, ἐδίδαξεν. ὡς
> e 3 \ ” > / a ¢ La
δ᾽ ἧκον εἰς THY Αἴγυπτον, ἀπέβαινε τῷ ᾿Αβράμῳ
\ ¢ , \ \ , "Δ΄ , a
καθὼς ὑπενόησε- τὸ yap κάλλος ἐξεβοήθη τῆς
\ > “a ὃ \ \ ; e λ A
γυναικὸς αὐτοῦ, διὸ καὶ Φαραώθης ὁ βασιλεὺς
“- > “a ΄“-

τῶν Αἰγυπτίων οὐ τοῖς περὶ αὐτῆς λεγομένοις
> A > \ \ 7 ,) 42 3
ἀρκεσθεὶς ἀλλὰ καὶ θεάσασθαι σπουδάσας οἷός τ
> ῳ σι ’, > ; 4 ’ ~ €
164 ἦν ἅψασθαι τῆς Σάρρας. ἐμποδίζει δὲ αὐτοῦ ὁ
\ ~
θεὸς τὴν ἄδικον ἐπιθυμίαν voow τε καὶ στάσει τῶν
πραγμάτων: καὶ θυομένῳ περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς κατὰ
μῆνιν θεοῦ τὸ δεινὸν αὐτῷ παρεῖναι ἀπεσήμαινον

1 Ιουδαίαν RO.

* Nicolas (i. 94) is good authority for the traditions of
his native place. A rather earlier Latin writer, Trogus
Pompeius (c. 20 B.c.), likewise mentions Abraham among
the kings of Damascus: ‘* Post Damascum (the eponymous
king) Azelus, mox Adores et Abrahames et Israhel reges

80

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 160-164

numerous deseendants, whose history I shall recount
in another book. The name of Abram is still eele-
brated in the region of Damaseus, and a village is
shown that is called after him “ Abram’s abode.’ ”’ 4
(viii. 1) Some time later, Canaan being in the grip of
a famine, Abraham, hearing of the prosperity of the
Egyptians, was of a mind to visit them, alike to profit
by their abundance and to hear what their priests said
about the gods ; intending, if he found their doctrine
more excellent than his own, to conform to it, or else
to convert them to a better mind should his own
beliefs prove superior. He took Sarra with him and,
fearing the Egyptians’ frenzy for women, lest the
king should slay him because of his wife’s beauty, he
devised the following scheme: he pretended to be
her brother and, telling her that their interest re-
quired it, instructed her to play her part accordingly.
On their arrival in Egypt all fell out as Abraham
had suspeeted : his wife’s beauty was noised abroad,
insomuch that Pharaothes,? the king of the Egyptians,
not content with the reports of her, was fired with a
desire to see her and on the point of laying hands on
her. But God thwarted his criminal passion by an
outbreak of disease and political disturbance ; and
when he had saerifices offered to discover a remedy,
the priests declared that his calamity was due to

fuere "’ (Justin’s Epitome xxxvi. 2). T. Reinach, to whom 1
owe this reference, adds that these traditions must have arisen
at the time when Damascus and Israel were on intimate terms.

* The Hellenized form of Pharaoh normally employed
by Josephus: once (A. viii. 151) he writes dapawrns, once
(B. v. 379) Φαραώ. In the last-mentioned passage he gives a
strange version of the present story, in which Ὁ, surnamed
Nexaws, is represented as invading Palestine and carrying
off Sarra.

8]

Abraham
in Egypt.
Gen. xi. 10.

165

166

167

168

169

JOSEPHUS

οἱ ἱερεῖς, ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠθέλησεν ὑβρίσαι τοῦ ξένου τὴν
γυναῖκα. ὁ δὲ φοβηθεὶς ἠρώτα τὴν Σάρραν, τίς
τε εἴη καὶ τίνα τοῦτον ἐπάγοιτο, πυθόμενός τε
τὴν ἀλήθειαν “Λβραμον παρῃτεῖτο" νομίζων γὰρ
ἀδελφὴν ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γυναῖκα αὐτοῦ σπουδάσαι περὶ
αὐτὴν συγγένειαν ποιήσασθαι βουλόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ
ἐνυβρίσαι κατ᾽ ἐπιθυμίαν ὡρμημένος" δωρεῖταί
τε αὐτὸν πολλοῖς χρήμασι, καὶ συνῆν" Αἰγυπτίων
τοῖς λογιωτάτοις, τήν τε ἀρετὴν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν
ἐπ᾿ αὐτῇ δόξαν ἐντεῦθεν ἐπιφανεστέραν συνέβη
γενέσθαι.

(2) Pav yap Αἰγυπτίων διαφόροις ἀρεσκομένων
ἔθεσι καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἐκφαυλιζόντων νόμιμα
καὶ διὰ τοῦτο δυσμενῶς ἐχόντων πρὸς ἀλλήλους,
συμβαλὼν αὐτῶν ἑκάστοις καὶ διαπτύων τοὺς
λόγους οὗς ἐποιοῦντο περὶ τῶν ἰδίων κενοὺς καὶ

μηδὲν ἔχοντας ἀληθὲς ἀπέφαινε. θαυμασθεὶς οὖν
ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν ἐν ταῖς συνουσίαις ὡς συνετώτατος
καὶ δεινὸς ἀνὴρ οὐ νοῆσαι μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ πεῖσαι
λέγων περὶ ὧν ἂν ἐπιχειρήσειε διδάσκειν, τήν τε
ἀριθμητικὴν αὐτοῖς χαρίζεται καὶ τὰ περὶ ἀστρο-
νομίαν παραδίδωσι. πρὸ γὰρ τῆς ᾿Αβράμου
παρουσίας Αἰγύπτιοι τούτων εἶχον ἀμαθῶς: ἐκ
Χαλδαίων γὰρ ταῦτ᾽ ἐφοίτησεν εἰς Αἴγυπτον, ὅθεν
ἦλθε καὶ εἰς τοὺς “EAAnvas.

(3) “Qs δ᾽ εἰς τὴν Χαναναίαν ἀφίκετο, μερίζεται

1 συνεῖναι RO, 2 ἀστρολογίαν L Lat. Eus.

3 Euseb., Eustath.;: εἰς Αἴγυπτον RO: the rest have a
conflate text.

* Amplification of Scripture; cf. Eupolemus (c. 150 B.c.,
ap. Euseb. Praep. Ev. ix. 17, quoted by Weill) μάντεις δὲ αὐτοῦ
καλέσαντος τοῦτο φάναι, μὴ εἶναι χήραν τὴν γυναῖκα.

δ Or perhaps with the other reading “ permission to

82

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 164-169

the wrath of God, because he had wished to outrage
the stranger’s wife. Terrified, he asked Sarra who
she was and who was this man she had brought with
her. On learning the truth he made his excuses to
Abraham : it was, he said, in the belief that she was
his sister, not his wife, that he had set his affections on
her; he had wished to contract a marriage alliance
and not to outrage her in a transport of passion. He
further gave him abundant riches, and Abraham
consorted 8 with the most learned of the Egyptians,
whence his virtue and reputation became still more
conspicuous.

(2) For, seeing that the Egyptians were addicted
to a variety of different customs and disparaged one
another’s practices and were consequently at enmity
with one another, Abraham conferred with each party
and, exposing the arguments which they adduced in
favour of their particular views, demonstrated that
they were idle and contained nothing true. Thus gain-
ing their admiration at these meetings as a man of ex-
treme sagacity, gifted not only with high intelligence
but with power to convince his hearers on any subject
which he undertook to teach, he introduced them to
arithmetic and transmitted to them the laws of
astronomy.® For before the coming of Abraham the
Egyptians were ignorant of these sciences, which thus
travelled from the Chaldaeans into Egypt, whence
they passed to the Greeks.

(3) On his return to Canaan, he divided the land

consort.”” In Scripture the presents are given before the
discovery, after which Abraham and his wife are dismissed
forthwith.
¢ So Artapanus (c. 2nd cent. B.c.) states that Abraham
migrated with his household to Egypt and taught Phare-
thones astrology (ap. Eus. Praep. Lv, ix. 18).
83

Abraham
instructs
the
Egyptians.

Division
of Canaan
with Lot.
Gen. xili. ὦ

JOSEPHUS

προς Λῶτον τὴν γῆν τῶν ποιμένων αὐτοῖς στασια-
ζόντων περὶ τῆς “χώρας ἐν ἡ νέμοιεν" τὴν ἐκλογὴν

170 μέντοι καὶ τὴν αἵρεσιν ἐπιτρέπει τῷ Λώτῳ, λαβὼν
5)

117]

αὐτὸς τὴν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου ΘΕ ἈΡΕΣ 58: ὑπώ-
» 3 ~ τ ~ ’ ,ὔ ,ὔ

ρειαν ᾧκει ἐν τῇ Ναβρῶ πόλει: παλαιοτέρα δέ
ἐστιν ἔτεσιν ἑπτὰ πρὸ Ἰάνιδος τῆς Αἰγύπτου.
Λῶτος δὲ τὴν πρὸς τὸ πεδίον κειμένην καὶ ποταμὸν
᾿Ιόρδανον εἶχεν οὐκ ἄπωθεν τῆς Σοδομιτῶν

i “a J ‘\ > > 7 ~ \ 2 f
πόλεως, ἢ τότε μὲν ἦν ἀγαθή, viv δὲ ἠφάνισται
κατὰ βούλησιν θεοῦ. τὴν δὲ αἰτίαν κατὰ χώραν
σημανῶ.

bd ? 3 a \ 4 A 9 ’

(ix.) Kav’ ἐκεῖνον δὲ τὸν καιρὸν ᾿Ασσυρίων

4 ~ > , , ” Ἁ ’ὔ

κρατούντων τῆς ᾿Ασίας Σοδομίταις ἤνθει τὰ πράγ-
ματα εἴς τε πλοῦτον αὐτῶν ἐπιδεδωκότων καὶ

(4 4 A \ 3 aA / -
νεότητα πολλήν: βασιλεῖς δὲ αὐτοῖς πέντε διεῖπον

4 \

τὴν χώραν, Βάλας Βαλαίας Συναβάνης καὶ Συμ-
μόβορος O τε Βαλήνων βασιλεύς: μοίρας δ᾽ ἦρχον
ἕκαστος ἰδίας. ἐπὶ τούτους “στρατεύσαντες ᾽Ασ-
σύριοι καὶ μέρη τέσσαρα ποιήσαντες τῆς στρατιᾶς
ἐπολιόρκουν αὐτούς: στρατηγὸς δ᾽ ἑκάστοις ἦν
εἷς ἐπιτεταγμένος. γενομένης δὲ μάχης νικήσαντες
οἱ ᾿Ασσύριοι φόρον ἐπιτάσσουσι τοῖς Σοδομιτῶν

178 βασιλεῦσι. δώδεκα μὲν οὖν ἔτη δουλεύοντες καὶ

\ >] ; 93 “-- 7 ~ ς
τοὺς ἐπιταχθέντας αὐτοῖς φόρους τελοῦντες ὑπ-
~ 3
έμειναν, τῷ δὲ τρισκαιδεκάτῳ ἀπέστησαν, Kal
9 f 3 9 Ά
διαβαίνει στρατὸς ᾿Δσσυρίων ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στρατη-

* Bibl. Hebron. This name takes a variety of forms in
different parts of Josephus: Ναβρῶ (or Ναβρών), Νεβρών,
li Spar, ᾿Εδρών and Χεϑρών.

δ Cf. Numb. xiii. 22, “ Hebron was built seven years
before Zoan in Egypt.’ Zoan, or Tanis, lay in the E. part
of the Delta; its foundation is dated by modern scholars

8 4

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 169-173

with Lot, since their shepherds quarrelled about
grazing ground ; but he left Lot to select what he
chose. Taking for himself the lowland that the other
left him, he dwelt in Nabro,? a city that is more
ancient by seven years than Tanisin Egypt.? Lot for
his part occupied the district in the direction of the
plain and the river Jordan,° not far from the city of
Sodom, which was then prosperous but has now by
God’s will been obliterated ; the cause of its fate I
shall indicate in its place.4

(ix.) At that time, however, when the Assyrians
were masters of Asia, the people of Sodom were in a
flourishing condition ; their wealth had grown and
their youth were numerous ; and five kings governed
their country—Balas, Balaias, Sy habancs, Sym-
mobor, and the king of the Balen: ἐ- each ruler
having his own province. Against these kings the
Assyrians marched out and, dividing their army into
four bodies, with one general in command of each,
besieged them. <A battle took place, and the victori-
ous Assy rians imposed tribute on the kings of the
Sodomites. For twelve years, then, the latter sub-
mitted to serve and to pay the appointed tribute ; but
in the thirteenth year they rebelled and an army of
Assyrians strode off against them, under the command

‘* before 2000 s.c.”’ (6. B. Gray, Int. Crit. Comm.on Numbers
loc. cit.). Elsewhere (B.J. iv. 530) we read that local tradition
in the time of Titus regarded Hebron (Χεβρών) as 2300 years
old, and ‘ more ancient than Egyptian Wemphis.”

¢ Gen. xiii. 10, “the Plain of Jordan,” or rather “ the
Circle (or *‘ Oval,” Heb. kikkar) of J.,” the broader portion
of the Jordan valley at its southern end.

4 αὶ 194.

¢ Biblical names Bera (Lxx Βαλά), Birsha (Bapoa), Shinab,
Shemeber, Bela (Βαλάκ).

7 Or “ crossed over ”’ (se. the Euphrates).

VOL. IV D2 85

Gen. ΧΕ, 18,

War of
Sodomites
and
Assyrians.
Lot taken
prisoner.
Gen. xiv. 1,

JOSEPHUS

>
γούντων ᾿Αμαραψίδου ᾿Αριόχου Χοδολαμόρου Oa-
114 δάλου. οὗτοι τήν τε Συρίαν ἅπασαν διηρπάσαντο
καὶ τοὺς τῶν γιγάντων ἀπογόνους κατεστρέψαντο,
γενόμενοι δὲ κατὰ τὰ Σόδομα στρατοπεδεύουσι
δ A 4 ‘ ’ ᾽ > ,
κατὰ τὴν κοιλάδα τὴν λεγομένην φρέατα ἀσφάλτου:
κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον γὰρ τὸν καιρὸν φρέατα ἦν ἐν TH τόπῳ,
~ 7 = NY ὃ ~ 5A > 7
νῦν μέντοι τῆς Σοδομιτῶν πόλεως ἀφανισθείσης
e λὰ ᾽ , λί ca ξ > “-
ἢ κοιλὰς ἐκείνη Λίμνη γέγονεν ἡ ᾿Ασφαλτῖτις
4 J > ~ , >
175 λεγομένη. περὶ μὲν οὖν τῆς λίμνης ταύτης αὖθις
> b ‘ 4 ~ ‘ ~
μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ δηλώσομεν, τῶν δὲ Σοδομιτῶν συμ-
~ 7 Α “- “-
βαλόντων τοῖς ᾿Ασσυρίοις καὶ καρτερᾶς τῆς μάχης
γενομένης, πολλοὶ μὲν αὐτῶν ἀπέθανον, of λοιποὶ
Ως ‘ “ “-
δὲ ἠχμαλωτίσθησαν, σὺν οἷς Kat Λῶτος ἤγετο τοῖς
Σοδομίταις σύμμαχος ἐληλυθώς.
> ’ \
176 (x. 1) ᾿Αβράμῳ δὲ ἀκούσαντι τὴν συμφορὰν
“- 1 \ “-- “-
αὐτῶν φόβος τε ἅμα περὶ Λώτου τοῦ συγγενοῦς
εἰσῆλθε καὶ οἶκτος περὶ τῶν Σοδομιτῶν φίλων
171 ὄντων καὶ γειτνιώντων. καὶ βοηθεῖν αὐτοῖς δοκι-
ta 9 > 4 > ) ? \ \ \
μάσας οὐκ ἀνέμεινεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειχθεὶς Kal κατὰ
πέμπτην ἐπιπεσὼν νύκτα τοῖς ᾿Ασσυρίοις περὶ
Δάνον, οὕτως γὰρ ἡ ἑτέρα τοῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου προσ-
\
ayopeveTar πηγή, Kat φθάσας πρὶν ἐν ὅπλοις
γενέσθαι τοὺς μὲν ἐν ταῖς κοίταις ὄντας ἀπέκτεινε
~ - 3 φ
μηδ᾽ ἐπίνοιαν τῆς συμφορᾶς ἔχοντας, οἱ δὲ μήπω
>? 3
πρὸς ὕπνον τετραμμένοι μάχεσθαι δ᾽ ὑπὸ μέθης

¢ Bibl. Amraphel (Α μαρφάλ).
> Bibl. Chedorlaomer {(Χοδολλογομόρ).
¢ Bibl. Tidal (Gaya or the like).

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 1. 173-177

of Amarapsides,? Arioch, Chodolamor ὃ and Thadal.¢
These ravaged the whole of Syria and subdued
the descendants of the giants?; then, on reaching
the region of Sodom, they encamped in the valley
called ‘“ Bitumen pits.’? For at that time there
were pits in that district, but now that the city of
Sodom has disappeared the valley has become a lake,
the so-called Asphaltitis¢; to that lake, however, I
shall shortly revert.’ The Sodomites, then, joined
battle with the Assyrians and there was a stubborn
contest: many of their number perished. and the
rest were taken prisoners. Among the latter was
Lot. who had come to fight as an ally ‘of the Sodomites.

(x. 1) Abraham, hearing of their disaster, was
moved alike with fear for his kinsman Lot and with
compassion for his friends and neighbours, the
Sodomites. Determining to succour them, without
loss of time he set out in haste and on the fifth night 9
fell upon the Assyrians in the neighbourhood of Dan*
(such is the name of one of the two sources of the
Jordan),é surprising them before they had time to
arm : some, unconscious of their fate, he slew in their
beds ; while those who were not yet plunged in sleep
but through drunkenness were incapable of fighting

@ Gene XIV. ὃν." the Rephaim “ἢ (Lxx τοὺς γίγαντας).

“Ὁ Bituminous’ (lake), the Dead Sea. Josephus, in
common perhaps with the biblical narrative (Gen. xiii. 10),
conceives it to have been non-existent at this time.

κα 903, describing the fate of Sodom, does not mention
the lake: a description is given in BJ. iv. 476 ff.

" These details of time and circumstances are legendary.

» So Gen. xiv. 14: the older Laish, renamed Dan in the
period of the Judges.

' Josephus appears to countenance the popular etymology,
which saw in the name a compound of two alleged sources
of the river, Jor and Dan!

87

Gen. xiv. 10
LxxX.

Abraham
defeats the
Assyrians
Gen. xiv. 13.

JOSEPHUS

178 ἀδύνατοι ἔφυγον. “ABpapos δὲ διώκων εἵπετο

11:

ed

180

181 ‘

μέχρι καὶ δευτεραίους συνήλασεν αὐτοὺς εἰς ‘OQBa
τῆς Δαμασκηνῶν γῆς, ἐπιδείξας ὅτι τὸ νικᾶν οὐκ
ἐν τῷ πλήθει καὶ τῇ πολυχειρίᾳ κεῖσθαι συμ-
βέβηκεν, ἀλλὰ προθυμία τῶν μαχομένων καὶ τὸ
γενναῖον κρατεῖ παντὸς ἀριθμοῦ, τριακοσίοις καὶ
δεκαοκτὼ οἰκέταις αὐτοῦ καὶ τρισὶ φίλοις τοσούτου
στρατοῦ περιγενόμενος. ὁπόσοι δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ
διέφυγον ἀδόξως ἀνέστρεψαν.

(2) ἍΛβραμος δὲ τοὺς τῶν Σοδομιτῶν σώσας
αἰχμαλώτους, οἵ ληφθέντες ἔφθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν
᾿Ασσυρίων, καὶ τὸν συγγενῆ Λῶτον ἀνέζευξεν
μετὰ εἰρήνης. ἀπήντησε δὲ αὐτῷ ὁ τῶν Nodo-
μιτῶν βασιλεὺς εἰς τόπον τινὰ ὃν καλοῦσι πεδίον
βασιλικόν. ἔνθα ὁ τῆς Σολυμᾶ ὑποδέχεται βασι-
λεὺς αὐτὸν Μελχισεδέκ: σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο βασιλεὺς
δίκαιος: καὶ ἦν δὲ τοιοῦτος ὁμολογουμένως, ws
διὰ ταύτην αὐτὸν τὴν αἰτίαν καὶ ἱερέα γενέσθαι
τοῦ θεοῦ: τὴν μέντοι Σολυμᾶ ὕστερον ἐκάλεσαν'
Ιεροσόλυμα. ἐχορήγησε δὲ οὗτος ὁ Μελχισεδὲκ
τῷ ᾿Αβράμου στρατῷ ἕένια καὶ πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν
τῶν ἐπιτηδείων παρέσχε καὶ παρὰ τὴν εὐωχίαν
αὐτόν τε ἐπαινεῖν ἤρξατο καὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐλογεῖν

1 ἐκάλεσεν ROP.

α Weill quotes ἃ striking parallel from Philo, De Abr.
(40) § 2933 Cohn: ἐπιπίπτει τοῖς πολεμίοις δεδειπνοποιημένοις
ἤδη καὶ πρὸς ὕπνον μέλλουσι τρέπεσθαι" Kai τοὺς μὲν ἐν εὐναῖς
ἱέρειε, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀντιταχθέντας ἄρδην ἀνήρει, πάντων δ᾽ ἐρρωμένως
ἐπεκράτει τῷ θαρραλέῳ τῆς ψυχῆς μᾶλλον ἣ ταῖς παρασκεναῖς.

ὃ Bibl. Hobah (Χωβάλ), Gen. xiv. 15.

¢ Gen. xiv. 14. @ Gen. xiv. 24 (cf. 13).

“ “ The King’s Vale,” mentioned in the story of Absalom

88

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 178-181

took to their πεῖς Abraham followed hotly in
pursuit until on the following day he had driven them
all into Oba? in the country of the Damascenes ;
thereby proving that victory does not depend on
numbers and a multitude of hands, but that the
ardour and mettle of the combatants overcome all
odds, seeing that with three hundred and eighteen
of his servants © and three friends ὁ he had defeated
so great a host. And all those who succeeded in
escaping returned ingloriously home.

(2) So Abraham, having rescued the Sodomite
prisoners, previously captured by the Assyrians,
including his kinsman Lot, returned in peace. The
king of the Sodomites met him at a place which they
call the “ royal plain.¢’”’ There he was received by
the king of Solyma,f’ Melchisedek ; this name means
“ righteous king,’ τ᾿ and such was he by common
consent, insomuch that for this reason he was more-
over made priest of God; Solyma was in faet the
place afterwards called Hierosolyma.? Now this
Melehisedek hospitably entertained Abraham's army,
providing abundantly for all their needs, and in the
course of the feast he began to extol Abraham and to

(2 Sam. xviii. 18), and loeated by Josephus two “ stadia ”
from Jerusalem (A. vii. 243).

΄ Bibl. Salem (Σαλήμ).

9 The usual Jewish interpretation—“ king of righteous-
Π6 55 (zedek)—repeated in B.J. vi. 438 (βασιλεὺς δίκαιος, ἣν yap
δὴ τοιοῦτος) and found in the N.T. (Hebr. vii. 2) and elsewhere ;
probable meaning “ my king is Zedek,” Δ. being the name
of a Canaanite deity.

» The Hellenized form of Jerusalem (Lxx ᾿Ιερουσαλήμ)
used throughout Josephus, who here and elsewhere (Al. vii.
67. B. vi. 438, cf. Ap. i. 174) takes over. besides the name,
the popular fantastic etymology of it, “the holy Solyma ”’
(or Salen).

89

His meeting
with Mel-
chisedek,
Gen. xiv. 18

182

183

184

JOSEPHUS

e ’ ᾿ ~ , 4 3 ᾽ {4 ’
ὑποχειρίους αὐτῷ ποιήσαντα τοὺς ἐχθρούς. ᾿Αβρά-
3 A f ~ “-
μον δὲ διδόντος καὶ τὴν δεκάτην τῆς λείας αὐτῷ
‘ / ἐν λ ~ ~
προσδέχεται τὴν δόσιν. ὁ δὲ τῶν Σοδομιτῶν
‘ \ ‘ , ” 7] ͵
βασιλεὺς τὴν μὲν λείαν ἔχειν “ABpapov παρεκάλει,
A > 3 θ “ 2 λ - πὰ , ΔΑ \ ~
τοὺς δ᾽ ἀνθρώπους ἀπολαβεῖν ἠξίου, ots παρὰ τῶν
2, 2 , 2 ,
᾿Ασσυρίων ἔσωσεν οἰκείους ὄντας. “Ἄβραμος δὲ
οὐκ ἔφη τοῦτο “ποιήσειν, οὐδ᾽ ὰν ἄλλην ὠφέλειαν
ἐκ τῆς λείας ἐκείνης εἰς αὐτὸν ἥξειν πλὴν ὅσα
~ 3 7 2 ~ a
τροφὴ τοῖς οἰκέταις αὐτοῦ γένοιτο" μοῖραν μέντοι
‘ ~ , 2 ~ , -
τινὰ τοῖς φίλοις αὐτοῦ παρέσχε' τοῖς συστρατευο-
> ς ~ > a
μένοις. ἔσχων δ᾽ ὁ πρῶτος ἐκαλεῖτο [καὶ]
"Ἔννηρος καὶ δὶ αμβρῆς.
< " / \ b ~ A 3 A ¢ f
(3) ᾿Επαινέσας δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀρετὴν ὁ θεός,
{ι ? 3 3 3 ~ 2 , ἐ« AY a ” ,
ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπολεῖς, φησί, ᾿᾿ μισθοὺς οὗς ἀξιόν
, ,ὔ
ἐστίν σε ἐπὶ τοιαύταις εὐπραγίαις κομίζεσθαι."
- 3 ᾿ ᾿ “ nv ”
τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπολαβόντος καὶ Tis av εἴη χάρις τούτων
~ ~ 9. [4] >
τῶν μισθῶν, οὐκ ὄντων ot διαδέξονται μετ᾽ αὐτόν,
> 9 ᾿ Ἁ ~ ~
ἔτι yap ἦν amats, ὁ θεὸς καὶ παῖδα αὐτῷ yern-
ἢ ἢ 4 δ ’ , ,
σεσθαι καταγγέλλει Kat πολλὴν ἐξ ἐκείνου γενεάν,
’ A -
ὡς παραπλησίως αὐτὴν τοῖς ἄστροις ἔσεσθαι τὸν
-~ % >
ἀριθμόν. καὶ ὃ μὲν ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας θυσίαν προσ-
~ ~ s 2 ~ >
φέρει τῷ θεῷ κελευσθεὶς vm’ αὐτοῦ. ἦν δὲ
“- ‘4 ~ ’ὔ
τρόπος τῆς θυσίας τοιοῦτος" δάμαλιν τριετίζουσαν
καὶ αἶγα ,τριετίζουσαν καὶ κριὸν ὁΓιοίως τριετῆ
καὶ τρυγόνα καὶ περιστερὰν κελεύσαντος διεῖλε,
τῶν ὀρνέων οὐδὲν διελών. εἶτα πρὶν στῆναι τ
> ~ 3 ’ 3 4 ~
βωμὸν οἰωνῶν ἐφιπταμένων ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ αἵματος
φωνὴ θεία παρῆν ἀποσημαίνουσα πονηροὺς αὐτοῦ
Tots ἐγγόνοις γείτονας ἐπὶ ἔτη τετρακόσια! yevnoo-
μένους κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον, ἐν ols κακοπαθήσαντας
1 ROM: παρασχεῖν rell,
2 τριακόσια RO,
00

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 181-185

bless God for having delivered his enemies into his
hand. Abraham then offered him the tithe of the
spoil, and he accepted the gift. As for the king of
Sodom, he entreated Abraham to keep the spoil, and
desired only to recover those of his subjects whom
he had rescued from the Assyrians. But Abraham
replied that he could not do this and that no further
profit should accrue to him from those spoils beyond
what would meet his servants’ maintenance. How-
ever, he offered a portion to his comrades in arms :
of these the first was named Eschon,? the others
Ennér ὃ and Mambres.°

(3) God commended his virtue and said, “ Nay,
thou shalt not lose the rewards that are thy due for
such good deeds.’’ And when he replied, “ What
pleasure can those rewards afford, when there is none
to succeed to them after me 9 ”’ (for he was still child-
less), God announced that a son would be born to him,
whose posterity would be so great as to be comparable
in number to the stars. On hearing these words
Abraham offered a sacrifice to God as bidden by Him.
And the sacrifice was on this wise : he took a heifer of
three years old, a she-goat of three years old and a
ram of the same age, with a turtle-dove and a pigeon,
and, at God’s bidding, divided them in twain, save the
birds which he divided not. Then, before ie altar
was erected, while birds of prey were flying to the
scene lusting for the blood, there came a voice divine
announcing that his posterity would for four hundred
years find evil neighbours in Egypt, but that after
affiction among them they would overcome their

4 Bibl. Esheol: Josephus agrees with txx in placing this
name “ first,” not second.
® Bibl. Aner (Lxx Αὐνάν). ¢ Bibl. Mame.

9]

Gen. xiv. 24,
God’s
promises

to Abraham,
Gen. xv. 1.

186

181

189

190

JOSEPHUS

περιέσεσθαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν Kat κρατήσαντας πολέμῳ
ἢ ἕξειν αὐτῶν τὴν γῆν καὶ τὰς πόλεις.

ἽΛἌβραμος δὲ κατῴκει μὲν περὶ τὴν ᾿Ὡγύγην
Rav at δρῦν, ἔστι δὲ τῆς Χαναναίας τὸ χωρίον
οὐ πόρρω τῆς ἹἙβρωνίων πόλεως, δυσφορῶν δὲ
ἐπὶ γυναικὶ μὴ κυούσῃ ἱκετεύει τὸν θεὸν γονὴν
αὐτῷ παιδὸς ἄρσενος παρασχεῖν. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ
θαρσεῖν αὐτὸν παρακελευομένου τοῖς τε ἄλλοις
ἅπασιν ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθοῖς αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς δίεσο-
ποταμίας ἠγμένον καὶ παίδων ἐσομένων, Σάρρα
τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος ἐπικλίνει μίαν τῶν θερα-
παινίδων ᾿Αγάρην ὄνομα, γένος οὖσαν Αἰγυπτίαν,

~ ‘
ws ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδοποιησομένῳ. καὶ γε ΟΠ ΕΝ

ἐγκύμων ἡ θεραπαινὶς ἐξυβρίζειν εἰς τὴν Σάρραν"
ἐτόλμησε βασιλίζουσα, ὡς τῆς ἡγεμονίας περι-
στησομένης εἰς τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τεχθησόμενον.
“Αβράμου δὲ αὐτὴν πρὸς αἰκίαν παραδιδόντος τῇ
Σάρρᾳ δρασμὸν ἐπεβούλευσεν οὐχ ὑπομένουσα τὰς
ταλαιπωρίας καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευεν οἶκτον αὐτῆς
λαβεῖν. ὑπαντιάζει δὲ διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου προϊοῦσαν
αὐτὴν ἄγγελος θεῖος κελεύων πρὸς τοὺς δεσπότας
ἐπανιέναι: βίου γὰρ μείζονος τεύξεσθαι awdpo-
νοῦσαν: καὶ γὰρ νῦν εἰς τὴν δέσποιναν ἀγνώμονα
καὶ αὐθάδη γενομένην ἐν τούτοις εἶναι τοῖς κακοῖς"
παρακούουσαν μὲν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ προσωτέρω
χωροῦσαν ἔλεγεν ἀπολεῖσθαι, νοστήσασαν δὲ αὐτὴν
ὀπίσω γενήσεσθαι μητέρα False τῆς γῆς ἐκείνης
βασιλεύσοντος. τούτοις πείθεται καὶ ἐπανελθοῦσα

α Bibl. “ the oaks (or “ terebinths ᾽ of Mamre,” and so
Josephus, following the ~xx, writes below, ὃ 196 πρὸς τῇ
dput τῇ Mayw8o7; in DB. iv. 533 he speaks of “a huge tere-

92

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 185-190

foes, vanquish the Canaanites in battle, and take
possession of their land and eities.

(4) Abraham was living near the oak called
Ogyges,* a place in Canaan not far from the city of
the Hebronites, when, distressed at his wife’s sterility,
he besought God to grant him the birth of a male
child. Thereon God bade him be assured that, as in
all else he had been led out of Mesopotamia for his
welfare, so children would come to him ; and by God's
command Sarra brought to his bed one of her hand-
maidens, an Egyptian named Agar, that he might
have children by her. Becoming pregnant, this
servant had the insolence to abuse Sarra, assuming
queenly airs as though the dominion were to pass to
her unborn son. Abraham having thereupon con-
signed her to Sarra for chastisement, she, unable to
endure her humiliations, resolved to fly and entreated
God to take pity on her. But as she went on her way
through the wilderness an angel of God met her and
bade her return to her master and mistress, assuring
her that she would attain a happicr lot through self-
control, for her present plight was but due to her
arrogance and presumption towards her mistress ;
and that if she disobeyed God and pursued her way
she would perish, but if she returned home she would
become the mother of a son hereafter to rcign over
that country. Obedient to this behest she returned

binth ” six stadia fron: Hebron, ‘* which is said to have stood
there ever since the creation.”? Here for his Greek readers
he appears to give this famous tree the name of a priniaeval
Greck hero associated in Attic and Boeotian legend with
stories of a flood. But the adjective *‘ Ogygian ”’ was used
in Greek for ** primaeval,” ‘‘ antediluvian,” and was perhaps
what he wrote.
δ Greek Agare: Bibl, Hagar,
93

Hagar and
Ishmael,
Gen. xiii. 18,
vil,

JOSEPHUS

\
πρὸς τοὺς δεσπότας συγγνώμης ἔτυχε" τίκτει δὲ
3 3 λὺ | / x θ / A ” w
μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ ᾿Ισμάηλον, θεόκλυτον av τις εἴποι,
διὰ τὸ εἰσακοῦσαι τὸν θεὸν τῆς ἱκεσίας.

191 (5) ) ᾿Δβράμῳ μὲν οὖν ἕκτον ἤδη καὶ ὀγδοηκοστὸν
ἔτος γεγονότι ὁ προειρημένος ἐγεννήθη, εἰς ἔνατον
δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ἐνενηκοστὸν παρελθόντι ἐπιφανεὶς ὁ
θεὸς ἀπήγγειλεν ὡς παῖς αὐτῷ ἐκ Σάρρας ἔσοιτο"

, 3 > 4 / vw ~ 3 4
κελεύει δ᾽ αὐτὸν καλέσαι "Joakov δηλῶν ἐσόμενα
” , > 3 3 ~ \ ~ \ 4
ἔθνη μεγάλα am αὐτοῦ Kat βασιλεῖς, Kat ὅτι
πολεμήσαντες καθέξουσι τὴν Χαναναίαν ἅπασαν
3 \ SO ~ / ᾽ ? 4 /

192 ἀπὸ Σιδῶνος μέχρι Αἰγύπτου, προσέταξέ τε Bov-
λόμενος τὸ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γένος μένειν τοῖς ἄλλοις οὐ
συμφυρόμενον περιτέμνεσθαι τὰ αἰδοῖα καὶ τοῦτο
ποιεῖν ὀγδόῃ ἡμέρᾳ “μετὰ τὸ γεννηθῆναι. τὴν
αἰτίαν δὲ τῆς περιτομῆς ἡμῶν ἐν ἄλλοις δηλώσω.

193 πυθομένῳ δὲ ᾿Αβράμῳ καὶ περὶ τοῦ ᾿Ισμαήλου,
εἰ ζήσεται, πολυχρόνιόν τε ἀπεσήμαινεν ὁ ὃ θεὸς καὶ
μεγάλων ἐθνῶν πατέρα. καὶ “Ἄβραμος μὲν ἐπὶ
τούτοις εὐχαριστήσας τῷ θεῷ περιτέμνεται ΄παρα-
χρῆμα καὶ πάντες οἱ παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ ὁ παῖς ᾽Ϊσ-
μάηλος, οὗ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν τρισκαιδέκατον
ἔτος ἔχοντος αὐτὸς ἐνενηκοστὸν πρὸς τοῖς ἐννέα
διῆγεν.

° fe ~ a e ~

194 (x1. 1) Ἵ πὸ δὴ τοῦτον τὸν καιρὸν οἱ Σοδομῖται
πλήθει" καὶ μεγέθει χρημάτων ὑπερφρονοῦντες εἴς
τε ἀνθρώπους ἦσαν ὑβρισταὶ καὶ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον

1 ROE: πλούτῳ rell.

4 Or possibly, in the classical active sense of the word,
“calling upon God”; the name can mean either “ May
God hear ” or “᾿ God hears.”” Philo translates ἀκοὴ θεοῦ (De
mut. nom. 37 § 202).

04

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 190-194

to her master and mistress. was forgiven, and not long

after gave birth to Is(h)mael, a name which may be ἢ

rendered ‘“‘ Heard of God,’ 4 because God _ had
hearkened to her petition.

(5) Abraham was already eighty-six years of age
when this son was born to him. He had attained his
ninety-ninth year when God appeared to him and
announced that he should have a son by Sarra,
bidding him eall him Isa(a)e, and revealing how great
nations and kings would spring from him, and how
they would win possession, by war, of all Canaan
from Sidon to Egypt. Furthermore, to the intent
that his posterity should be kept from mixing with
others,? God charged him to have them circumeised
and to perform the rite on the eighth day after birth.
The reason for our praetice of eireumcision I shall
expound elsewhere.© Abraham then inquiring con-
eerning Ishmael also, whether he was to live.? God
made known to him that he would live to an ad-
vanced age and beeome the father of great nations.
So Abraham rendered thanks to God for these
blessings and was eircumcised forthwith. he and all
his household and his son Ishmael, who on that day
was in his thirteenth year, his father’s age being
ninety-nine.

(xi. 1) Now about this time the Sodomites. over-
weeningly proud of their numbers and the extent
of their wealth, showed themselves insolent to men
and impious to the Divinity, insomuch that they no

> Motive not mentioned in Scripture.

€ Inthe projected work on ‘‘ Customs and Causes,” often
alluded to elsewhere (§ 25 note).

¢ Josephus seems to have read Gen. xvii. 18 as a ques-
tion, ᾿Ισμαὴλ οὗτος ζήσεται (so One ms. of LXx for ζήτω)
ἐναντιον σον Heb. “ Oh that I. might live before thee! "’

95

Cf. Gen. xvi.

Birth of
Isaac. In-
stitution of
circum.
cision.

Gen. xvil. 1.

81.

Impiety of
the arrogant
sodomites.

JOSEPHUS

3 ~ ~ ~~ 3 ~

ἀσεβεῖς, ws μηκέτι μεμνῆσθαι τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
3 “- ’

γενομένων ὠφελειῶν, εἶναί τε μισόξενοι καὶ τὰς

195 πρὸς ἄλλους ὁμιλίας ἐκτρέπεσθαι. χαλεπήνας

196

197

198

οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ θεὸς ἔγνω τιμωρήσασθαι τῆς
ὑπερηφανίας αὐτοὺς καὶ THY τε πόλιν αὐτῶν"
κατασκάψασθαι καὶ τὴν χώραν οὕτως ἀφανίσαι,
ὡς μήτε φυτὸν ἔτι μήτε καρπὸν ἕτερον ἐξ αὐτῆς
ἀναδοθῆναι.

(3) Ταῦτα τοῦ θεοῦ κρίναντος περὶ τῶν Lodo-
μιτῶν ἽἌβραμος θεασάμενος τρεῖς ἀγγέλους, ἐκαθ-
ἕζετο δὲ πρὸς τῇ δρυΐ τῇ Μαμβρῆ παρὰ τῇ θύρᾳ
τῆς αὑτοῦ αὐλῆς, καὶ νομίσας εἶναι ξένους ἀναστὰς
ἠἡσπάσατό τε καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ καταχθέντας παρεκάλει
ξενίων μεταλαβεῖν. ἐπινευσάντων δὲ ἄρτους τε
προσέταξεν εὐθὺς ἐκ σεμιδάλεως γενέσθαι καὶ
μόσχον θύσας καὶ ὀπτήσας ἐκόμισεν αὐτοῖς ὑπὸ
τῇ δρυΐ κατακειμένοις" οἱ δὲ δόξαν αὐτῷ παρέσχον
ἐσθιόντων, ἔτι δὲ καὶ περὶ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐπυν-
θάνοντο, ποῖ ποτ᾽ [ὰν]" εἴη Σάρρα. τοῦ δ᾽ εἰπόντος
ἔνδον εἶναι, ἥξειν ἔφασαν εἰς τὸ μέλλον καὶ εὑρήσειν
αὐτὴν ἤδη μητέρα γεγενημένην. τῆς δὲ γυναικὸς
ἐπὶ τούτῳ μειδιασάσης καὶ ἀδύνατον εἶναι τὴν
τεκνοποιίαν εἰπούσης, αὐτῆς μὲν ἐνενήκοντα ETH

1 SP: ἀλλήλους τΕ]}. 2 αὐτὴν ROE.
3 ins. RO: om. most mss., reading ποὶ wor’ εἴη τυγχάνουσα
7 2.

® The μισοζξενία of the Sodomites is mentioned in Wisdom
xix. 13 f., and emphasized in Rabbinical writings, e.g. Pirke
R. Eliezer c. xxv. ‘* The men of Sodom showed no considera-
tion for the honour of their Owner by distributing food to the
wayfarer and the stranger, but they even fenced in all the
trees,’ etc.

96

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 194-198

more remembered the benefits that they had re-
ceived from Him, hated foreigners and declined all
intercourse with others.* Indignant at this conduct,
God accordingly resolved to chastise them for their
arrogance, and not only to uproot their city, but to
blast their land so completely that it should yield
neither plant nor fruit whatsoever from that time
forward.

(2) After God had pronounced this doom upon the
Sodomites, Abraham, while sitting beside the oak of
Mambre before the door of his court-yard,® espied
three angels, and, taking them for strangers, arose
and saluted them and invited them to lodge with him
and partake of his hospitality. On their assenting,
he ordered loaves of fine flour to be made forthwith
and killed a calf and cooked it and brought it to them
as they reclined under the oak; and they gave him
to believe that they did δαὶ. They inquired, more-
over, about his wife, what might have become of
Sarra; and when he replied that she was within,
they declared that they would return one day ὦ and
find that she had become a mother. Thereat the
woman smiled@ and said that child-bearing was
iinpossible, seeing that she was ninety years old and

> In Genesis *‘ tent’: Josephus introduces the idea of a
Greek house.

¢ Gen. xviii. 8, “‘ they did eat.”’ The “ Docetic”’ para-
phrase of Josephus reappears almost verbatim in Philo:
τεράστιον δὲ, . . TO μὴ ἐσθίοντας ἐσθιόντων παρέχειν φαντασίαν,
De Abrahamo, 23 § 118 (cf. § 116 παρέσχον ὑπόληψιν). Cf,
also the Palestinian Targum, ‘ He (Abraham) quieted him-
self (to see) whether they would eat.” Such avoidance of
anthropomorphism is characteristically Rabbinic.

dels rd μέλλον (cf. Lk. xiii. 9): the Heb. is taken to
mean “a year hence.”’

* Gen, “ laughed within herself.”

91

Cf. Gen.
XViii. 20.

Abraham's
angel
visttors.
Gen. xvil®. lh

199

200

201

202

JOSEPHUS

ἐχούσης τοῦ δ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ἑκατόν, οὐκέτι κατέσχον

λανθάνοντες ἀλλ᾽ ἐμήνυσαν ἑαυτοὺς ὄντας ἀγγέλους

τοῦ θεοῦ, καὶ ὅτι πεμφθείη μὲν ὁ εἷς σημανῶν

περὶ τοῦ παιδός, οἱ δύο δὲ Σοδομίτας καταστρεψό-
ενοι.

(8) Ταῦτ᾽ ἀκούσας ἽΛβραμος “ἤλγησεν emt Tots
Σοδομίταις καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἀναστὰς ἱκέτευσε παρα-
καλῶν, μὴ τοὺς δικαίους καὶ ἀγαθοὺς συναπ-
ολλύναι τοῖς πονηροῖς. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ φήσαντος μη-
δένα εἶναι τῶν Σοδομιτῶν ἀγαθόν, εἰ γὰρ ἐν αὐτοῖς
δέκα εἶεν συγχωρεῖν ἅπασι τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς ae
τήμασι τιμωρίαν, ὁ μὲν "ABpapos ἡσύχαζεν""
δὲ ἄγγελοι “παρεγένοντο εἰς τὴν τῶν ον
πόλιν, καὶ ὁ Λῶτος αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ξενίαν παρεκάλει"
λίαν γὰρ ἦν περὶ τοὺς ξένους φιλάνθρωπος καὶ
μαθητὴς τῆς ᾿Αβράμου χρηστότητος. οἱ δὲ Σοδο-
μῖται θεασάμενοι τοὺς νεανίσκους εὐπρεπείᾳ τῆς
ὄψεως διαφέροντας καὶ παρὰ Λώτῳ καταχθέντας
ἐπὶ βίαν καὶ ὕβριν αὐτῶν τῆς ὥρας ἐτράπησαν. τοῦ
δὲ Λώτου παραινοῦντος σωφρονεῖν καὶ μὴ “χωρεῖν
ἐπ᾿ αἰσχύνῃ τῶν ξένων, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχειν αἰδῶ τῆς παρ᾽
αὐτῷ καταγωγῆς, εἰ δὲ ἔχουσιν ἀκρατῶς, τὰς
θυγατέρας αὐτοῦ ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις
αὐτῶν λέγοντος παρέξειν, οὐδ᾽ οὕτως ἐπείσθησαν.

(4) “O θεὸς οὖν ἀγανακτήσας αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς
τολμήμασι τοὺς μὲν ἡμαύρωσεν, ὡς μὴ δυνηθῆναι
τὴν εἴσοδον τὴν εἰς τὴν οἰκίαν εὑρεῖν, Σοδομιτῶν
δὲ κατέκρινε πάνδημον ὄλεθρον. Λῶτος δὲ τοῦ

1 ἡσύχασεν RO,

α This difference of funetions was inferred in Rabbinical
tradition (cited by Weill) from Gen. xix. 1, where two angels
only are mentioned as visiting Sodom. The text of that verse

98

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 198-202

her husband an hundred; whereupon they could
maintain dissimulation no longer but confessed them-
selves messengers of God, of whom one had been
sent to announce the news of the child and the other
two to destroy the Sodomites.?

(3) On hearing this Abraham was grieved for the
men of Sodom and arose and made supplieation to
God, imploring him not to destroy the Just and good
along with the wicked. To this God answered ‘hat
not one of the Sodomites was good, for were there
but ten such he would remit to aM the chastisement
for their crimes ; so Abraham held his peace. But
the angels came to the eity of the Sodomites and Lot
invited them to be his guests, for he was yery kindly
to strangers and had learnt the lesson of Abraham's
liberality.2 But the Sodomites, on seeing these
young men of remarkably fair appearance w Roi Lot
had taken under his roof, were bent only on violence
and outrage to their youthful beauty. Lot adjured
them to restrain their passions and not to proceed to
dishonour his guests, but to respect their having
lodged with him, offering in their stead, if his neigh-
Bours were so licentious, ἘΠῚΞ own daughters to gratify
their lust. But not even this would content ear.

(4) God, therefore, indignant at their atrocities,
blinded the eriminals so Phat they could not find the
entrance to the house, and condemned the whole
people of the Sodomites to destruction. Lot, being

has itself perhaps been affected by inotives of reverence
Jehovah must be kept from direet contact with the wicked
Sodomites (so Philo, De Abr. 28).

δ Weill quotes Rabbinical parallels. Prov. xiii. 20, “* He
who walks with the wise shall be wise,”
* Lot, who walked with our father Abraham and learned
ot his good deeds and ways ” (Pirke It. Eliezer, xxv.).

99

was interpreted ot

The angels
at Sodom.

Gen, xvili.

Oe

Ib. xix, 1.

Destruetion
of Scdom.
Gen. xix. Il.

JOSEPHUS

θεοῦ τὴν μέλλουσαν ἀπώλειαν τῶν Σοδομιτῶν
αὐτῷ φράσαντος ἀπαλλάσσεται τήν τε γυναῖκα
καὶ τὰς θυγατέρας, δύο δὲ ἦσαν ἔτι παρθένοι,
ἀναλαβών" οὗ γὰρ μνηστῆρες περιεφρόνησαν' τῆς
ἐξόδου εὐήθειαν ἐπικαλοῦντες τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ Λώτου

203 λεγομένοις. καὶ ὁ θεὸς ἐνσκήπτει βέλος εἰς τὴν

204

πόλιν καὶ σὺν τοῖς οἰκήτορσιν κατεπίμπρα τὴν γῆν
ὁμοίᾳ πυρώσει ἀφανίζων, ὥς μοι καὶ πρότερον
λέλεκται τὸν ᾿Ιουδαϊκὸν ἀναγράφοντι πόλεμον. ἡ
δὲ Λώτου γυνὴ παρὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν συνεχῶς
εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀναστρεφομένη καὶ πολυπραγμονοῦσα
τὰ περὶ αὐτήν, ἀπηγορευκότος τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦτο μὴ
ποιεῖν, εἰς στήλην ἁλῶν μετέβαλεν: ἱστόρησα δ᾽
αὐτήν, ἔτι γὰρ καὶ νῦν διαμένει. διαφεύγει δ᾽
αὐτὸς μετὰ τῶν θυγατέρων εἰς βραχύ τι χωρίον
κατασχὼν περιγραφὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρός" Ζωὼρ ἔτι
καὶ νῦν λέγεται: καλοῦσι γὰρ οὕτως ᾿βραῖοι τὸ
ὀλίγον. ἐνταῦθα τοίνυν ὑπό τε ἀνθρώπων ἐρημίας
καὶ τροφῆς ἀπορίας ταλαιπώρως διῆγεν.

(5) Αἱ δὲ παρθένοι πᾶν ἠφανίσθαι τὸ ἀνθρώπινον
ὑπολαβοῦσαι τῷ πατρὶ πλησιάζουσι προνοήσασαι
λαθεῖν: ἐποίουν δὲ τοῦτο ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ τὸ γένος
ἐκλιπεῖν. γίνονται δὲ παῖδες ὑπὸ μὲν τῆς πρεσβυ-
τέρας Μίώαβος: εἴποι δ᾽ av τις ἀπὸ πατρός.
"Appavov δ᾽ 7 νεωτέρα ποιεῖται: γένους υἱὸν

1 RO: ὑπερεφρόνησαν rell.

ne

4 The phrase recalls Hdt. iv. 79 és ταύτην (τὴν οἰκίην) ὁ
θεὸς ἐνέσκηψε βέλος" Kai ἡ μὲν κατεκάῃ πᾶσα.

ν BJ. iv. 458-485.

¢ Describing the range of salt hills, Jebel Usdum, at the
S.W. end of the Dead Sea, Dr. C. Geikie writes (Holy Land
and the Bible, ii. 121), ‘‘ Here and there, harder portions of

100

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 202-205

forewarned by God of the ruin impending over the
Sodomites, then departed, taking with him only his
wife and his two daughters, who were still virgins ;
for their suitors seorned this exodus, ridiculing as an
absurdity what they were told by Lot. God then
hurled his bolt upon the city ? and along with its
inhabitants burnt it to the ground, obliterating the
land with a similar conflagration, as I have previously
related in my account of the Jewish War. But Lot’s
wife, who during the flight was continually turning
round towards the city, curious to observe its fate,
notwithstanding God’s prohibition of such action,
was changed into a pillar of salt: I have seen this
pillar which remains to this day.¢ Lot himself
escaped with his daughters, finding refuge in a tiny
spot forming an oasis in the flames: it is still called
Zoor,? that being the Hebrew word for “ little.”
There, isolated from mankind and in lack of food, he
passed a miserable existence.

(5) His maiden daughters, in the belief that the
whole of humanity had perished, had intercourse
with their father, taking care to elude detection ;
they acted thus to prevent the extinction of the race.
And of these unions children were born: the elder
daughter gave birth to Moab, as much as to say “ of
the father,’ ’ the younger to Amman,® the name

the salt . . . rise up as isolated pillars, one of whieh bears,
among the Arabs, the name of Lot’s wife.’’ A “ salt pillar’
is shown here in the Atlas of the Holy Land (Smith and
Bartholomew, Map 30).

ἀ Bibl. Zoar (LxxX Σήγωρ), usually located to the S.E.
of the Dead Sea, some five miles from the present shore.
ἐδ =" littlee insignificant.”

‘So txx (Heb. Ben-ammi). From the txx also Josephus
takes over the interpretation of both names.

101

Gen. xix. 22.

Origin of
Moab and
Ammon.
Gen. xix. 30.

206

207

208

JOSEPHUS

3 ὔ A M” Ἁ , 3 3 ~ € ‘
ἀποσημαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. καὶ κτίζει δ᾽ αὐτῶν ὁ μὲν
λ] 4 ’ ΜΝ 4 ~ wv > ΄
MwaBiras μέγιστον ὄντας καὶ νῦν ἔθνος, ᾿Αμμανί-
¢, ~ ,
tas δὲ ὁ ἕτερος" Συρίας τῆς κοίλης ἐστὶν ἀμφότερα.
καὶ Λώτῳ μὲν τοιαύτην συνέβη τὴν ἐκ Σοδομιτῶν
ἀναχώρησιν γενέσθαι.
oe 5 *~
(ΧΙ. 1) “ABpapos δὲ μετῴκησεν ets Τέραρα τῆς
~ ,
[Παλαιστίνης ἐν ἀδελφῆς ἐπαγόμενος σχήματι τὴν
Σάρραν, ὅμοια τοῖς πρὶν ὑποκρινάμενος διὰ τὸν
φόβον: ἐδεδίει γὰρ ᾿Αβιμέλεχον τὸν βασιλέα τῶν
᾿ ~
ἐπιχωρίων, ὃς καὶ αὐτὸς ἐρασθεὶς τῆς Σάρρας
ῃ a ΞΟ τὴ ,
φθείρειν οἷός τε ἦν. εἴργεται δὲ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ὑπὸ
"“" “- » ~ \
νόσου χαλεπῆς αὐτῷ προσπεσούσης ἐκ θεοῦ, Kat
“ “- ec aA
τῶν ἰατρῶν αὐτὸν ἀπεγνωκότων ὑπνώσας ὄναρ ὁρᾷ
“ ~ ‘ ~
μηδὲν ὑβρίζειν τὴν τοῦ ξένου γυναῖκα, καὶ ῥᾷον
‘ “ Ἁ ‘ , e e ‘ > ~
διατεθεὶς φράζει πρὸς τοὺς φίλους, ws ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ
Pd , ~
ταύτην emayayou τὴν νόσον ὑπὲρ ἐκδικίας τοῦ
~ \ - \
ξένου φυλάσσων ἀνύβριστον αὐτῷ τὴν γυναῖκα, μὴ
\ 10 λ \ > ’ / θ , δ᾽ >] ~
yap adeAdnv οὖσαν ἐπάγεσθαι νόμῳ δ᾽ αὐτῷ συν-
οικοῦσαν, ἐπαγγέλλεταί τε παρέξειν αὑτὸν εὐμενῆ
τὸ λοιπὸν ἀδεοῦς ἐκείνου περὶ τὴν γυναῖκα γενο-

~ 5 \ a
209 μένου. ταῦτα εἰπὼν μεταπέμπεται τὸν “ABpapov

“ “- , \ \ " A
συμβουλευσάντων τῶν φίλων καὶ μηδὲν ἔτι περι
~ ~ , ~
τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτὸν ὡς πεισομένης TL τῶν αἰσχρῶν
» ‘4 Va A A > ~ , Ἁ
ἐκέλευσε δεδιέναι, θεὸν γὰρ αὐτοῦ κήδεσθαι, καὶ
κατὰ τὴν συμμαχίαν τὴν ἐκείνου μεμενηκυῖαν

’ “ ~
ἀνύβριστον κομίζεσθαι τοῦ te? θεοῦ μάρτυρος
~ ~ , la
ὄντος Kal τοῦ τῆς γυναικὸς συνειδότος" ἐλεγέ

«τε» μηδ᾽ ἂν ὀρεχθῆναι τὴν ἀρχήν, εἰ γαμετὴν

1 ἐπάγει ROE. 2 conj. Niese: δὲ codd.
3 ins. Niese.
102

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 1. 206-209

signifying ‘‘ son of the race.’’ The former was the
progenitor of the Moabites, still to-day a mighty

nation, the latter of the Ammanites,* both being
peoples of Coele-Syria.? Such then was the manner
of Lot’s escape from the Sodomites.

(xii. 1) Abraham now migrated to Gerara in
Philistia, accompanied by Sarra, whom he passed off
as his sister, practising the same dissimulation as
before ὁ from fear; for he dreaded Abimelech, the
king of that district, who too being enamoured of
Sarra was prepared to seduce her. But he was
restrained from his lustful intent by a grievous
disease inflicted upon him by God; the physicians
had already despaired of his life,4 when he saw in his
sleep a vision (admonishing him) to do no outrage to
the stranger’s wife; and, beginning to recover, he
told his friends that it was God wlio had brought
this malady upon him to vindicate the rights of ‘his
guest and to preserve his wife from violence, since
it was not his sister that accompanied him but his
lawful wife, and that God promised to show himself
gracious hereafter, were Abraham reassured concern-
ing his wife. Having said this he sent for Abraham,
on the advice of his friends, and bade him have
no further fear of any indignity to his wife, for God
was watching over him, and through His help and
protection he would receive her back inviolate, as
God and the woman’s conscienee would testify. He
added that he would never have yearned for her at

4 So txx (Heb. “ children of Ammon ”’).

>“ To Josephus Coele-Syria is all astern Palestine,”
G. A. Smith, //ist. Geography of the Holy Land, 538 (on
the varying meanings of the naine, originally given to the

hollow between the Lebanons).
e In Bey pts §- 162, 4 Amplification of Scripture.

103

Abraham

and

Abimelech.
Gen, xx. lL.

JOSEPHUS

4 3 , [ 10 λ 4 \ > ’ 1 3
οὖσαν ἠπίστατο, ws ἀδελῴην δὲ ἀγόμενον; οὐκ
᾽ ’ a

210 ἠδίκουν. παρακαλεῖ τε πράως ἔχειν πρὸς αὐτὸν
‘ \ A ~ a ~

καὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ ποιεῖν, παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τε μένειν

λ / a 9 ’ ς ’ 3 ,
βουλομένῳ πᾶσαν ἀφθονίαν ὑπάρξειν, ἀπιέναι τε
προαιρούμενον τεύξεσθαι πομπῆς καὶ πάντων
Ὁ 4 “ ‘ ? A 9 i ~ ¥
211 ὅσων καὶ χρήζων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφίκοιτο. ταῦτ

[τὰ ” / ~
εἰπόντος “ABpajos οὔτε THY συγγένειαν τῆς yuvat-
? a , a

Kos ἐψεῦσθαι ἔλεγεν, ἀδελφοῦ yap αὐτὴν εἶναι
a ‘ U ~
παῖδα, Kat δίχα τοιαύτης ὑποκρίσεως οὐκ ἀσφαλῆ

᾿ 3 ’ a ~
τὴν ἐπιδημίαν ὑπολαβεῖν. ὅσα τε ἐπὶ τῷ μηδὲν

"ἢ ~ “- ~

αἰτιος τῆς νόσου γεγονέναι προθυμηθῆναι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ
A ’ ¢ ’
περὶ τὴν σωτηρίαν, ἑτοίμως ἔφασκεν ἔχειν παρ᾽
δῆθο , \ >A sy , a \
2 αὐτῷ μένειν. καὶ ᾿Αβιμέλεχος τήν τε γῆν πρὸς
\ ‘ 4
αὐτὸν νέμεται καὶ τὰ χρήματα, Kal συντίθενται
ὩΣ ἢ χὰ , θ 2 ¢ 7 , ,
ἀδόλως πολιτεύσεσθαι ὑπέρ τινος φρέατος ποιού-
4 Ψ Δ N ~ iid A
μενοι τὸν ὅρκον, ὃ Βηρσουβαὶ καλοῦσιν" ὅρκιον δὲ
, id > ww Ψ > A ~ ς Α ~
φρέαρ λέγοιτ᾽ ἄν. οὕτω δ᾽ ἔτι καὶ viv ὑπὸ τῶν
> ’
ἐπιχωρίων ὠνόμασται.
4 ~ >
218 (2) Piverar δὲ “Αβράμῳ μετ᾽ οὐ πολὺ καὶ παῖς ἐκ
“- ~ ~ ’
Σάρρας, ὡς αὐτῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ προείρητο, ὃν
ἮΝ 3 ~ ’
ἴσακον ὠνόμασε' τοῦτο γέλωτα σημαίνει: διὰ
é \ 4 4 ~ Ul -
μέντοι TO τὴν Σάρραν μειδιᾶσαι τέξεσθαι φήσαντος
αὐτὴν τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ προσδοκῶσαν ἤδη τοκετοῦ
~ > ‘
πρεσβυτέραν οὖσαν τὸν υἱὸν οὕτως ἐκάλεσεν" αὐτὴ

\ 4 > ? > Ww ς Ἁ δὲ “Ἄ.

μὲν γὰρ ἐνενήκοντα εἶχεν ἔτη ἑκατὸν δὲ “ABpapos.
ι MP?L: + ἣν rell.
2 Niese: πολιτεύσασθαι or -εύεσθαι codd.

σ According to Josephus, she was the daughter of Haran,
Abraham's brother, and therefore Abraham’s niece (§ 151),

104

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 209-213

all, had he known her to be married, but as Abraham
had brought her as his sister he had done him no
wrong. He begged him moreover to be indulgent to
him and to conciliate God’s favour: if he wished to
remain with him, he should have abundance of every-
thing ; if he preferred to depart, he should be given
an escort and all that he had sought in coming to his
country. To this Abraham replied that he had not
belied his relationship to his wife, for she was his
brother’s child,? and that without such dissimulation
he would have felt it unsafe to sojourn in the country ;
and to show that he was in no way responsible for
the king’s illness but anxious for his reeovery, he
declared that he would gladly remain with him. So
Abimelech assigned to him land and riches and they
covenanted to deal honestly with each other, swearing
an oath over a well which they call Bérsubai,® that is
to say “ well of the oath ” : it is still so named by the
inhabitants of the country.

(2) Not long after, Abraham, as God had foretold
him, had a son by Sarra, whom he called Isaae ; the
name means “ laughter” and was given him by his
father because Sarra had smiled® when God said that
she would give birth, child-bearing at her advanced
age being beyond her expectations; for she was
then ninety years old and Abraham a hundred. Their

ἀδελφιδῆ not ἀδελφή ς but the latter ean be used loosely =‘ kins-
woman.” According to Genesis she was Abraham’s half-
sister.

ὃ Heb. Beer-sheba, strietly ="* well of seven” (or “seven
wells’), Josephus takes over the Biblical etymology: txx
translates by Φρέαρ ὁρκισμοῦ (or τοῦ ὅρκου), vv. 31, 33. The
two words were probably not unallied, if, as is thought, the
Heb. verb “to swear” originally meant ‘to bind oneself by
pledging seven things.” "8.198;

105

Cf. Gen. xx,
1,

Tb. 14.

ἰὺ. χχί. 81].

Birth of
Isaac.
Gen. xxi. 1.

Ib. xvii. 17;
xxi. 5.

JOSEPHUS

214 τίκτεται δὲ παῖς ἑκατέρων τῷ ὑστάτῳ ἔτει͵ ὃν
εὐθὺς μετ᾽ ὀγδόην ἡμέραν περιτέμνουσι, κἀξ ἐκείνου
μετὰ τοσαύτας ἔθος ἔχουσιν οἱ ᾿Ιουδαῖοι ποιεῖσθαι
τὰς περιτομάς, “ApaBes δὲ μετὰ ἔτος τρισκαι-
δέκατον: ᾿Ισμάηλος γὰρ ὃ κτίστης αὐτῶν τοῦ
ἔθνους ᾿Αβράμῳ γενόμενος ἐκ τῆς παλλακῆς ἐν
τούτῳ περιτέμνεται τῷ χρόνῳ" περὶ οὗ τὸν πάντα
λόγον ἐκθήσομαι μετὰ πολλῆς ἀκριβείας.

215 (9) Σάρρα δὲ γεννηθέντα τὸν ᾿Ισμάηλον ἐκ τῆς
δούλης αὐτῆς ᾿Αγάρης τὸ μὲν πρῶτον ἔστεργεν
οὐδὲν ἀπολείπουσα τῆς [ὡς] πρὸς ἴδιον υἱὸν
εὐνοίας, ἐτρέφετο γὰρ ἐπὶ TH THS ἡγεμονίας δια-
δοχῆ, τεκοῦσα δ᾽ αὐτὴ τὸν Ἴσακον οὐκ ἠξίου παρα-
τρέφεσθαι τούτῳ τὸν ᾿Ισμάηλον ὄντα πρεσβύτερον
καὶ κακουργεῖν δυνάμενον τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῖς ἀπο-

216 θανόντος. ἔπειθεν οὖν τὸν “ABpapov εἰς ἀποικίαν
ἐκπέμπειν αὐτὸν μετὰ τῆς μητρός. ὁ δὲ κατὰ
μὲν ἀρχὰς οὐ προσετίθετο τὴν αὑτοῦ γνώμην οἷς
ἡ Σάρρα ἐσπουδάκει πάντων ὠμότατον ἡγούμενος
εἶναι παῖδα νήπιον καὶ γυναῖκα ἄπορον τῶν ἀναγ-

217 καίων ἐκπέμπειν. ὕστερον δέ, καὶ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς
ἠρέσκετο τοῖς ὑπὸ τῆς Σάρρας προσταττομένοις,
πεισθεὶς “παρεδίδου τὸν ᾿Ισμάηλον τῇ μητρὶ μήπω
δι᾽ αὑτοῦ χωρεῖν δυνάμενον, ὕδωρ τε ἐν ἀσκῷ καὶ
ἄρτον φερομένην ἐκέλευεν ἀπιέναι ὁδηγῷ τῇ ἀνάγκῃ

218 χρωμένην. ὡς δ᾽ ἀπιοῦσαν ἐπιλελοίπει τὰ ἀναγ-
καῖα, ἐν κακοῖς ἦν, ὕδατος δὲ σπανίζοντος ὑπ᾽
ἐλάτῃ τινὶ θεῖσα τὸ παιδίον ψυχορραγοῦν, ὡς μὴ

2 om. ROE.

@ Literally ‘‘ And a child is born of the pair in the last year.”
I follow Weill in the rendering of this puzzling clause,
but would suggest that it is unnecessary to alter the text.

106

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 214-218

child was born in the year after (that prediction).”
Eight days later they promptly circumcised him ; and
from that time forward the Jewish practice has been
to circumcise so many days after birth. The Arabs
defer the ceremony to the thirteenth year, because
Ishmael, the founder of their race, born of Abraham’s
concubine, was eircumcised at that age. I propose in
future to expound this whole subject in detail.?

(3) Sarra at the first, when Ishmael was born of her
servant Hagar, cherished him with an affection no less
than if he had been her own son, seeing that he was
being trained as heir to the ehieftaincy ; but when
she herself gave birth to Isaac, she held it wrong that
her boy should be brought up with Ishmael, who was
the elder child and might do him an injury after their
father was dead. She therefore urged Abraham to
send him and his mother away to settle elsewhere.
He, however, at first refused to consent to Sarra’s
scheme, thinking nothing could be more brutal than
to send off an infant child with a woman destitute of
the necessaries of life. But afterwards, seeing that
Sarra’s behests were sanctioned also by God, he
yielded and, committing Ishmael to his mother, the
child being not yet of age to go alone, bade her take
a skin full of water and a loaf and be gone, with
necessity to serve as her guide. She went her way,
but, so soon as her provisions failed her, was in evil
case ; and the water being well-nigh spent, she laid
the little child, expiring, under a fir-tree and went
As πρῶτος in late Greek is used for πρότερος and ἔσχατος in
Lxx for “ latter,” so Josephus may have used ὕστατος tor
ὕστερος. The obvious rendering, ‘ in the last year of both,”
is impossible ; the parents, we are told, lived for many more

years,
ὑ See § 192 note.

107

Expulsion
of Hagar.

Cf. Gen, xxi
10,

JOSEPHUS

παρούσης τὴν ψυχὴν ἀφῇ, προΐει “πορρωτέρω.

219 συντυχὼν δ᾽ αὐτῇ θεῖος ἄγγελος πηγήν τε φράζει
παρακειμένην καὶ κελεύει προνοεῖν THs ἀνατροφῆς
τοῦ παιδίου: μεγάλα γὰρ αὐτὴν ἀγαθὰ περιμένειν
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ισμαήλου σωτηρίας. 7 Oo ἐθάρσησε τοῖς
προκατηγγελμένοις καὶ συμβαλοῦσα ποιμέσι διὰ
τὴν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπιμέλειαν διαφεύγει τὰς ταλαιπω-
ρίας.

50. (4) ᾿Ανδρωθέντι δὲ τῷ παιδὶ γύναιον ἄγεται τὸ
γένος Αἰγύπτιον, ἐνθένδε ἦν καὶ αὐτὴ τὸ ἀρχαῖον,
3 e - > , 7 ,ὔ ,
ἐξ οὗ παῖδες ᾿Ισμαήλῳ γίνονται δώδεκα πάντες,
Ναβαιώθης ΚΚήδαρος ᾿Αβδέηλος Μάσσαμος δΝίασμα-

3 “. Zs ΤΑ f 3 ~
cos ᾿Ιδουμᾶς ΔΙίάσμησος Xddapos Θαίμανος ᾿Ϊετοῦ-

99] pos Νάφαισος Καάδμασος. οὗτοι πᾶσαν τὴν ἀπ᾽
Εὐφράτου καθήκουσαν πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὰν θάλασσαν
κατοικοῦσι Ναβατηνὴν τὴν χώραν ὀνομάσαντες.

3. ἃ Ἁ = a ‘ ~ 3 4 » Ἁ Voy
εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι, of τὸ τῶν ᾿Αράβων ἔθνος καὶ τὰς

\ > 4? ς a 9 “~ / \ 3 Ἁ A
φυλὰς ad’ αὑτῶν καλοῦσι διά τε THY ἀρετὴν αὐτῶν
καὶ το ἡ ABpapov ἀξίωμα.

999 (XU. 1) ° Ἴσακον δὲ ὁ O πατὴρ “ABpapos ὑ ὑπερηγάπα
μονογενῆ ὄντα καὶ ἐπὶ γήρως οὐδῷ κατὰ δωρεὰν
αὐτῷ τοῦ θεοῦ γενόμενον. προεκαλεῖτο δὲ εἰς
εὔνοιαν καὶ τὸ φιλεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν γονέων

1 καὶ ras] κατὰ Lat. (secundum tribus).
2 Bekker: az’ αὐτῶν codd.

¢ Modelled on Eurip. Hercules Furens, 323 f. ὡς μὴ τέκν'
εἰσίδωμεν, ἀνόσιον θέαν, | Yuxoppayodryra καὶ καλοῦντα μητέρα.
That play seems to have been a favourite of the author,
or rather of his assistant. δ Amplification of Scripture.

© So one group of txx mss.: Heb. Adbeel.

4 So rxx: Heb. Mibsam,

“ After rxx: Heb. Mishma.

108

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [. 218-222

farther on, that she might not be there when he gave
up his spirit. But she was met by an angel of God,
who told her of a spring hard by and bade her look
to the nurture of the young child, for great blessings
awaited her through the preservation of Ishmael.
These promises gave her new courage, and, meeting
some shepherds,® she through their care escaped her
miseries.

(4) When the child reached manhood, his mother
found him a wife of that Egyptian race whence she
herself had originally sprung ; and by her twelve sons
in all were born to Ishmael, Nabaioth(es), Kedar,
Abdeél,¢ Massam,? Masmas,¢ Idum(as),f Masmes,?
Chodam,* Thaiman,? Jetur, Naphais, Kadmas.*
These occupied the whole country extending from the
Euphrates to the Red Sea and called it Nabatene!; and
it is these who conferred their names on the Arabian
nation and its tribes™ in honour both of their own
prowess and of the fame of Abraham.

(xiii. 1) Now Isaac was passionately beloved of his
father Abraham, being his only son and born to him
‘*on the threshold of old age ” π through the bounty of
God. On his side, the child called out the affection of
his parents and endeared himself to them yet more by

After rxx : Heb. Dumah. 9 Bibl. Massa (Magoy),
4 After Lxx (Xodddv): 160. Hadad.
' With cxx: Heb. Tema.
§ Bibl. Naphish (Nags). κ᾿ Bibl. Kedemah (Kedua).
The Nabataeans were a flourishing kingdom in Graeco-
Roman times; Josephus derives the name from [shmael’s
eldest son Nabaioth.

™ Or (with the other reading) “* on the various tribes of the
Arabian nation.’’ One cannot resist the suspicion of a
πο οι connexion of the name Arab with the first two
etters of ἀρ-ετή and of “A8-payos !

" Homeric phrase.

VOL, IV E 109

i

Descendants
of Ishmael.
Gen. xxv, 12.

cy. ib. 18.

The trial of
Abraham.
Gen. xxii. 1.

224

JOSEPHUS

Kal αὐτὸς ὁ παῖς ἐπιτηδεύων πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν καὶ τῆς
τε τῶν πατέρων θεραπείας ἐχόμενος καὶ περὶ τὴν
τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείαν ἐσπουδακώς. “ABpapos δὲ
τὴν ἰδίαν εὐδαιμονίαν ἐν μόνῳ τῷ τὸν υἱὸν ἀπαθῆ
καταλιπὼν ἐξελθεῖν τοῦ ζῆν ἐτίθετο. τούτου μέντοι
κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ βούλησιν ἔτυχεν, ὃς διάπειραν
αὐτοῦ βουλόμενος λαβεῖν τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν θρησκείας
ἐμφανισθεὶς αὐτῷ καὶ πάντα ὅσα εἴη παρεσχημένος
καταριθμησάμενος, ὡς “πολεμίων τε κρείττονα
ποιήσειε καὶ τὴν παροῦσαν εὐδαιμονίαν ἐκ τῆς
αὐτοῦ σπουδῆς ἐ ἔχοι καὶ τὸν υἱὸν Ἴσακον, ἤτει τοῦ-
τον αὐτῷ θῦμα καὶ ἱερεῖον [αὐτὸν] παρασχεῖν,
ἐκέλευέ τε εἰς τὸ δίώριον 6 ὄρος ἀναγαγόντα ὁλοκαυ-
τῶσαι βωμὸν ἱδρυσάμενον: οὕτως γὰρ ἐμφανίσειν
τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν θρησκείαν, εἰ καὶ τῆς τοῦ τέκνου
ee προτιμήσειε, τὸ τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον.

(2) “Ἄβραμος δὲ ἐπὶ μηδενὶ κρίνων παρακούειν
τοῦ θεοῦ δίκαιον ἅπαντα δ᾽; ὑπουργεῖν, ws ἐκ τῆς
ἐκείνου προνοίας ἀπαντώντων" οἷς ἂν εὐμενὴς ἧ,
ἐπικρυψάμενος πρὸς τὴν γυναῖκα τήν τε τοῦ θεοῦ
πρόρρησιν καὶ ἣν εἶχεν αὐτὸς γνώμην περὶ τῆς
τοῦ παιδὸς σφαγῆς, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ τῶν οἰκετῶν τινι
δηλώσας, ἐκωλύετο γὰρ ἂν ὑπηρετῆσαι τῷ θεῷ,
λαβὼν τὸν Ἴσακον μετὰ δύο οἰκετῶν καὶ τὰ πρὸς
τὴν ἱερουργίαν ἐπισάξας ὁ ὄνῳ ἀπήει πρὸς τὸ ὄρος.
καὶ δύο μὲν ἡμέρας αὐτῷ συνώδευσαν οἱ οἰκέται,

1 ἅπαντά θ᾽ ROE.
2 ἁπάντων ζώντων ed. pr. with Lat. is attractive, but cf. for

ἀπαντᾶν ὃ 254: perhaps ἁπάντων has dropped out before ἀπ.
(Niese).

@ Genesis (xxii. 2) speaks of “ one of the mountains " in
“the land of Moriah ” (Lxx τὴν γῆν τὴν ὑψηλήν). “ Mount
Moriah ὁ is named in 2 Chron. iii. 1 as the site of Solomon's
110

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 222-226

the practice of every virtue, showing a devoted filial
obedience and a zeal for the worship of God. Abraham
thus reposed all his own happiness on the hope of
leaving his son unscathed when he departed this life.
This object he indeed attained by the will of God,
who, however, desiring to make trial of his piety
towards Himself, appeared to him and after enumera-
ting all the benefits that He had bestowed upon him—
how He had made him stronger than his enemies, and
how it was His benevolence to which he owed his
present felicity and his son Isaac—required him to
offer up that son by his own hand as a sacrifice and
victim to Himself. He bade him take the child up to
the Morian Mount,4 erect an altar and make ἃ
holocaust of him: thus would he manifest his piety
towards Himself, if he put the doing of God’s good
pleasure even above the life of his child.

(2) Abraham, deeming that nothing would justify
disobedience to God and that in everything he must
submit to His will, since all that befell His favoured
ones was ordained by His providence,” concealed trom
his wife God’s commandment and his own resolve
concerning the immolation of the child; nay, re-
vealing it not even to any of his household, lest haply
he should have been hindered from doing God's
service, he took Isaac with two servants nt having
Jaden an ass with the requisites for the sacrifice
departed for the mountain. For two days the

temple. The locality here intended is unknown ; its identi-
fication by Josephus (§ 226) and by Rabbinical tradition with
the temple mount cannot be sustained.

δ Or (with the other text) “ἢ since all His favoured ones
lived through His providence.”

¢ Cf. Philo, De Abr. 32, § 170 μηδενὶ τῶν ἔνδον ἐξειπὼν τὸ
λόγιον,

hea

Prepara-
tions for
the sacrifice
of ({saac.

227

230

JOSEPHUS

τῇ τρίτῃ δὲ ὡς κάτοπτον ἦν αὐτῷ τὸ ὄρος, κατα-
ιπὼν ἐν τῷ πεδίῳ τοὺς συνόντας μετὰ μόνου τοῦ
παιδὸς παραγίνεται εἰς τὸ ὄρος, ἐφ᾽ οὗ τὸ ἱερὸν
Δαυίδης ὃ βασιλεὺς ὕστερον ἱδρύεται. ἐφερον δὲ
σὺν αὐτοῖς ὅσα λοιπὰ πρὸς τὴν θυσίαν ἦν πλὴν
ἱερείου. τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Ισάκου πέμπτον τε καὶ εἰκοστὸν
ἔτος ἔχοντος τὸν βωμὸν κατασκευάζοντος καὶ πυθο-
μένου, τί καὶ μέλλοιεν θύειν ἱερείου μὴ παρόντος,
lo δὲ} τὸν θεὸν αὐτοῖς παρέξειν ἔλεγεν ὄντα
ἱκανὸν καὶ τῶν οὐκ ὄντων εἰς εὐπορίαν ἀνθρώπους"
παραγαγεῖν καὶ τὰ ὄντα τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς θαρρούντων
ἀφελέσθαι: δώσειν οὖν κἀκείνῳ ἱερεῖον, εἴπερ
εὐμενὴς μέλλει τῇ θυσίᾳ παρατυγχάνειν αὐτοῦ.
(3) Ὡς δ᾽ ὁ βωμὸς παρεσκεύαστο καὶ τὰς σχίζας
ἐπενηνόχει καὶ ἦν εὐτρεπῆ, λέγει πρὸς τὸν υἱόν
ὦ παῖ, μυρίαις εὐχαῖς αἰτησάμενός σε γενέσθαι
μοι παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, ἐπεὶ παρῆλθες εἰς τὸν βίον,
οὐκ ἔστιν ὅ τι μὴ περὶ τὴν σὴν ἀνατροφὴν ἐφιλο-
τιμησάμην οὐδ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ μᾶλλον εὐδαιμονήσειν
ὥμην, ὡς εἰ σέ τ᾽ ἴδοιμι ἠἡνδρωμένον καὶ τελευτῶν
διάδοχον τῆς ἀρχῆς τῆς ἐμαυτοῦ καταλίποιμι.
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ θεοῦ τε βουλομένου σὸς πατὴρ ἐγενόμην
καὶ πάλιν τούτῳ δοκοῦν ἀποτίθεμαί σε, φέρε
γενναίως τὴν καθιέρωσιν' τῷ θεῷ yap GE 7 παραχωρῶ
ταύτης ἀξιώσαντι παρ᾽ ἡμῶν τῆς τιμῆς, ἀνθ᾽ ὧν
εὐμενὴς γέγονέ μοι παραστάτης καὶ σύμμαχος,
νῦν ἐπιτυχεῖν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐγεννήθης * « ἄπιθι νῦν" οὐ
1 om. RO. = ed. De : ἀνθρώποις codd.

8 ἄπιθι viv SP: ἀποθάνῃς most μ88.: text doubtful and
probably defective.

4 Or rather ‘‘ Solomon . . . in the place that David had
appointed ” (2 Chron. iii. 1). But see § 224 note.

[12

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 226-230

servants accompanied him, but on the third, when the
mountain was in view, he left his companions in the
plain and proceeded with his son alone to that mount
whereon king David 7 afterwards erceted the temple.
They brought with them all else needed for the
sacrifice except a victim. Isaac, therefore, who was
now twenty-five years of age,” while constructing the
altar, asked what eathifce™ they were about to aie.
having no victim; to which his father replied that
God would provide for them, seeing that He had
power alike to give men abundance of what they had
not and to deprive of what they had those who felt
assured of their possessions: He would therefore
grant him too a victim, should He vouchsafe to grace
his sacrifice with His presence.

(3) But when the altar had been prepared and he
had laid the cleft wood upon it and all was ready, he
said to his son: “‘ My child, myriad were the prayers
in which I besought God ἐν thy birth, and when thou
camedst into the w orld, no pains were there that 1 did
not lavish upon thine upbringing, no thought had I
of higher happiness than to see thee grown to man’s
estate and to leave thee at my dea heir to my
dominion. But, since it was by God's will that 1
became thy sire and now again as pleases Him I am
resigning thee. bear thou this consecration valiantly ;
for it is to God I yicld thee, to God who now claims
from us this homage in return for the gracious
favour He has shown ine as my supporter and ally.
Aye, since thou wast born (out of the course of
nature, 50) quit thou now this life not by the

* Age unrecorded in Scripture.
¢ Apparent lacuna in the Greek.

113

Abraham's
address to
his son.

231

232

233

234

JOSEPHUS

TOV κοινὸν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν τρόπον, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ πατρὸς
ἰδίου θεῷ τῷ πάντων πατρὶ νόμῳ θυσίας προ-
πεμπόμενος, ἄξιον οἶμαί σε κρίναντος αὐτοῦ μήτε
νόσῳ μὴῆτε πολέμῳ μήτε ἄλλῳ τινὶ τῶν παθῶν,
ἃ συμπίπτειν πέφυκεν ἀνθρώποις, ἀπαλλαγῆναι
τοῦ βίου, μετ᾽ εὐχῶν δὲ καὶ ἱερουργίας ἐκείνου
ψυχὴν τὴν σὴν προσδεξομένου καὶ παρ᾽ αὑτῷ
καθέξοντος" ἔσῃ Τ᾽ ἐμοὶ εἰς κηδεμόνα καὶ γηρο-
κόμον, διὸ καὶ σὲ μάλιστα “ἀνετρεφόμην, τὸν θεὸν
ἀντὶ σαυτοῦ παρεσχημένος.

(4) Ἴσακος δέ, πατρὸς γὰρ ἦν οἵου τετυχηκότα
γενναῖον ἔδει τὸ φρόνημα εἶναι, δέχεται πρὸς
ἡδονὴν τοὺς _Aoyous Kal φήσας, ὡς οὐδὲ γεγονέναι
τὴν ἀρχὴν ἦν δίκαιος, εἰ θεοῦ καὶ πατρὸς μέλλει
κρίσιν ἀπωθεῖσθαι καὶ μὴ παρέχειν αὑτὸν τοῖς
ἀμφοτέρων βουλήμασιν' ἑτοίμως, ὅτε καὶ μόνου
τοῦ πατρὸς ταῦτα προαιρουμένου μὴ ὑπακούειν
ἄδικον ἦν, ὥρμησεν ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν καὶ τὴν σφαγήν.
κἂν ἐπράχθη τὸ ἔργον μὴ στάντος ἐμποδὼν τοῦ
θεοῦ: βοᾷ γὰρ ὀνομαστὶ τὸν “ABpapov εἴργων THS
τοῦ παιδὸς σφαγῆς. οὐ γὰρ “ἐπιθυμήσας αἵματος
ἀνθρωπίνου τὴν σφαγὴν αὐτῷ προστάξαι τοῦ
παιδὸς ἔλεγεν, οὐδὲ οὗ πατέρα ἐποίησεν αὐτὸς
ἀφελέσθαι τούτου βουλόμενος μετὰ τοιαύτης ἀ-
σεβείας,ρ ἀλλὰ δοκιμάσαι θέλων αὐτοῦ τὴν διάνοιαν,
εἰ καὶ τοιαῦτα προστασσόμενος ὑπακούοι. μαθὼν
δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ πρόθυμον καὶ τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῆς
θρησκείας ἥδεσθαι μὲν οἷς αὐτῷ παρέσχεν, οὐχ
ὑστερήσειν δὲ αὐτὸν ἀεὶ πάσης ἐπιμελείας, καὶ τὸ
γένος ἀξιοῦντα, ἔσεσθαί τε τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ πολυ-
χρονιώτατον καὶ “βιώσαντα εὐδαιμόνως παισὶν
ἀγαθοῖς καὶ γνησίοις παραδώσειν μεγάλην ἡγε-
114

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 230-234

common road, but sped by thine own father on thy
way to God, the Father of all, through the rites of
sacrifiee. He, I ween, accounts it not meet for thee
to depart this life by sickness or war or by any of the
calamities that commonly befall mankind, but amid
prayers and sacrificial ceremonies would receive thy
soul and kecp it near to Himself; and for me thou
shalt be a protector and stay of my old age—to which
end above all [ nurtured thee—by giving me God in
the stead of thyself.”

(+) The son of such a father could not but be brave-
hearted, and Isaac received these words with Joy. He
exclaimed that he deserved never to have been born
at all, were he to reject the decision of God and of his
father and not readily resign himself to what was the
will of both, seeing that, were this the resolution of
his father alone, it would have been impious to dis-
obey ; and with that he rushed to the altar and his
doom. And the deed would have been accomplished,
had not God stood in the way, for He called upon
Abraham by name, forbidding him to slay the lad. It
was, He said, from no craving for human blood that He
had given command for the slaughter of his son, nor had
He made him a father only to rob him in such impious
tashion of his offspring ; no, He wished but to test his
soul and see whether even such orders would find him
obedient. Now that He knew the ardour and depth
of his piety, He took pleasure in what He had given
him and would never fail to regard with the tenderest
eare both him and his race ; his son should attain to
extreme old age and, after a life of felicity, bequeath
to a virtuous and lawfully begotten offspring a great

1 yl. δοιλεύμασινε

119

The salva-
tion of Isaac
and the
divine
benediction

235

236

237

238

239

JOSEPHUS

μονίαν. προεδήλου τε τὸ γένος τὸ αὐτῶν εἰς
ἔθνη πολλὰ καὶ πλοῦτον ἐπιδώσειν, καὶ μνήμην
αἰώνιον αὐτῶν ἔσεσθαι τοῖς γενάρχαις, τήν τε
Χαναναίων ὅπλοις κατακτησαμένους ζηλωτοὺς
ἔσεσθαι πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις. ταῦτα ὁ θεὸς εἰπὼν
κριὸν ἐκ τἀφανοῦς παρήγαγεν αὐτοῖς εἰς τὴν ἱερ-
ουργίαν. οἱ δὲ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας αὑτοὺς κεκομισμένοι'
καὶ τοιούτων ἀγαθῶν ἐπαγγελίας ἀκηκοότες ἡσπά-
Come. τε ἀλλήλους καὶ θύσαντες ἀπενόστησαν πρὸς
τὴν Σάρραν καὶ διῆγον εὐδαιμόνως, ἐφ᾽ ἅπασιν οἷς
ἐθελήσειαν τοῦ θεοῦ συλλαμβάνοντος. αὐτοῖς.

(xiv.) Kat Σάρρα μὲν οὐ πολὺ ὕστερον ἀπο-
θνήσκει βιώσασα ἔτη ἑπτὰ καὶ εἴκοσι πρὸς τοῖς
ἑκατόν. θάπτουσι δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐν Νεβρῶνι συγ-
χωρούντων μὲν τῶν Χαναναίων καὶ δημοσίᾳ χοῦν
αὐτῆς τὸν τάφον, ᾿Αβράμου δὲ ὠνησαμένου τὸ
χωρίον σίκλων τετρακοσίων παρ᾽ ᾿Εφραίμου τινὸς
ἐκ “τῆς Νεβρῶνος. καὶ τὰ μνημεῖα “Αβραμός τε
καὶ οἱ ἀπόγονοι αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ κατεσκευάσαντο.

(xv) Γαμεῖ δ᾽ αὐτὸς ΚΚατούραν ὕστερον, ἐξ ἧς
αὐτῷ παῖδες ἕξ γίνονται πρός τε πόνους καρτεροὶ
καὶ δεινοὶ συνιέναι, Ζεμβράνης ᾿Ιαζάρης | διαδάνης
δ]αδιάνης Αὐναδύβαιτας Σοῦος. φύονται δὲ καὶ
τούτοις παῖδες" καὶ Σούου μὲν Σαβακίνης γίνεται
καὶ Δαδάνης, τούτου δὲ Λατούσιμος ᾿Ασσουρις
Aovoupis: Madavou δὲ ᾿Ηφᾶς ‘Eadpyy "Avwxos
Ἔβιδᾶς ᾿Ελδᾶς. τούτοις ἅπασι τοῖς παισὶ καὶ
τοῖς υἱωνοῖς ἍΛβραμος ἀποικιῶν στόλους μη-

1 αὐτοῦ κεκομισμένου ROE.

« Greek “* Nebron,” see § 170 note. > Bibl. Ephron.
¢ Bibl. Keturah (Xerrovpa). 4 Bibl. Zimran.
¢ Bibl. Jokshan (‘legdv). 7 With rxx: Heb. Medan.

116

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 235-239

dominion. He moreover foretold that their race
would swell into a multitude of nations, with increas-
ing wealth, nations whose founders would be had in
everlasting remembrance, that they would subdue
Canaan by their arms and be envied of all men.
Having spoken thus God brought from obscurity into
their view a ram for the sacrifice. And they, restored
to each other beyond all hope and having heard pro-
mises of such great felicity,embraced one another and,
the sacrifice ended, returned home to Sarra and lived
in bliss, God assisting them in all that they desired.

(xiv.) Not long after Sarra died at the age of one
hundred and tw enty -seven years. They burled her
in Hebron,? where the Canaanites offered burial-
ground for her at the public expense, but Abraham
bought the spot for four hundred shekels of Ephraim,?
a native of the place. Here too Abraham and his
descendants built their own tombs.

(xv.) Abraham afterwards married Katura,° by
whom he had six sons, strong to labour and quick
of understanding, viz., Zembran(es),? Jazar(es),°
Madan(es),f Madian(es),? Lousoubak(os),* Souos.?
These too had families: Souos begat Sabakin(es) ’
and Dadan(es),* from whom sprung Latousim(os),
Assuris and Lououris!; Madan begat [phas,”
Eéphrén,” Anoch(os), bidas ° and Eldas.? All these
sons and grandsons Abraham contrived to send out

9 txx (some Mss.): Heb. Midian.

* Bibl. Ishbak (‘Teo S6x). ‘ Bibl. Shuah (Σονέ).

1 Bibl. Sheba (Σαβάκ txx, some Mss.).

k With Lxx (some mss.): Heb. Dedan.

ἐ Bibl. * Asshurim, Letushim (Λατουσιείμ), Leummim ἢ
(in this order). ™ Bibl. Ephah (Veday).

® Bibl. Epher (φέρ). ° Bibl. Abida.

* Bibl. Eldaah (Lxx Θεργαμά with v.l.).

VOL. IV Ε 9 17

Death of
Sarah.
Gen. xxiii. 1,

Abraham's
descendants
by his
second wife.
Gen xxv. 1.

JOSEPHUS

- A / ~ 2
χανᾶται, καὶ τήν τε Τρωγλοδῦτιν καταλαμβάνουσι
. ~ ? , > f “ 3 A 4 >] A
καὶ τῆς εὐδαίμονος ᾿Αραβίας ὅσον ἐπὶ τὴν Ἐρυθρὰν
καθήκει θάλασσαν. λέγεται δ᾽ ὡς οὗτος ὁ ᾿Βώφρην
στρατεύσας ἐπὶ τὴν Λιβύην κατέσχεν αὐτὴν καὶ
οἱ υἱωνοὶ αὐτοῦ κατοικήσαντες ἐν αὐτῇ τὴν γῆν
ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐκείνου ὀνόματος ᾿Αφρικαν προσηγόρευσαν.

240 μαρτυρεῖ δέ μου τῷ λόγῳ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὃ ὁ πολυίστωρ

24]

τῷ
to

λέγων οὕτως: “ Κλεόδημος δέ φησιν ὁ προφήτης,
ὁ καὶ Δίαλχος, ἱστορῶν τὰ περὶ ᾿Ιουδαίων, καθὼς
καὶ Μωυσῆς ἱστόρησεν ὁ νομοθέτης αὐτῶν, ὅτι
ἐκ τῆς Κατούρας ᾿Αβράμῳ ἐγένοντο παῖδες ἱκανοί.
λέγει δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα ὀνομάζων τρεῖς
᾿Αφέραν Lovpnv ᾿Ιάφραν. ἀπὸ ᾿Σούρου μὲν τὴν
᾿Ασσυρίαν κεκλῆσθαι, ἀπὸ δὲ τῶν δύο ᾿Ιάφρα τε
καὶ ᾿Αφέρου πόλιν τε ᾿Αφρᾶν' καὶ τὴν χώραν
"Αφρικαν ὀνομασθῆναι. τούτους γὰρ “Ἡρακλεῖ
συστρατεῦσαι ἐπὶ Λιβύην καὶ ᾿Ανταῖον, γήμαντά
τε τὴν ᾿Αφράνου θυγατέρα “Ἡρακλέα γεννῆσαι
υἱὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς Aidwpov: τούτου δὲ γενέσθαι Σόφωνα,
ἀφ᾽ οὗ τοὺς βαρβάρους Σόφακας λέγεσθαι.᾽

(xvi. 1) ᾿Ισάκῳ δὲξ περὶ τεσσαρακοστὸν ἔτος
γεγονότι γυναῖκα γνοὺς ἀγαγέσθαι 6 πατὴρ
ἽἍΜβραμος Ρεβέκκαν, Ναχώρου παιδὸς θυγατέρα
ταδελφοῦ, τὸν πρεσβύτατον πέμπει τῶν οἰκετῶν
ἐπὶ τὴν μνηστείαν ἐνδησάμενος μεγάλαις πίστεσι.

1°E@pav most Mss. 5. δὴ Nis.

7 The Arabian shore οὗ the Red Sea: the name may also
include the opposite coast. Gen. xxv. 6 speaks of their being
sent *‘ eastward unto the east country.”

IG FS: Sot

¢ Alexander Cornelius, a contemporary of Sulla, wrote a
treatise on the Jews containing extracts from Jewish and
Samaritan writings of the second cent. B.c.; the fragments have

118

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 239-242

to found eolonies, and they took possession of Troglo-
dytis 6 and that part of Arabia Felix which extends
to the Red Sea. It is said moreover that this Kophrén
led an expedition against Libya and oecupied it and
that his grandsons settled there and called the land
after his name Africa.o 1 have a witness to this
statement in Alexander Polyhistor,° whose words are
as follows: ‘‘ Cleodemus the prophet, also called
Malehus, in his history of the Jews relates, in con-
formity with the narrative of their lawgiver Moses,
that Abraham had several sons by Katura. He
moreover gives their names, mentioning three—
Apheras, Sures, Japhras—adding that Sures gave his
name to Assyria, and the two others, Japhras and
Apheras, gave their names to the city of Aphra and
the country of Africa. In fact, he adds, these latter
joined Heracles in his campaign against Libya and
Antaeus ; and Heraeles, marrying the daughter of
Aphranes,? had by her a son Didorus, who begat
Sophon, from whom the barbarians take their name
of Sophakes.”’

(xvi. 1) Now when Isaae was about forty years
old,é lis father Abraham, having deeided to give him
to wife Rebeeca, the granddaughter of his brother
Nahor, sent the eldest of his servants to ask for her
hand in marriage, after binding him by solemn

been collected by Freudenthal (Hellenistiche Studien). The
work of Malehus (in lreudenthal’s opinion a Samaritan)
‘**seems to have been a classic example of that intermixture
of Oriental and Greek traditions, which was popular’’ in
Hellenistic times. The legends about Heracles recurred,
with variations, in the Libyan history of King Juba (Plutareh
Sertor. 9, quoted by Schiirer).

4 The fluctuating spelling leaves it uncertain which son is
intended. * Gen. xxv. 20.

119

The wooing
of Rebecea.
Gen. xxiv. }.

243

244

246

247

JOSEPHUS

γίνονται δὲ αὗται τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον' ὑπὸ τοὺς
μηροὺς ἀλλήλοις τὰς χεῖρας ἐπαγαγόντες ἔπειτα
ἐπικαλοῦνται τὸν θεὸν μάρτυρα τῶν ἐσομένων.
ἔπεμπε δὲ καὶ δῶρα τοῖς ἐκεῖ διὰ τὸ σπάνιον
ἢ μηδ᾽ ὅλως ἐπιχωριάζειν ἐκτετιμημένα. οὗτος
ἀπερχόμενος χρόνῳ διὰ τὸ εἶναι χαλεπὴν ὁδεύεσθαι
τὴν δεσοποταμίαν, χειμῶνι μὲν ὑπὸ πηλῶν
βάθους θέρους δ᾽ ὑπὸ ἀνυδρίας, ἔ ἔτι δὲ καὶ λῃστηρίων
ὄντων ἐν αὐτῇ, ἃ διαφυγεῖν οὐκ ἐνῆν μὴ προ-
νοοῦσι τούτου τοῖς ὁδεύουσιν, εἰς πόλιν ἀφικνεῖται
Xdppay,' καὶ γενόμενος ἐν τοῖς προαστείοις παρ-
θένοις ἐντυγχάνει πλείοσιν ἐφ᾽ ὕδωρ βαδιζούσαις"
εὔχεται μὲν οὖν τῷ θεῷ “Ρεβέκκαν, ἣν τῷ παιδὶ
“ABpapos μνηστευσόμενον ἐξαπέστειλαν, εἰ κατὰ
νοῦν τὸν αὐτοῦ μέλλει ὁ γάμος οὗτος συντελεῖσθαι,
ἐν ἐκείναις εὑρεθῆναι γνωρισθῆναι τε αὐτὴν τῶν
μὲν ἄλλων αἰτοῦντι ποτὸν ἀρνουμένων ἐκείνης δὲ
αὐτῷ παρασχούσης.

(9) Καὶ ὁ μὲν ἐπὶ ταύτης ὧν τῆς διανοίας ἐ ἐπὶ τὸ
φρέαρ παραγίνεται καὶ παρακαλεῖ Tas παρθένους
ποτὸν αὐτῷ παρασχεῖν" τῶν δ᾽ ἐκτρεπομένων ὡς"
χρῃζουσῶν οἴκαδε κομίζειν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκείνῳ
παρασχεῖν, καὶ γὰρ οὐδ᾽ εὔληπτον εἶναι τὸ ὕδωρ,
μία ἐξ ἁπασῶν ἐκείναις τε τῆς πρὸς τὸν ξένον
ἐπιπλήττει δυσκολίας, τίνος ἄλλου κοινωνήσειν πρὸς
ἀνθρώπους αὐτάς ποτε, at μηδ᾽ ὕδατος μετέδοσαν
λέγουσα, καὶ παρέχει αὐτῷ φιλοφρόνως. ὁ δὲ ἐν
ἐλπίδι μὲν τῶν ὅλων γενόμενος, βουλόμενος δὲ τὴν
ἀλήθειαν μαθεῖν, ἐπήνει τε τῆς εὐγενείας αὐτὴν
καὶ τῆς χρηστότητος, ὅτι καὶ μετ᾽ οἰκείου πόνου
τοῖς δεομένοις ἐπαρκεῖν οὐκ ἔφυγεν, ἐπυνθάνετό

1 Κάρραν most mss, ®@ SPE: καὶ rel
120

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 243-247

pledges. These pledges are given on this wise : eaeh
party places his hands under the other’s thigh, and
they then invoke God as witness of their future
aetions. He also sent to his friends over there presents,
which, by reason of their rarity or their being wholly
unobtainable in those parts, were inestimable. The
servant's journey was prolonged, beeause travel is
rendered diffieult in Mesopotamia, in winter by the
depth of mad, and in summer through the drought ;
moreover, the country is infested by bands of brigands
whom travellers eould not escape without taking
necessary precautions. But at length he reached the
eity of Charran, in the suburbs of w ich he fellin with
a number of Pandan going to fetch water. He
therefore prayed God to erant that, if it were His
pleasure that this marriage should be consummated,
Rebeeea, for whose hand Abraham had sent him
to sue on behalf of his son, might be found among
these maidens and be made own to him by her
proffering him drink at his request, when the rest
refused it.

(2) With this purpose in mind he approached the
well and asked the maidens to give him drink. But
they declined, saying that they wanted the water to
earry home and not for serving him, for it was no
easy matter to draw it. One only of them all re-
buked the rest for their churlishness to the stranger,
saying “ What will you ever share with anyone, who
refuse even a drop of water? , and with that she
graciously offered him some. He, now in high hopes
of attaining his main objeet, but wishing to learn the
truth, eornmiended her for her nobility ani goodness
of heart in not hesitating to minister to Anollice Ss
need at the cost of her own toil, and inquired who

121

scene at
the well,

248

249

25)

JOSEPHUS

’ ” , \ , ene
TE τινῶν ELY) γονέων και pues ates EELS ὄνησιν

, \ 4 66 4 {- ς
τοιαύτης παιδὸς καὶ νυμφεύσειαν,᾽ φησίν, “ ὡς
αὐτοῖς ἐστι κεχαρισμένον, εἰς οἶκον ἀνδρὸς ἀγαθοῦ
παῖδας αὐτῷ τεξομένην γνησίους. ἡ δὲ οὐδὲ

τούτων ἐφθόνησεν αὐτῷ βουλομένῳ μαθεῖν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τὸ γένος ἀπεσήμαινε καὶ “Ῥεβέκκα μέν,
φησίν, os ἐγὼ καλοῦμαι, πατὴρ δέ μοι Balovnros
ἦν" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν ἤδη τέθνηκε, Λάβανος δὲ ἀδελφός
ἐστιν ἡμέτερος τοῦ τε οἴκου παντὸς σὺν τῇ μητρὶ
προνοούμενος καὶ τῆς ἐμῆς παρθενίας ἐπιμελό-
μένος. τούτων ἀκροασάμενος ἔχαιρέ τε τοῖς
γεγονόσι καὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις τὸν θεὸν οὕτως ὁρῶν
αὐτῷ τῆς ὁδοῦ σαφῶς συλλαμβανόμενον,' καὶ
προκομίσας ὁρμίσκον τε Kal τινας κόσμους, οὗς
εὐπρεπὲς φορεῖν παρθένοις, ἀνεδίδου τῇ κόρῃ τῆς
ἐπὶ τῷ πιεῖν χάριτος ἀμοιβὴν εἶναι καὶ γέρας,
δίκαιον λέγων τοιούτων αὐτὴν τυγχάνειν ἀγαθὴν
παρὰ τὰς τοσαύτας παρθένους γενομένην. ἠξίου
τε παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καταχθῆναι, τοῦ προσωτέρω χωρεῖν
τῆς νυκτὸς αὐτὸν ἀφαιρουμένης, κόσμον τε φέρων
γυναικεῖον πολυτελῇ πιστεύειν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀσφα-
λεστέροις ἔφασκεν 7 τοιούτοις, οἵας" αὐτῆς ἐπει-
ράθη. τεκμαίρεσθαι δὲ καὶ τὴν τῆς μητρὸς καὶ
τἀδελφοῦ φιλανθρωπίαν αὐτῆς ἔλεγεν, ὡς οὐ
δυσχερανοῦσιν, ἐκ τῆς περὶ αὐτὴν ἀρετῆς" οὐδὲ γὰρ
ἔσεσθαι βαρὺς μισθόν τε τῆς φιλοξενίας τελέσας
καὶ δαπάναις ἰδίαις χρησάμενος. ἡ δὲ περὶ μὲν
τῆς τῶν γονέων φιλανθρωπίας αὐτῆς ὀρθῶς
εἰκάζειν αὐτὸν εἶπεν, ἐπεμέμφετο δὲ ὡς μικρο-
1 συλλαμβάνοντα RO.

2 Bekker: ois mss. Niese with some mss. reads τούτοις ols
αὐτὸς ἐπ,

122

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, Το 247.-251

were her parents, wishing them joy of such a child
and saying, ““ May they marry thee to their hearts’
content into the house of a good man to bear him
children in wedlock!" Nor yet did she grudge him
this information that he sought but told him also of
her family, saying, “ I am called Rebecca, and my
father was Bathuel, but he is now dead,? and our
brother Laban directs the whole household, with my
mother, and is guardian of my maidenhood.” On
hearing this the servant rejoiced alike at the deeds
done and the words spoken, seeing that God was so
manifestly furthering his mission ; and, producing a
neeklace and some ornaments ὃ becoming for maidens
to wear, he offered them to the damsel as a recom-
pense and reward for her courtesy in giving him
drink, saying that it was right that she should receive
such things, having outstripped so many maidens in
charity. He also besought that he might lodge with
them, night prohibiting him from journeying farther,
and, being the bearer of women’s apparel of great
price, he said that he could not entrust himself to
safer hosts than such as he had found her to be. He
could guess from her own virtues the kindliness of her
mother and brother, and that they would not take
his request amiss ; nor would he be burdensome to
them, but would pay a price for their gracious hos-
pitality and live at his own expense. To this she
replied that with regard to her parents’ humanity he
judged aright, but she upbraided him for suspecting

¢ Not stated in Genesis, but implied by xxiv. 28 (‘* her
mother’s house ”’).

* Gen. xxiv. 22, “a golden ring (Lxx, ‘ gold earrings”).
and two bracelets.”

123

209

255

JOSEPHUS

λόγους ὑπειληφότα: πάντων yap ἀμισθὶ μεθέξειν.
δηλώσασα μέντοι Λαβάνῳ πρότερον τἀδελφῷ συγ-
χωροῦντος ἀξειν αὐτὸν ἔλεγεν.

(3) ‘Qs οὖν τούτου γενομένου παρῆγε τὸν ἕένον,
τὰς μὲν καμήλους αὐτοῦ παραλαμβάνοντες οἱ
Λαβάνου θεράποντες ἐτημέλουν, αὐτὸς δὲ δειπνήσων
εἰσήγετο σὺν αὐτῷ. καὶ μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνόν φησι πρός
τε αὐτὸν καὶ τὴν μητέρα τῆς κόρης “ “A Bpajtos
Θέρρου" μέν ἐστιν υἱός, συγγενὴς δ᾽ ὑμέτερος"
Ναχώρης γὰρ ὁ τούτων, ὦ γύναι, τῶν παίδων
πάππος ἀδελφὸς ἦν “ABpapou ὁμοπάτριός τε καὶ
ὁμομήτριος. πέμπει τοίνυν οὗτος πρὸς ὑμᾶς ἀξιῶν
τὴν κόρην ταύτην παιδὲ τῷ ἑαυτοῦ λαβεῖν πρὸς
γάμον, ὃς γνήσιός ἐστιν αὐτῷ καὶ μόνος ἐπὶ τοῖς
πᾶσι τεθραμμένος" ᾧ τῶν μὲν ἐκεῖ γυναικῶν δυνατὸν
«ὃν» αὐτῷ τὴν εὐδαιμονεστάτην λαβεῖν οὐκ ἠξίωσεν
ἀγαγέσθαι, τιμῶν δὲ τὸ γένος τὸν γάμον πολιτεύει
τοῦτον. οὗ τὴν σπουδὴν καὶ τὴν προαίρεσιν μὴ
ὑβρίσητε᾽ κατὰ γὰρ θεοῦ βούλησιν τά τε ἄλλα μοι
κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀπήντησε καὶ τὴν παῖδα καὶ τὸν
ὑμέτερον οἶκον εὗρον. ἐπεὶ γὰρ πλησίον τῆς
πόλεως ἐγενόμην, παρθένους ἰδὼν πολλὰς ἐπὶ τὸ
φρέαρ παραγινομένας ηὐξάμην εἰς ταύτην ἐμπεσεῖν,
ὃ δὴ γέγονε. γάμον οὖν ὑπὸ θείας. μνηστευόμενον
ἐπιφανείας καὶ ὑμεῖς κυρώσατε καὶ “Ἄβραμον τὸν
μετὰ τοσαύτης ἀπεσταλκότα σπουδῆς τῷ κατα-
νεῦσαι τὴν κόρην τιμήσατε.᾽᾽ οἱ δέ, καλὰ yap ἣν
αὐτοῖς καὶ κεχαρισμένα, τήν τε γνώμην τοῦ θεοῦ
συνῆκαν καὶ πέμπουσιν ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἠξίου τὴν θυγατέρα.
γαμεῖ δὲ ταύτην ὁ “loaxos τῶν πραγμάτων εἰς

124.

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 251-255

them of meanness, for he should have everything
free of cost; however, she would first speak to her
brother Laban and with his consent would bring him
in.

(3) So, this being done, she introduced the
stranger, his camels were received by Laban’s
ate who took charge of them, and he himself
was brought in to sup with the master. Supper
ended, he addressed Laban and the mother of the
damsel thus: ‘“‘ Abraham is the son of Therrus @ and a
kinsman of yours; for Nahor, the grandfather of
these children, dear lady, was Ἔκ, s brother:
they had the same father and the same mother.
Well, it is this Abraham who sends me to you to
ask this damsel in wedlock for his son—his lawful
son, who has been brought up as sole heir to his
whole estate. Aye, though he might have taken for
him the wealthiest of the women yonder, he scorned
such a match, and in honour of his own kin now plans
this marriage. Flout not his ardour and his proposal ;
for it was through God’s will that all else befell me
on my journey and that I found this child and your
house. For when 1 drew nigh to the city 1 saw many
maidens coming to the ell and I prayed that I
might light upon this one, as indeed has come to pass.
Nuptials thus manifestly blessed of heaven do you
then ratify, and show honour to Abraham, who with
such zeal has sent me hither, by consenting to give
the damsel away.” And they, since the Suit was
honourable and to their liking, understood God’s
will and sent their daughter in aecordanee with the
servant's request. And Isaae married her, being now

4 Or Tharrus (Bibl. Terah), § 148.

1 u.l. Θάρρου, Oappa,
125

Marriage
of Isaac.

JOSEPHUS

+ A > i “ 4 3 .- ’ + A
αὐτὸν ἀφικομένων" ot yap ἐκ τῆς Katovpas ets τὰς
ἀποικίας ἐξεληλύθεισαν.

256 (xvil.) TeAevrd δὲ καὶ ἽἌβραμος μετ᾽ ὀλίγον,
ἀνὴρ πᾶσαν ἀρετὴν ἄκρος καὶ τῆς περὶ αὐτὸν
σπουδῆς ἀξίως ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ τετιμημένος. ἐβίωσε
δὲ τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἐτῶν ἑβδομηκονταπέντε πρὸς
τοῖς ἑκατὸν καὶ θάπτεται ἐν Νεβρῶνι μετὰ τῆς
γυναικὸς Σάρρας ὑπὸ τῶν παίδων ᾿Ισάκου καὶ
᾿Ισμαήλου.

267 ‘(Xvill. 1) ᾿Ισάκῳ δὲ μετὰ τὴν “Αβράμου τελευτὴν
ἐκύει τὸ γύναιον, καὶ τῆς γαστρὸς ἐπὶ μεῖζον
ὀγκουμένης ἀγωνιάσας ἀνήρετο τὸν θεόν. φράζει
3 3 ~ / f A ς / A
δ᾽ αὐτῷ διδύμους τέξεσθαι τὴν Ρεβέκκαν καὶ
φερώνυμα ἔσεσθαι τοῖς παισὶν ἔθνη, τοῦ δὲ μείζονος

258 προτερήσειν τὸ δοκοῦν ἔλασσον εἶναι. τίκτεται δ᾽
αὐτῷ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον κατὰ πρόρρησιν τοῦ θεοῦ δίδυμα
παιδία, ὧν τὸ μὲν πρεσβύτερον ἀπὸ κεφαλῆς ἐπὶ
τοὺς πόδας περισσῶς ἣν δασύ, τὸ δὲ νεώτερον
εἴχετο προϊόντος αὐτοῦ κατὰ πτέρναν. ἠγάπα δὲ
ὁ μὲν πατὴρ τὸν πρεσβύτερον ᾿Ησαῦν λεγόμενον
κατ᾽ ἐπωνυμίαν τῆς τριχώσεως: “EBpato. γὰρ τὸ
ἤσαυρον' τρίχωμα λέγουσιν" ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ ὁ νεώ-
τερος τῇ μητρὶ προσφιλὴς 7) ἦν.

/ ”

259 (2) Λιμοῦ δὲ τὴν γῆν καταλαβόντος “Iaaxos,
δόξαν αὐτῷ χωρεῖν εἰς Αἴγυπτον τῆς χώρας ἀγαθῆς
ὑπαρχούσης, ἐπὶ Γεράρων ἀπήει τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύ-

ς / > b A ς A > ’
σαντος. ὑποδέχεται δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὁ βασιλεὺς ᾿Αβιμέ-

1 Σήειρον MSLE, Seirion Lat.: after τριχώσεως SP ins,

p ριχώσ
εἶχε δὲ καὶ ἕτερον ὄνομα Σήειρον λεγόμενον τῆς τριχώσεως

(doubtless a gloss),

* A condensation of Gen. xxv. 21 ἔν. where Isaac first
126

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 255-259

master of his father’s estate ; for his sons by Katura
had departed to found their colonies.

(xvii.) Not long after Abraham died, a man in
every virtue supreme, who received from God the
due meed of honour for his zea] in His service. He
lived in all one hundred and seventy-five years and
was buried at Hebron, beside his wife Sarra, by their
sons Isaac and Ishmael.

(xviii. 1) Now after Abraham’s death Isaae’s
young wife eoneeived, and seeing her inordinately
big with child her husband anxiously consulted God.?
And He told him that Rebeeca would give birth to
twins, that nations would bear their names, and that
he that to appearanee was the lesser would excel the
greater. Not long after, as God had foretold, twin
children were born to him, the elder of whom was
excessively hairy from head to foot; the younger
held his brother, issuing before him from the womb,
by the heel. The father loved the clder son, who was

called Esau after his hairiness, since the Hebrews
eall shaggy hair ésauron®; but Jacob the younger
was the darling of his mother.

(2) A famine now prevailing in the land, Isaac
resolved to go into Egypt, where the country was
fruitful, but at God’s bidding removed to Gerara.¢
Here king Abimelech welcomed him in virtue of his
entreats the Lord for his barren wife, and then she in the
pangs of childbirth goes to inquire of Him, and is the recipient
of the oracle.

Ὁ Esau is thought to be connected with an Arabic word
meaning “ hirsute,” for which there is no known Hebrew
equivalent ; Gen, xxv. 25 contains plays on the namies
Edom (“ red”) and Seir (“ hairy ’’), but not apparently on
Esau itself. Josephus is weak in philology, and it is idle to
discuss his text and meaning.

¢ Gerar in Philistia.

127

Gen. xxv. 5.

Death of
Abraham.
Gen. xxv. ὃ.

Birth of
Esau and
Jacob.
Gen. xxv. 21

Isaac at
Gerar(a).
Gen. xxvi. 1.

200

20]

262

263

JOSEPHUS

λεχος κατὰ ξενίαν καὶ φιλίαν τὴν ᾿Αβράμου καὶ
πολλῇ πάνυ πρὸς αὐτὸν εὐνοίᾳ χρησάμενος, κατ᾽
ἀρχὰς ἐπὶ ταύτης ὑπὸ φθόνου μεῖναι πρὸς τὸ πᾶν
ἐκωλύθη. ὁρῶν γὰρ τὸν θεὸν τῷ ᾿Ισάκῳ συμ-
παρόντα καὶ “τοσαύτῃ περὶ αὐτὸν σπουδῇ χρώμενον
ἀπώσατο αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ τοιούτου πάλιν ἐκ μετα-
βολῆς τῆς ἀπὸ τοῦ βασκάνου πειραθεὶς ᾿Αβιμελέχου
τότε μὲν ἀνεχώρησεν εἰς τὴν λεγομένην Φάραγγα
χωρίον οὐ μακρὰν Γεράρων, ὀρύσσοντι δ᾽ αὐτῷ
φρέαρ ποιμένες ἐπιπεσόντες εἰς μάχην ἐχώρησαν
κωλύοντες τὸ ἔργον, καὶ μὴ βουληθέντος φιλονικεῖν
ἔδοξαν κεκρατηκέναι. ὑποχωρήσας δὲ ὥρυσσεν
ἕτερον, καὶ βιασαμένων ἄλλων τινῶν ᾿Αβιμελέχου
ποιμένων καὶ τοῦτο καταλιπὼν ἀπεχώρησεν εὐ-
γνώμονι λογισμῷ κτώμενος αὑτῷ τὴν ἀδειαν.
εἶτα «ταὐτομάτου παρασχόντος αὐτῷ τὴν φρεω-
ρυχίαν ἀνεπικώλυτον, ‘PowBwé τὸ φρέαρ ὠνόμασεν"
εὐρύχωρον ἀποσημαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. τῶν ὲ προ-
τέρων τὸ μὲν "Eoxov καλεῖται: μάχην ἄν Tis αὐτὸ
φήσειε: τὸ δ᾽ ἕτερον Στένα'. ἔχθραν ἀποσημαίνει
τὸ ὄνομα.

(3) ᾿Ισάκῳ μὲν οὖν ἀκμάζειν συνέβαινε τὴν ἰσχὺν
ὑπὸ μεγέθους πραγμάτων, ᾿Αβιμέλεχος δὲ Kall’
αὑτοῦ φύεσθαι νομίζων τὸν ἤΪσακον, ὑπόπτου “μὲν
αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς συνδιαιτήσεως γενομένης, ἐπ᾽ οὐ
φανερᾷ δὲ ἔχθρᾳ τοῦ ᾿Ισάκου ὑπεκστάντος, δείσας
μὴ τῆς προτέρας αὐτῷ φιλίας οὐδὲν ὄφελος γένηται
πρὸς ἄμυναν. ὧν ἔπαθεν ᾿Ισάκου τραπέντος φιλίαν
ἄνωθεν ποιεῖται πρὸς αὐτόν, ἕνα τῶν στρατηγῶν

1 After Niese (Στέναν) : Σύαινναν or Σύεννα(ν) codd.

α § 912

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 259-263

former friendship and hospitality to Abraham? and
at first showed him the utmost benevolence, but was
prevented by envy from maintaining these feelings
to the end; for seeing that God was with Isaac and
showered such favours upon him, he cast him off.
Meeting with this change in the temper of Abimelech,
arising from jealousy, Isaac then withdrew to a place
called the Ravine ὃ not far from Gerara. Here, as he
was digging a well, some shepherds fell upon him
and started a fight in order to stop the work ; and,
when Isaac declined a quarrel, they claimed a vic-
tory. He retired and began digging another, but when
other shepherds of Abimelech did him violence he
left this also and departed, purchasing his security
by reasonable calculation. Then, when accident
enabled him to dig unmolested, he called this well
Rodboth, a name which denotes “ spacious.¢”’ Of
the former wells one was called Eskos,? that is to say
“ Combat,” the other Stena,@ signifying “ Hatred.”’
(3) Isaac’s power thus steadily mounted through
increasing wealth; and Abimelech, thinking that
his growing fortunes were a threat to himself (since
their relations had been strained even when living
together and Isaac had retired dissimulating his
hatred), and fearing that his former friendship might
avail him nothing when Isaac should turn to avenge
himself for his injuries, made renewed overtures to
him, taking with him Philoch,’ one of his generals.

> After txx, taking Φάραγξ as a proper name: Heb. “ in
the vale of Gerar.”’

¢ After Lxx (evpuxwpia): Heb. Rehoboth =" broad places.”

4 Heb. Esek, “᾿ contention: τὐχχ ἀδικία,

¢ Heb. Sitnah, ““ enmity ᾿ἦ: Lxx éx@pia.

7 Heb. Phicol: the same transposition of consonants
occurs in some M33. of Lxx.

129

Gen. xxvi.

20 ἢ,

Reconcilia-
tion with

Abimeleeh "

Gen, xxvi.
26,

204

=

205

266

267

JOSEPHUS

τ
Φίλοχον ἐπαγόμενος. πάντων δὲ τετυχηκὼς ὧν
’ 3 “

ἠξίου διὰ τὴν ᾿Ισάκου χρηστότητα, ὀργῆς προσ-

4 Ἁ

φάτου πρεσβυτέραν χάριν εἰς αὐτόν τε καὶ τὸν

“- A > Ἁ

πατέρα γεγενημένην προτιμῶντος, ἀπῆρεν εἰς τὴν
ἑαυτοῦ.

(4) Τῶν δὲ ᾿Ισάκον παίδων ᾿Ησαῦς, περὶ ὃν
μάλιστα ὁ πατὴρ ἐσπουδάκει, τεσσαράκοντα γεγο-
νὼς ἔτη γαμεῖ ΓΛδαν τὴν “HAwvos καὶ ᾿Αλιβάμην

\ ? A 1 , ’ ᾽, ἢ ,
τὴν ᾿Βυσεβεῶνος, δυναστευόντων ἐν ΜΧαναναίοις
ἀνδρῶν θυγατέρας, ἑαυτὸν ποιήσας τῆς περὶ τὸν
γάμον ἐξουσίας κύριον καὶ μηδὲ τῷ πατρὶ συμ-

, 3 Ἁ Ἁ an > / ”
βουλευσάμενος: οὐδὲ yap av ἐπέτρεψεν ἤΐσακος
ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ τῆς γνώμης γενομένης" οὐ yap ἦν αὐτῷ

> ~
du ἡδονῆς συνάψασθαι συγγένειαν πρὸς τοὺς ἐπι-
’ 3 ’ A 3 \ > ~
χωρίους. οὐ βουλόμενος δὲ ἀπεχθὴς εἶναι τῷ
παιδὶ κελεύων ἀφίστασθαι τῶν γυναικῶν σιγᾶν
ἔκρινε.

(5) Γηραιὸς δὲ ὧν καὶ τὰς ὄψεις εἰς τὸ παντελὲς
ἠφανισμένος προσκαλεσάμενος τὸν ᾿Ησαῦν καὶ τὸ

aA \ “ ΄-- a
γῆρας εἰπὼν ws καὶ δίχα THs πηρώσεως Kal τοῦ
κατὰ τὰς ὄψεις πάθους ἐμποδὼν ἣν αὐτῷ θερα-

, \ a > 4 > a“ ϑ το ,
πεύειν τὸν θεόν, ἐκέλευσεν ἐξελθεῖν ἐπὶ κυνηγέσιον
καὶ θηρασάμενον ὅσα ἂν αὐτῷ δυνατὸν γίνηται
παρασκευάσαι δεῖπνον, ἵνα μετὰ τοῦτο ἱκετεύσῃ
τὸν θεὸν σύμμαχον αὐτῷ καὶ συνεργὸν εἰς ἅπαντα

aA \ ’ » \ s i“ ¢ ’
παρεῖναι τὸν βίον, ἄδηλον μὲν εἶναι λέγων, ὁπότε
καὶ τελευτήσειε, πρὸ δὲ τούτου παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ
1 ᾿Εσεβεῶνος Bernard.

130

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 264-268

And, having obtained complete satisfaction of his
desires, thanks to the good nature of Isaac, who set
more store on ancient favours bestowed on himself
and his father than on recent indignation, he re-
turned home.

(4) Of Isaac’s two children, Esau, the favourite of
his father, at the age of forty married? Ada and
Alibame,? daughters respectively of Helon*’ and
Eusebeon,? Canaanite chieftains ; these marriages
he contracted on his own responsibility without con-
sulting his father, for Isaac would never have per-
mitted them, had his advice been sought, having no
desire to form ties of affinity with the indigenous
population. However, not wishing to become at
enmity with his son through ordering him to separate
himself from these women, he resolved to hold his
peace.

(5) But when he was old and had completely lost his
sight, he called Esau to him and after speaking of his
old age, and how, apart from his affliction in the loss
of his vision, his years hindered him from ministering
to ¢ God, bade him go out to the chase, catch whatever
he could and prepare him a supper, that so, after
partaking of it, he might beseech God to support and
assist his son throughout all his life; adding that
it was uncertain when he might die, but he wished

¢ Scripture contains three inconsistent records of Esau’s
marriages. Josephus, in cominon with a few Lxx Mss., here
introduces the names mentioned in Gen. xxxvi. 2: the Heb.
here has the names Judith and Basemath.

> Bibl. Oholibamah (Lxx "Ed Seud or ’OA.).

¢ Bibl. Elon CEAwp).

4 Bibl. Zibeon (Σεβεγών).

¢ He could not procure a sacrifice himself: such seems
to be the meaning.

151

Esau's
Wives,
Gen. xxvi.
34 with
XXxvi. 2.

Isaac's old
ae,
Geb. XxVil. 1,

270

21]

2712

273

JOSEPHUS

, 4 4 a > ~ ~ ς \ 9 ~
βούλεσθαι τὸν θεὸν ταῖς εὐχαῖς ταῖς ὑπὲρ αὐτοῦ
παρακεκλημένον.

(6) Kat’ Hoads μὲν ἐπὶ τὸ κυνηγέσιον ἐξώρμησεν"
ἡ δὲ Ρεβέκκα τὸν θεὸν εἰς τὴν εὔνοιαν ἀξιοῦσα τὴν
᾿Ιακώβου παρακαλεῖν καὶ παρὰ τὴν ᾿Ισάκου γνώμην
ἐκέλευσεν αὐτὸν ἐρίφους κατασφάξαντα δεῖπνον
παρασκευάζειν. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιάκωβος ὑπηρέτει τῇ μητρὶ
πάντα παρ᾽ αὐτῆς πεπυσμένος" ἐπεὶ δ᾽ εὐτρεπὲς
ἦν τὸ δεῖπνον, ἐρίφου δέρματι τὸν βραχίονα περι-
βαλών, ἵνα πιστεύοιτο παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ διὰ τὴν
δασύτητα ᾿ἰσαῦς εἶναι, τὰ γὰρ ἄλλα πάντ᾽ ὧν
« \ ‘ s ΄ , , /
ὅμοιος διὰ τὸ εἶναι δίδυμος τούτῳ μόνῳ διέφερε,

Α A \ \ 2 ἊΝ >] ¥ e ‘
καὶ φοβηθεὶς μὴ πρὶν γενέσθαι τὰς εὐχὰς εὑρεθεὶς
κακουργῶν εἰς τοὐναντίον παροξύνῃ τὸν πατέρα
ποιήσασθαι ταύτας, προσέφερε τῷ πατρὶ τὸ δεῖπ-
νον. καὶ ὁ "loaxkos ἐπαισθόμενος τῷ κατὰ τὴν
φωνὴν ἰδίῳ προσκαλεῖται τὸν υἱόν" τοῦ δὲ τὸν
βραχίονα προτείναντος, ᾧ τὴν αἰγέαν περιβέβλητο,
ταύτης ἐπαφώμενος “᾿ φωνεῖς μέν, εἶπεν, “᾿᾽ἴἾα-

/ / \ \ \ ~ /
κώβῳ παραπλήσιον, κατὰ δὲ τὸ THs τριχὸς βάθος
Ἢ σαῦς εἶναί μοι δοκεῖς. καὶ μηδὲν ὑπολαβὼν
κακοῦργον δειπνήσας τρέπεται πρὸς εὐχὰς καὶ
παράκλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ “᾿ δέσποτα, λέγων, ᾿ παντὸς
αἰῶνος καὶ δημιουργὲ τῆς ὅλης οὐσίας" σὺ γὰρ
πατρὶ τῷ ἐμῷ μεγάλην ἰσχὺν προύθηκας ἀγαθῶν
κἀμὲ τῶν παρόντων ἠξίωσας καὶ τοῖς ἐξ ἐμοῦ
γενομένοις ὑπέσχου βοηθὸς εὐμενὴς" καὶ δοτὴρ
ἀεὶ τῶν κρειττόνων ἔσεσθαι: ταῦτ᾽ οὖν καὶ βε-
βαίωσον καὶ μὴ περιίδης με διὰ τὴν παροῦσαν
3 f 2 0a ‘ ~ ‘ f / /
ἀσθένειαν, dv ἣν Kat μᾶλλόν σου δεόμενος τυγχάνω,
καί μοι παῖδα τοῦτον εὐμενὴς σῶζε καὶ παντὸς
> ~ ~ f A > ~ , , ,ὔ
ἀπαθῆ κακοῦ διαφύλαττε δοὺς αὐτῷ βίον εὐδαίμονα
132

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 268-273

before that time to procure God's protection for him
by his prayers on his behalf.

(6) So Esau sped forth to the chase ; but Rebecca, The blessing
being determined to invoke God's favour upon Jacob, pene
even in defiance of Isaac’s intent, bade him kill some
kids and prepare a meal. And Jacob obeyed his
mother, taking all his instructions from her. <Ac-
cordingly, ἀπ πὴ the meal was ready, he put the skin
of a kid about his arm, in order to alee his father
believe by reason of its hairiness that he was Esau—
for being his twin he resembled his brother in all else
but this—fearful lest before the benedictions his
guile might be discovered and provoke his father to
convert them into a curse, and so brought the supper
to his father. Isaac, detecting him by the peculiarity
of his voice, called his son to him, but Jacob ex-
tended the arm which he had wrapped in the goat-
skin, feeling which his father exclaimed, ‘ Thy voice
is like that of Jacob, but from the thickness of the
hair I take thee to be Esau.” So, suspecting no
fraud, he supped and then turned to prayer and
invocation of God, saying,? “ Lord of all the ages and
Creator of universal being, forasmuch as thou didst
bestow upon my father great store of good things,
and to me hast vouchsafcd all that I possess, and to
my descendants hast promised thy gracious aid and
{o grant them ever greater blessings ; now therefore
confirm these promises and think not scorn of me for
my present infirmity, by reason of which I need thee
the more; graciously protect this my son and pre-
serve him from every touch of ill ; grant him a bliss-

¢ Wholly independent of Gen. xxvii. 27 ff.

1 Casaubon: εὐμενῇ codd.
133

to

τῷ

276

Ww

~!
-.}

[Ὁ

“

JOSEPHUS

καὶ κτῆσιν ἀγαθῶν, ὅσων σοι δύναμις παρασχεῖν,
ποιήσας δ᾽ αὐτὸν φοβερὸν μὲν ἐχθροῖς φίλοις δὲ
τίμιον καὶ ,κεχαρισμένον.

(7) Kat ὁ μὲν νομίζων eis ᾿Ησαῦν ποιεῖσθαι τὰς
εὐχὰς παρεκάλει τὸν θεόν: ἄρτι δὲ πέπαυτο τούτων
καὶ παρὴν Ἢσαῦς ἀπὸ Τῆς θήρας. καὶ τῆς δια-
μαρτίας “loakos αἰσθόμενος ἡσυχίαν ayer, ᾿Ησαῦς
δὲ ἠξίου τῶν ὁμοίων τἀδελφῷ παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς
τυγχάνειν: τοῦ δὲ [πατρὸς] ἀρνουμένου διὰ τὸ
πάσας εἰς ᾿Ιάκωβον τὰς εὐχὰς ἀνηλωκέναι πένθος
ἦγεν ἐπὶ τῇ διαμαρτίᾳ. καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῖς δάκρυσιν
ἀχθόμενος ὁ πατὴρ τὰ μὲν περὶ τὸ κυνηγέσιον καὶ
δύναμιν σώματος ἐν ὅπλοις καὶ πᾶσιν ἔργοις
εὐδοκιμήσειν αὐτὸν ἔφασκε καὶ καρπώσεσθαι" τὴν
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δόξαν δι᾽ αἰῶνος καὶ τὸ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γένος,
δουλεύσειν δὲ τἀδελφῷ.

(8) Ἰάκωβον δὲ φοβούμενον τὸν ἀδελφὸν Tepe
ρίαν βουλόμενον λαβεῖν" τῆς ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐχαῖς" δι-
αμαρτίας ἡ μήτηρ ῥύεται: πείθει γὰρ τὸν ἀνδρα
Δεσοποταμίαν ἀγαγέσθαι τῷ ᾿Ιακώβῳ γυναῖκα
συγγενῆ. ἤδη. γὰρ τὴν ᾿Ισμαήλου παῖδα ᾿Ησαῦς
παρειλήφει πρὸς γάμον Βασεμάθην" οὐ γὰρ εὐνόουν
τοῖς Χαναναίοις οἱ περὶ τὸν “Ioakov, ὥστε ἐπὶ
τοῖς πρότερον αὐτοῦ γάμοις δύσι ερῶξ διακει-
μένων εἰς τὸ ἐκείνοις κεχαρισμένον τὴν Βασεμάθην
παρέλαβε μάλιστα περὶ αὐτὴν σπουδάσας.

Gx. J) ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ εἰς τὴν Mecomrorapiav
στελλόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς κατὰ γάμον τῆς
Λαβάνου θυγατρὸς τοῦ ἐκείνης ἀδελφοῦ, ἐπι-
τρέψαντος ᾿Ισάκου τὸν γάμον διὰ τὸ πείθεσθαι
τοῖς βουλήμασι τῆς γυναικός, διὰ τῆς Χαναναίας

1 om. O Lat. 2 ed. pr.: καρπώσασθαι codd.
191}

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 273-278

ful life and the possession of all good things that thou
hast power to bestow ; and make him a terror to his
foes, to his friends a treasure and a delight.”

(7) Thus did he invoke God, believing that he was ae
offering these prayers for Esau; but scarce had he upon Esat,
ended “them when Esau came in from his hunting. as ΧΕΙ;
Perceiving his error Isaac held his peace, but Beau
desired to obtain from his father the same benedic-
tions as his brother, and when his father refused
because he had exhausted all his prayers on Jacob,
loudly lamented his disappointment. His father,
moved by his tears, then pronounced that he would
be renowned in the chase and for strength of body in
arms and in labours of all kinds, and that he and his
posterity would thence reap an age-long reputation,
but that he would serve his brother.

(8) Jacob being now in terror of his brother, who Esau's third
wished to avenge himself for being defrauded of the Gen. xxvii
benedictions, was rescued by his “mother, who per- *
suaded her husband to take a wife for him from his
kinsfolk in Mesopotamia. Esau, for his part, had 19. xxviii. δ.
already taken to wife Basemath,? the daughter of
Ishmael ; for Isaac and his family had no love for the
Canaanites, wherefore, seeing their vexation at his
former marriages, to gratify them he took this
Basemath, to whom he was deeply devoted.

(xix. 1) Jaeob then was sent by his mother to Jacob's
Mesopotamia to espouse the daughter of her brother \y20""" °°
Laban, Isaac consenting to the marriage in com- ἘΟΡΕΠΗΣ

Gen, xxviil.
pliance with his wife’s wishes. He journey. ed through 1, 11.

* Heb. Mahalath (Gen. xxviii. 9); but the small group
of Lxx Mss., to which the text of Josephus is most closely
allied, reads δασεμάθ,

3 ἀπολαβεῖν MSPL, ὁ ἀραῖς OMSP.
[95

219

28]

280

284

JOSEPHUS

ἐπορεύετο καὶ διὰ τὸ πρὸς τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους μῖσος
παρ᾽ οὐδενὶ; μὲν ἠξίου κατάγεσθαι, ὑπαιθρος" δὲ
ηὐλίζετο τὴν κεφαλὴν λίθοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ συμ-
φορουμένοις ἐπιτιθεὶς καὶ τοιαύτην κατὰ τοὺς
ὕπνους ὄψιν ὁρᾷ παραστᾶσαν αὐτῷ: κλίμακα γῆθεν
ἔδοξεν ἐφικνουμένην τοῦ οὐρανοῦ “βλέπειν καὶ δι᾽
αὐτῆς ὄψεις κατιούσας σεμνότερον ἢ ἢ κατὰ ἀνθρώπου
φύσιν ἐχούσας, καὶ τελευταῖον ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς τὸν
θεὸν ἐναργῶς αὐτῷ φαινόμενον ὀνομαστί τε

f A / “ / 5 a
: καλέσαι Kat ποιήσασθαι TOLOUTOUS λόγους" Ιά-

κωβε, πατρὸς ὄντα σε ἀγαθοῦ καὶ πάππου δόξαν
ἀρετῆς μεγάλης εὑραμένου κάμνειν ἐπὶ τοῖς
παροῦσιν οὐ προσῆκεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐλπίζειν τὰ κρείττονα"
καὶ γὰρ ἀφθονος ἐκδέξεταί σε μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν
παρουσία πρὸς τὸ πᾶν κατὰ τὴν ἐμὴν ἐπικουρίαν.
“Αβραμόν τε γὰρ ἐγὼ Lex} τῆς Μεσοποταμίας
δεῦρο ἤγαγον ἐλαυνόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν συγγενῶν, καὶ
πατέρα τὸν σὸν εὐδαίμονα ἀπέφηνα" ὧν οὐχ ἥττω
μοῖραν εἰς σὲ καταθήσομαι. θαρρῶν οὖν καὶ
ταύτην πορεύου τὴν ὁδὸν ἐμοὶ προπομπῷ' χρώ-
μενος" ἀνυσθήσεται γάρ σοι γάμος, ἐφ᾽ ὃν ἐσπού-
δακας, καὶ γενήσονταί σοι παῖδες ἀγαθοί, τὸ δὲ
πλῆθος αὐτῶν ἀριθμοῦ κρεῖττον ἔσται, μείζοσιν
υἱοῖς αὐτῶν καταλιμπάνοντες" οἷς ἐγὼ τὸ ταύτης
κράτος τῆς γῆς δίδωμι καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτῶν, ot
πληρώσουσιν ὁ ὅσην ἥλιος ὁρᾷ καὶ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν.
ἀλλὰ μήτε κίνδυνον ὑφορῶ μηδένα μήτ᾽ εὐλαβοῦ
τὸ πλῆθος τῶν πόνων, ἐμοῦ ποιουμένου τῶν σοὶ
πραχθησομένων πρόνοιαν ἔν τε τοῖς νῦν καὶ πολὺ
πλέον ἐν τοῖς ὕστερον."

(2) Ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ὁ θεὸς ᾿Ιακώβῳ προαγορεύει:'

1 οὐδένα ROE. ? ὑπαίθριος RO.

136

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 278-284

Canaan and, because of his hatred of the inhabitants,
disdained to seek lodging with any of them, but passed
the night in the open air, resting his head on some
stones which he had collected; and this was the
vision which appeared to him in his sleep. He thought
that he saw a ladder reaching from earth to heaven,
down which were descending phantoms of nature
more august than that of mortals, and above it last of
all plainly visible to him was God, who called him by
name and addressed him thus : ‘“‘ Jacob, offspring of a
good sire and of a grandsire who won renown for
exceeding virtue, it would beseem thee not to repine
at thy present lot, but to hope for better things ; for
indeed an abundant and abiding store of great
blessings awaiteth thee through my succour. For it
was I that led Abraham hither from Mesopotamia
when he was driven out by his kinsfolk and that
brought thy father to prosperity ; and no less than
theirs shall be the portion that I shall bestow on thee.
With courage, then, go thou on this Journey too, with
me for thine escort. For this marriage on which
thine heart is set shall be consummated, and goodly
children shall be born to thee, whose descendants @
shall be beyond number and shall leave their heritage
to a yet greater posterity.2X. To them do I grant
dominion over this land, to them and to their children
who shall fill all that the sun beholds of earth and sea.
Nay, fear no danger nor be dismayed at thy multitude
of toils, for it is I who am watching over all that thou
shalt do both now and far more hereafter.”

(2) That was what God foretold to Jacob; and he,

® Greek ‘* multitude.” > Text doubtful.

3 ed. pr., Lat.: om. codd. 7 KO: πομπῷ rell.
137

280

287

288

JOSEPHUS

ὁ δὲ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑωραμένοις Kal
κατηγγελμένοις φαιδρύνει τε τοὺς λίθους ὡς
τηλικούτων ἀγαθῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς προρρήσεως γε:
γενημένης καὶ εὐχὴν ποιεῖται θύσειν ἐπ᾿ αὐτῶν,
εἶ κτησάμενος βίον ἀπαθὴς ἐπανίοι, τῷ θεῷ [de}
εκάτην τῶν πεπορισμένων ποιεῖσθαι οὕτως [αὖθις |?
ἀφικόμενος, τίμιόν τε κρίνει τὸ χωρίον ὄνομα αὐτῷ
Βηθὴλ θέμενος: σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο θείαν ἑστίαν
κατὰ τὴν τῶν ᾿ξλλήνων γλῶτταν.

(3) Προϊὼν δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας χρόνῳ
παρῆν εἰς τὴν Χαρράν, καὶ ποιμένας ἐν τοῖς προ-
αστείοις καταλαβὼν καὶ παῖδας ἐφήβους καὶ
παρθένους ὑπέρ τινος ἱδρυμένους φρέατος συν-
διέτριβεν αὐτοῖς γρήζων ποτοῦ, εἴς τε λόγους
αὐτοῖς ἀφικνούμενος ἀνέκρινεν αὐτούς, εἰ τυγ-
χάνουσι Λάβανόν τινα παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς εἰδότες ἔτι
περιόντα. οἱ δὲ πάντες ἐπίστασθαί τε ἔφασαν,
οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοιοῦτον ὥστε ἀγνοεῖσθαι, καὶ συμ-
ποιμαίνειν αὐτοῖς θυγατέρα αὐτοῦ, ἣν θαυμάζειν
ὅτι μήπω παρείη" “ παρὰ γὰρ ταύτης μεμαθήκεις
ἂν ἀκριβέστερον ὅσα περὶ αὐτῶν ἀκοῦσαι ποθεῖς.
ταῦτα δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἔτι λεγόντων παρῆν ἡ παῖς σὺν
τοῖς ἐπικατιοῦσι τῶν ποιμένων. καὶ δεικνύουσι
τὸν ᾿Ιάκωβον αὐτῇ λέγοντες, ὡς ξένος οὗτος ἧκοι
τὰ περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῆς ἀναπυνθανόμενος. ἡ
δὲ ἡσθεῖσα ὑπὸ νηπιότητος τῇ παρουσίᾳ τοῦ
᾿Ιακώβου ἀνέκρινεν αὐτόν, τίς τε ὧν καὶ πόθεν
ἥκοι πρὸς αὐτοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ τίνος χρείας γμένος,
ηὔχετο δὲ δυνατὸν εἶναι αὐτοῖς παρέχειν ὧν
ἀφικνεῖται δεόμενος.

(4) ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ οὐχ ὑπὸ τῆς συγγενείας οὐδὲ

1 ins. L: om. RO: τῷ δὲ θεῴ (καὶ τῷ θεῷ) rell.
138

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 284-288

overjoyed at these visions and promises, polished ¢
the stones whereon he lay when sueh great blessings
were predicted, and made a vow to sacrifice upon
them, should he, after gaining a livelihood, return
unseathed, and to offer to God a tithe of all that he
had aequired, should he come back in such fashion ;
he moreover held the spot in veneration and gave it
the name of Bethel, which denotes in the Greek
tongue θεία ἑστία---- God’s hearth-stone.? ”’

(3) Proceeding on his way to Mesopotamia, he
at length reached Charran. Here meeting with
shepherds in the suburbs, young men and maidens
seated beside a well, he joined their company, craving
for a drink, and entering into conversation with them
he inquired whether they chanced to know of one of
their people named Laban and if he were still alive.
And they all replied that they knew him, for (they
said) he was not a man who could remain unknown,
and that his daughter tended the flocks along with
them, and they wondered that she was not yet come ;
‘from her,” they said, “ thou wouldest have learnt
more fully all that thou desirest to hear of their
family.’’ And even as they said this the maiden arrived
with the last of the shepherds to descend to the well.
And they pointed out Jacob to her and told her that
this stranger had come to ask after her father. There-
upon she, with childish delight at Jacob’s coming,
asked him who he was, whence had he come to them,
and what business had brought him, and prayed that
it might be in their power to supply his wants.

(4) But Jacob was not so mueh moved by their

@ Se. with oil: uxx ἐπέχεεν ἔλαιον.
LXX olxos θεοῦ.

οι. 0.

— — ὧν — ὐὐισσσον»

139

Consecra-

tion of

Bethel.

Gen. XXViii.
8.

Meeting
with RacheL
wen, XX1X. 1

JOSEPHUS

~ \ 7 b J / > > ” ~ \
τῆς διὰ ταύτην εὐνοίας, ἀλλ᾽ ἔρωτι τῆς παιδὸς
ἡττηθεὶς ἐκπέπληκτό τε τοῦ κάλλους ὁρῶν οὕτως
ἔχουσαν, ὡς ὀλίγαι τῶν τότε γυναικῶν ἤνθουν,
; ὦ b ] > Ἁ \ \ Ἁ ,ὔ 4
καί φησιν “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ πρὸς σὲ καὶ πατέρα τὸν
σόν, εἴπερ Λαβάνου παῖς τυγχάνεις, οἰκειότης
ἐστὶ πρεσβυτέρα τῆς τε σῆς καὶ ἐμῆς γενέσεως"
es Α A

289 ἐκ Θέρρου γὰρ “Ἄβραμος καὶ ᾿Δρράνης καὶ
Ναχώρης ἦσαν υἱοί, ὧν Βαθούηλος ὁ σὸς πάππος
αχώρου γίνεται παῖς, ᾿Αβράμου δὲ καὶ τῆς
᾿Αρράνου Σάρρας Ἴσακος ὁ ἐμὸς πατήρ. ἔγγιον
δὲ καὶ νεώτερον τοῦθ᾽ ἡμεῖς τῆς συγγενείας ὁμή-

290 ρευμα πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἐ ἔχομεν' “Ῥεβέκκα γὰρ μήτηρ

ἐμὴ Λαβάνου πατρὸς τοῦ σοῦ ἀδελφὴ πατρός τε
τοῦ αὐτοῦ καὶ μητρός, ἀνεψιοὶ δ᾽ ἐσμὲν ἡμεῖς ἐγώ
τε καὶ σύ. καὶ νῦν δεῦρο ἥκω ἀσπασόμενός τε
ὑμᾶς καὶ τὴν προὐπάρχουσαν ἡμῖν “συγγένειαν

29] ἀνανεωσόμενος. 9 δὲ ὑπὸ μνήμης, ὁποῖα φιλεῖ

/ ’ὔ

συντυγχάνειν τοῖς νέοις, προπεπυσμένη παρὰ τοῦ
πατρὸς τὰ περὶ τῆς Ῥεβέκκας καὶ τοὺς γονεῖς
εἰδυῖα ποθοῦντας αὐτῆς τὸ ὄνομα, ὑπὸ τῆς περὶ
τὸν πατέρα εὐνοίας ἔνδακρυς γενομένη περιβάλλει

299 τὸν ᾿Ιάκωβον, καὶ κατασπασαμένη τὴν εὐκταιο-
τάτην καὶ μεγίστην ἡδονὴν αὐτὸν κομίσαι τῷ
πατρὶ καὶ τοῖς ἐπὶ τῆς οἰκίας ἅπασιν ἔλεγεν ἐπὶ
τῇ μνήμῃ τῆς μητρὸς αὐτοῦ κειμένῳ καὶ πρὸς
μόνῃ ταύτῃ τυγχάνοντι:" φανεῖσθαι δ᾽ αὐτῷ παντὸς
ἀντάξιον ἀγαθοῦ. χωρεῖν τε ἐκέλευεν ἤδη πρὸς
τὸν πατέρα καὶ ἕπεσθαι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἡγουμένῃ καὶ
τῆς ἡδονῆς μὴ ἀφαιρεῖσθαι τὸ πλέον αὐτὸν
βραδύνοντα.

293 (5) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰποῦσα παρῆγεν αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν
Λάβανον, καὶ γνωρισθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ μήτρωος αὐτός
140

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 288-293

relationship or the affection consequent thereon, as
overcome with love for the maid ; he was amazed at
the sight of beauty such as few women of those days
could show, and said: “ Nay, but the kinship that
unites me to thee and to thy father, seeing that thou
art Laban’s child, dates from before thy birth and
mine. For Abrahain, Arran? and Nahor were sons of
Therrus,? and to Nalicr was born Bathuel thy grand-
sire, and of Abraham and Sarra, daughter of evan,
came my father Isaac. But we have a closer and
more recent pledge of kinship uniting us to each
other, for Rebecca, my mother, is thy father Laban’s
sister: they had the same father and the same
mother : so we are cousins, I and thou. And now I
am come hither to salute you all and to renew that
alliance that already exists between us.”’ And she,
as young people are wont to do, recalling what ere
now she had heard her father tell of the story of
Rebecca, and knowing that her parents were longing
to have word of her, from filial affection burst into
tears and flung her arms round Jacob, and after
tenderly embracing him said that he had brought the
most cherished and keenest of pleasures to her father
and to all their household, for her father was devoted
to the memory of Jacob’s mother and dwelt only upon
it, and his coming would appear to him worth more
than every blessing in the world. And she bade him
come straight to her father, following her lead, and to
deprive him no longer of this pleasure by delay.
(5) Having thus. spoken she conducted him to Jacob and

Laban°; and being recognized by his uncle he for his Pel

Gen. xxix.
13.

α Bibl. Haran. Hil. heralt
¢ In Genesis Laban runs to meet him, and brings him into
his house.

VOL. IV r 141

294

295

296

297

298

JOSEPHUS

τε adens ἦν ἐν φίλοις γενόμενος κἀκείνοις πολλὴν
ἡδονὴν παρεῖχεν ἀδοκήτως ἐπιφανείς. μετὰ δὲ
οὐ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ὁ Λάβανος χαίρειν μὲν ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ παρόντι μειζόνως 7 ὴ ὡς τῷ λόγω δηλώσειεν
ἔλεγε, τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν δι᾿ ἣν ἀφῖκται μητέρα τε καὶ
πατέρα πρεσβύτας καταλιπὼν καὶ θεραπείας τῆς
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ δεομένους ἀνεπυνθάνετο: παρέξειν yap
αὐτῷ καὶ πρὸς ἅπασαν ἐπαμυνεῖν' χρείαν. ᾿Ιάκωβος
δὲ πᾶσαν αὐτῷ τὴν αἰτίαν διηγεῖτο λέγων ᾿Ισάκῳ
γενέσθαι παῖδας διδύμους αὐτόν te καὶ ᾿Ησαῦν,
ὄν, ἐπεὶ τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς εὐχῶν διήμαρτε σοφίᾳ
τῆς μητρὸς εἰς αὐτὸν γενομένων, ἀποκτεῖναι ζητεῖν
αὐτὸν ὡς ἀφῃρημένον τῆς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ βασι-
λείας καὶ ἀγαθῶν ὧν ὁ πατὴρ ηὔξατο' ταύτην
τε εἶναι τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς ἐνθάδε παρουσίας κατὰ
ες THs μητρὸς ἐντολήν. “πάπποι τε γὰρ ἡμῖν
ἀδελφοὶ “τυγχάνουσι καὶ πλέον τοῦ κατ᾽ ἐκείνους
συγγενοῦς ἡ μήτηρ προσλαμβάνει. ἔρυμα δὲ τῆς
ἐμῆς, φησίν, ᾿ ἀποδημίας σέ τε καὶ τὸν θεὸν
ποιούμενος θαρρῶ τοῖς παροῦσι.

(6) Λάβανος δὲ καὶ διὰ τοὺς προγόνους ὑπ-
ισχνεῖται πάσης αὐτῷ μεταδώσειν φιλανθρωπίας
καὶ διὰ τὴν μητέρα, πρὸς ἣν τὴν εὔνοιαν διὰ τῆς
περὶ αὐτὸν σπουδῆς ἐνδείξεσθαι" καὶ μὴ παρούσης"
ποιμνίων τε γὰρ αὐτὸν ἐπιμελητὴν καταστήσειν
ἔφασκε καὶ προνομίας" ἀντὶ τούτων ἀξιώσειν, καὶ
πρὸς τοὺς ἰδίους ἀπαλλάττεσθαι γονεῖς βουλόμενον
μετὰ δώρων ἐπανήξειν καὶ τιμῆς ὅσης εἰκὸς ἦν
τυχεῖν τὸν οὕτω συγγενῆ. ᾿Ιακώβου δὲ ἀσμένως
ταῦτα ἀκούσαντος καὶ φήσαντος ἡδέως πάντα
μένων παρ᾽ αὐτῷ πόνον εἰς ἡδονὴν ὑπομενεῖν" τὴν

1 Naber: ἐπαμύνειν codd.
142

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 293-298

part now felt secure among friends and withal afforded
them great pleasure by his unlooked-for appearance.
A few days later Laban said that his presence indeed
gave him more joy than he could express, but he
asked him for what reason he had come, leaving his
mother and father at an age when they would need his
care, and assured him ἐΐ his aid and succour in his
every need. Jacob then recounted the whole matter
to him, saying that Isaac had twin sons, himself and
Esau; and Esau, being defrauded of his father’s
blessings, which through his mother’s artifice had
been bestowed upon himself, sought to kill him for
having deprived him of God’s destined gift of the
kingdom and of the benefits invoked by his father ;
that was the reason for his coming thither in com-
pliance with his mother’s behest. “For,” said he,
‘our grandfathers were brothers, and my mother
brings us into yet closer relationship than that. And
so, placing myself on my sojourn here under thy
protection and God’s, I have confidence in my present
state.

(6) Laban thereon promised to show him every
kindness, both in the name of their ancestors and also
for his mother s sake, his affection for whom, though
absent, he would display by his solicitude for her son :
he would in fact make him overseer of his flocks and
accord him privileges for these services ; and should
he wish to depart to his parents, he should return
laden with presents and all the honours befitting so
near a kinsman. Jacob welcomed these words and

said that he would gladly tarry with him and endure

2 Niese: πᾶσι codd.
8 Bakker: ἐνδείξασθαι codd. 4 προνομῆς ROE.
§ Dindorf: ὑπομένειν codd.

143

Jacob's
service and
marriages.

299

300

301

302

JOSEPHUS

ἐκείνου, μισθὸν δὲ ὑπὲρ τούτου λαβεῖν ἀξιοῦντος
τὸν Ῥαχήλας γάμον, διά τε τὰ ἄλλα τιμῆς ἀξίας
παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ τυγχάνειν οὔσης καὶ ὅτι διάκονος τῆς
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφίξεως γένοιτο' ὁ γὰρ τῆς παιδὸς
ἔρως αὐτὸν ἠνάγκασε ποιήσασθαι τοὺς περὶ τούτου
λόγους" Λάβανος δὲ ἡσθεὶς τούτοις ἐπινεύει τὸν
γάμον αὐτῷ τῆς παιδὸς οὐκ ἄλλον ἀμείνω γαμβρὸν
εὐξάμενος ἐλθεῖν’ εἰ μέντοι παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μένοι τινὰ
χρόνον, τοῦτο ποιήσειν" εἰς γὰρ Χαναναίους οὐκ
ἂν πέμψειν' τὴν θυγατέρα, μεταμέλειν γὰρ αὐτῷ
καὶ τοῦ τῆς ἀδελφῆς κήδους ἐκεῖ συναφθέντος.
τοῦ δ᾽ ᾿Ιακώβου τούτοις συγχωροῦντος ἑπτὰ ἐτῶν
χρόνον συντίθεται" τοσάδε γὰρ αὐτῷ κέκριται θη-
τεῦσαι τῷ πενθερῷ, ἵνα τῆς ἀρετῆς πεῖραν δοὺς
ἐπιγνωσθῇ μᾶλλον τίς εἴη. καὶ προσδεξάμενος
τὸν λόγον AdBavos τοῦ χρόνου διελθόντος προυτίθει
τὴν εὐωχίαν τῶν γάμων. νυκτὸς δ᾽ ἐπιγενομένης
οὐδὲν προῃσθημένῳ τῷ ᾿Ιακώβῳ παρακατακλίνει
τὴν ἑτέραν τῶν θυγατέρων πρεσβυτέραν τὲ τῆς
᾿Ραχήλας καὶ τὴν ὄψιν οὐκ εὐπρεπή. συνελθὼν
δ᾽ ἐκεῖνος ὑπὸ μέθης καὶ σκότους, εἶτα μεθ᾽
ἡμέραν γνούς, ἀδικίαν ἐπεκάλει Λαβάνῳ. ὁ δὲ
συγγνώμην Ἡτεῖτο τῆς ἀνάγκης, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ταῦτα
πράξειεν" οὐ γὰρ κατὰ κακουργίαν αὐτῷ τὴν
Λείαν παρασχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἑτέρου μείζονος νενι-
ΚΠ τοῦτο μέντοι γ᾽ οὐδὲν ἐμποδίζειν πρὸς

“Ραχήλας γάμον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐρῶντι δώσειν ταύτην
oe ἄλλην ἑπταετίαν. πείθεται δ᾽ ὁ ᾿Ιάκωβος,

1 πέμψαι Niese.

¢ Implied by Gen. xxix. 17, though only one defect is men-
tioned, viz. that her eves lacked hasive:
ὃ Greek, here and throughout, iLiad

11}

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 298-302

any labour to please him ; but for his wages in return
for this he asked the hand of Rachel, who on all
grounds deserved his esteem, and not least for her
ministry in bringing him to Laban—the love that
he bare the maiden constraining him thus to speak.
Laban, delighted at his words, consented to the
marriage with his child, saying that he could not have
prayed for a better son-in-law ; on condition, however,
that he would abide for some time with him, for he
would not send his daughter among the Canaanites :

indeed he regretted that his sister’s marriage had
been contracted over there. Jacob, approving these
conditions, covenanted for a period of seven years :
such was the term for which he resolved to serve his
father-in-law, in order to give proof of his worth and
that it might the better be seen what manner of man
he was. Laban aeeepted this proposal and, when the
time expired, prepared to celebrate the nuptial
festivities. But at nightfall he brought to the
chamber of the all-unconscious Jacob his other
daughter, who was older than Rachel and devoid of
beauty. Jacob, deluded by wine and the dark, had
union with her; then, when daylight came, he
recognized her and accused Laban of perfidy. The
other craved his pardon for the necessity which had
constrained him so to act, saying that it was not out of
malice that he had given him Leah ὃ but from another
more overpowering motive. This would, however,
in no way debar his marriage with Rachel: no, if he
loved her, he would give her to him after another
seven years. To this Jacob submitted, his love for

¢ Weill suspects a lacuna in the text: the motive is stated
in Gen. xxix. 26, “ΤῸ is not so done in our place, to give the
younger before the firstborn.”

1s

303

304

305

JOSEPHUS

ON A -“ ? ~ ~ ¢ ~ , με
οὐδὲν γὰρ ἕτερον αὐτῷ ποιεῖν ὁ τῆς κόρης ἔρως
> , Ἁ ts ” « Ἁ
ἐπέτρεπε, καὶ διελθούσης ἄλλης ἑπταετίας τὴν
15 “Δ “

αχήλαν παρέλαβεν.

a 7H ὃ ¢ , is - \

(7) “Hoav δ᾽ ἑκατέραις θεραπαινίδες τοῦ πατρὸς
δόντος, LeAgda μὲν Λείας ‘PayrjAas δὲ Badda,
δοῦλαι μὲν' οὐδαμῶς ὑποτεταγμέναι δέ. καὶ τῆς
Λείας ἥπτετο δεινῶς ὁ πρὸς τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἔρως
Tavopos, προσεδόκα τε παίδων γενομένων ἔσεσθαι
τιμία ἱκέτευέ τε τὸν θεόν διηνεκῶς. καὶ γενο-
μένου παιδὸς ἄρρενος καὶ διὰ τοῦτο πρὸς αὐτὴν
> , > ‘ Us ~ > 4 ‘
ἐπεστραμμένου τἀνδρὸς ἱἹΡουβῆλον ὀνομάζει τὸν
¢ > ~ ~ ~ ~
υἱόν, διότι κατ᾽ ἔλεον αὐτῇ τοῦ θεοῦ γένοιτο" τοῦτο
γὰρ σημαίνει τὸ ὄνομα. τεκνοῦνται δὲ αὐτῇ καὶ
τρεῖς ἕτεροι μετὰ χρόνον: Συμεών, ἀποσημαΐίνει
δὲ τὸ ὄνομα τὸ ἐπήκοον αὐτῇ τὸν θεὸν γεγονέναι,
εν ’ 4 e 7 » a“
εἶτα Λευίς, κοινωνίας οἷον βεβαιωτής, μεθ᾽ ὃν
>| 10 > [4 ~ ὃ Xx ~ « 4 δὲ

ovdas, εὐχαριστίαν τοῦτο δηλοῖ. Ραχήλα δὲ
φοβουμένη, μὴ διὰ τὴν εὐτεκνίαν τῆς ἀδελφῆς ἢτ-
τονος παρὰ τἀνδρὸς μοίρας τυγχάνῃ, παρακατα-
κλίνει τῷ ᾿Ιακώβῳ τὴν αὑτῆς θεραπαινίδα Βάλλαν.
γίνεται δὲ παιδίον ἐξ αὐτῆς Δάν, θεόκριτον ἂν
τινες εἴποιεν κατὰ τὴν EAM γλῶτταν: Kal
μετ᾽ αὐτὸν Νεφθάλεις, “μηχανητὸς" οἷον, διὰ τὸ
ἀντιτεχνάσασθαι πρὸς τὴν εὐτεκνίαν τῆς ἀδελφῆς.

1 ποὖν RO. 2 Σεμεών M.

3 © Lat. (ex machinationibus): ἀμηχάνητος (εὐμηχάνητοΞς)
rell,

@ So txx (Gen. xxx. 9): Heb. Zilpah.

’ So txx (Gen, xxix. 29): Heb. Bilhah.

¢ Bibl. Reuben (Ρουβήν), “ because,” according to
Scriptural etymology, ‘“ Jehovah hath looked upon my

146

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 302-305

the damsel permitting of no other course, and after
the lapse of seven years more he won Rachel.

(7) The two sisters had each a handmaid given
them by their father—Leah had Zelphah? and
Rachel Balla \—in no way slaves but subordinates.
Now Leah was grievously mortified by her husband's
passion for her sister, and hoping to win his esteem
by bearing children she made continual supplication

to God. Then a boy was born and, her husband’s

3
affection being consequently drawn towards her, she

called her son Rubel,® because he had come to her
through the mercy of God ; for that is the meaning of
the name. ‘Three more sons were born to her later :
Symeon, the name signifying that God had hearkened 4
to her, then Levi(s), that is to say a “‘ surety of fellow-
ship,’ ὁ and after him Judas, which denotes “ thanks-
giving.” Rachel, fearing that her sister’s fecundity
would lessen her own share in her husband’s affec-
tions, now gave as concubine to Jacob her handmaid
Balla. By her he had an infant, Dan,f which might
be rendered in Greek by Theocritos (“ adjudged of
God ”’), and: after him Nephthali(s),9 that is to say
‘“ eontrived,”’ beeause his mother had outmanceuvred

affliction (raah beonyi).”” Josephus here and throughout
adopts the Syriac and probably older form Rubil, finding
in the last syllable the divine name El; how he extracted
the sense of “ mercy ’’ from the first is obscure. Modern
scholars sce in the final syllable not £l but Baal.

4 Heb. shama “ hear.”

¢ In Biblical etymology (Gen. xxix. 34) connected with
the root lavah, “ join,” “‘ adhere’; now thought to be the
yentilic name for the Leah tribe as a whole.

7 Meaning in Ileb. “ he judged.”

9 Bibl. Naphtali (Ν εφθαλεί) : the verb niphtal (translated
‘‘ wrestle ’’), from which Scripture derives the name, means
rather ὁ twist,” suggesting tortuousness, cunning.

14.7

Jacob's
children.

Gen. xxix.
2.

Ib. xxx. 1.

306

307

308

309

310

JOSEPHUS

τὸ δ᾽ αὐτὸ καὶ Λεία ποιεῖ πρὸς TO τῆς ἀδελφῆς
ἔργον ἀντιτεχνασαμένη: παρακατακλίνει γὰρ τὴν
αὑτῆς θεράπαιναν, γίνεταί τε καὶ ἐκ τῆς Ζέλφης
υἱὸς [dédas, τυχαῖον av τις καλέσειεν αὐτόν, καὶ
μετ᾽ αὐτὸν “Aonpos, μακαριστὴς λέγοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐξ
ὧν πρὸς εὔκλειαν' προσελάμβανε. “Ῥουβήλου δὲ
τοῦ πρεσβυτάτου τῶν υἱῶν Λείας μανδραγόρου
μῆλα κομίζοντος τῇ μητρὶ 'Ῥαχήλα θεασαμένη
παρακαλεῖ μεταδοῦναι δι᾽ ἐπιθυμίας τοῦ βρώματος
γενομένη. τῆς δ᾽ οὐ πειθομένης, ἀρκεῖσθαι δ᾽
αὐτὴν ἀξιούσης, OTL τῆς τιμῆς αὐτὴν ἀφέλοιτο τῆς
παρὰ τοῦ ἀνδρός, Ῥαχήλα πεπαίνουσα τὸν θυμὸν
τῆς ἀδελφῆς παραχωρήσειν αὐτῇ τἀνδρὸς ἔλεγε
κοιμησομένου παρ᾽ αὐτῇ κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἑσπέραν.
τῆς δὲ προσιεμένης. τὴν χάριν ᾿Ιάκωβος συγκαθ-
εύδει τῇ Λείᾳ “Ραχήλᾳ χαριζόμενος. πάλιν οὖν
γίνονται παῖδες αὐτῇ, ᾿Ισσαχάρης μὲν σημαίνων
τὸν ἐκ μισθοῦ γενόμενον, Ζαβουλὼν δὲ ἠνεχυρα-
σμένον εὐνοίᾳ τῇ πρὸς αὐτήν, θυγάτηρ δὲ Δεῖνα.
χρόνοις δ᾽ ὕστερον καὶ “ῬΡαχήλᾳ γίνεται [6] ᾿Ιώ-
σηπος υἱός" προσθήκην γενησομένου τινὸς δηλοῖ.

(8) Τοῦτον ἅπαντα τὸν γρόνον, ἔτη δ᾽ ἐστὶν
εἴκοσιν, ἐποίμαινε τῷ πενθερῷ: μετὰ τοῦτον δ᾽
ἠξίου τὰς γυναῖκας ἀναλαβὼν ἀπαλλάττεσθαι πρὸς
αὑτόν: τοῦ δὲ πενθεροῦ μὴ συγχωροῦντος κρύφα
τοῦτο ποιεῖν ἐπενόει. τῶν γυναικῶν οὖν ἀπ-
επειρᾶτο, πῶς ἔχοιεν πρὸς τὴν ἀποδημίαν, τῶν

Σ RO: +7 Δείᾳ rell.
2 μετὰ τὸν δ᾽ RO: μετὰ τοῦτο δὲ most Mss.

“ Gad, “Ὑ {πὸ name of an Aramaean and Phoenician god
of Luck, mentioned 1 in ἶς. ἰχν. 11 ᾽ἢ (Skinner).
» Bibl. Asher (‘Aonp), there derived from the verb * call

148

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 306-310

her sister’s fecundity. Leah responded to her sister's
action by the same stratagem : she too gave her own
handmaid as concubine, and of Zelpha was born a son
Gad(as) ¢—*‘ Godsend ”’ we may call him—and after
him Aser,® or as we may say “ Beatific,’’ beeause of
this addition to the woman’s fame. Now when
Rubel, the eldest of Leah’s sons, brought some apples
of the mandrake to his mother, Rachel spied them and
begged her to give her of them, having a longing to
eat of them. Leah refusing and protesting that she
ought to be content with having robbed her of her
husband’s esteem, Rachel to appease her sister's
wrath said that she would surrender her place to her
and let her husband sleep with her that evening.
She accepted this favour and Jacob, to please Rachel,
slept with Leah. So she again had children:
Issachar,° meaning “one born of hire,” Zabulon
‘ pledged by affection towards her,” ὦ and a daughter,
Dinah. Later on Rachel also bare a son, Joseph,
signifying an “ addition of one to come.é@ ”

(8) Throughout all this period of twenty years
Jacob was tending the flocks of his father-in-law ; but
at the close of it he desired leave to take his wives and
depart to his own home, and, when his father-in-law
refused, he planned to do this thing seerctly. He
accordingly tested his wives’ feelings concerning this
happy,” but possibly ‘
Asherah.”’

¢ =cither * man of hire” or “ there is a reward.”’

4 Genesis (xxx. 20) offers two derivations, from zabad,
‘“endow " (zebed, “ dowry’), or zabal, “dwell”: Jose-
phus seems to connect the word with μα οὶ, “ἃ pledge.”

¢ Or “of something to eome.’’ Josephus adopts the
second of the two Biblical etymologies of his own name,
“May Jehovah add” (Lxx προσθέτω ὁ θεός μοι ἕτερον υἱόν,
Gen. xxx. 24).

VOL. IV F 2 149

‘related to the Canaanite goddess

Gen. xxx. 14

Flight of
Jacob and
his family.
Gen. xxx. 25

Tb. ΧΧΧΙί. 4.

JOSEPHUS

δ᾽ ἐχουσῶν ἡδέως 'Ῥαχήλα καὶ τοὺς τύπους τῶν
θεῶν, ovs σέβειν πατρίους ὄντας νόμιμον ἦν,
συνανελομένη συναπεδίδρασκε μετὰ τῆς ἀδελφῆς
οἵ τε ἑκατέρων παῖδες καὶ αἱ θεραπαινίδες σὺν

“ | Se! ” / > “ ~ > /
311 τοις υἱοις εἰ TE TLS HY KTNOLS αὐταῖς. ΕΠΉΎΕΤΟ

312

313

314

δὲ ᾿Ιάκωβος καὶ τῶν βοσκημάτων τὴν ἡμίσειαν
Λαβάνου μὴ προεγνωκότος. τοὺς δὲ τύπους ἐπ-
εφέρετο τῶν θεῶν ἡ Ραχήλα καταφρονεῖν μὲν τῆς
τοιαύτης τιμῆς τῶν θεῶν διδάξαντος αὐτὴν ᾿Ιακώ-
βου, ἵνα δ᾽ εἰ καταληφθεῖεν ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτῆς
διωχθέντες ἔχοι τούτοις προσφυγοῦσα συγγνώμης
τς

9) Λάβανος δὲ μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν πρώτην γνοὺς τήν
ee ine eet ἀναχώρησιν Kat τῶν θυγατέρων
δεινοπαθῶν ἤλαυνεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν μετὰ δυνάμεως
ἐπειγόμενος, καὶ καθ᾽ ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν ἐπί τινος
λόφου λαμβάνει προκαθιδρυμένους. καὶ τότε μέν,
ἑσπέρα γὰρ ἦν, ἡσύχαζεν' ὄναρ δὲ ὁ θεὸς ἐπιστὰς
αὐτῷ παρήνεσε λαβόντι τὸν γαμβρὸν καὶ τὰς
θυγατέρας ἠρεμεῖν καὶ μηδὲν εἰς αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ
θυμοῦ τολμᾶν, σπονδὰς δὲ ποιεῖσθαι πρὸς Ἰάκωβον,
αὐτὸς λέγων ἐ ἐκείνῳ συμμαχήσειν, εἰ καταφρονήσας
αὐτοῦ τῆς ὀλιγότητος χωρήσειεν αὐτῷ διὰ μάχης.
Λάβανος δὲ ,Τοιαύτης αὐτῷ προρρήσεως yeyevn-
μένης μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν τὸν Ἰάκωβον. εἰς “λόγους προ-
καλεσάμενος καὶ δηλώσας αὐτῷ τὸ ὄναρ, ἐπεὶ
πρὸς αὐτὸν ἦλθε πεισθείς, ἤρξατο κατηγορεῖν
αὐτοῦ προφέρων ὅτι καὶ πένητα αὐτὸν ἐλθόντα
πρὸς αὐτὸν καὶ πάντων ἄπορον ὑπεδέξατο καὶ

° Midrashic addition. For other motives given for the
theft of the Teraphim cf, Pirké R. Eliezer, c. 36 (Friedlander),
‘Rachel stole them, so that they should not tell Laban that

150

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 310-314

migration; and, they being well content, Rachel,
taking with her even the images of the gods which the
religion of her fathers made it customary to venerate,
escaped along with her sister and the children of
both wives, the handmaids with their sons and all
their possessions. Jacob, moreover, took with him one
half of the cattle without the knowledge of Laban.
Rachel, who carried the images of the gods, had
indeed been taught by Jacob to despise such worship,
but her motive was that, in case they were pursued
and overtaken by her father, she might have recourse
to them to obtain pardon.

(9) Laban having, a day later,® discovered the
escape of Jacob and his daughters, indignant at such
treatment, set out after him with a band of men in
hot pursuit, and on the seventh day overtook them on
a hill where they were encamped. It being then
evening, he took his rest ; and God appeared to him
in a dream and warned him, now that he had over-
taken his son-in-law and his daughters, to act gently
and take no rash measures against them in wrath, but
to make a covenant with Jacob ; He would Himself,
He said, come to Jacob’s aid if, in contempt of his
inferiority of numbers, he should proceed to attack
him. Thus forewarned, Laban at break of day
summoned Jacob to a parley, telling him of his dream,
and when Jacob thereon confidently approached him,
began to accuse him, protesting that, on his arrival at
his house in poverty and utter destitution, he (Laban)

Jaeob had fled, and not only that, but also to remove idola-
trous worship from her father’s house.’’ The ‘Teraphim=an
idol or idols in human form, used for divination (Zech. x. 2);
thonght to have been household gods, like the Latin Penates,
and connected with aneestor-worship.

® After the lapse of a whole day = Bibl. “on the third day.”

[δ]

Gen. xxxi.
9.

Dispute
between
Jacob and
Laban.

Gen. XxXxi.
29:

316

317

318

319

JOSEPHUS

παράσχοι πᾶσαν ἀφθονίαν τῆς αὑτοῦ κτήσεως"
“Kal γὰρ καὶ ϑυγατέρας ἐμὰς συνέζευξα τὴν
εὔνοιάν σου τὴν πρὸς ἡμᾶς τούτοις αὐξήσεσθαι
λογιζόμενος. σὺ δὲ οὔτε τῆς μητρὸς τῆς σαυτοῦ
καὶ ἱκοινωνίας |! ἧς ἔχεις πρὸς ἐμὲ συγγενείας
οὐτε γυναικῶν ἃς ἔγημας αἰδῶ ποιησάμενος οὐδὲ
τέκνων ὧν εἶμι πάππος φροντίσας, ἐχρήσω μοι
πολέμου νόμῳ, κτῆσιν μὲν ἄγων τὴν ἐμὴν θυγα-
τέρας δὲ ἀναπείσας ἀποδρᾶναι τὸν γεγεννηκότα,
ἱερὰ τε πάτρια βαστάσας οἴχῃ φερόμενος ὑπό τε
τῶν ἐμῶν τιμηθέντα προγόνων καὶ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ
θρησκείας τῆς αὐτῆς ἐκείνοις ἀξιωθέντα" καὶ
ταῦτα ἃ μηδὲ οἱ πολεμήσαντες τοὺς ἐχθροὺς
ἔδρασαν ὁ συγγενὴς σὺ καὶ τῆς μὲν ἀδελφῆς τῆς
ἐμῆς υἱός, θυγατέρων δὲ τῶν ἐμῶν ἀνήρ, ξένος
δὲ καὶ ἐφέστιος τῆς ἐμῆς οἰκίας γεγενημένος
ἔδρασας. ταῦτα εἰπόντος Λαβάνου ᾿Ιάκωβος ἀπ-
ελογεῖτο μὴ μόνῳ πατρίδος ἔρωτα τὸν θεόν, ἀλλὰ
καὶ πᾶσιν ἐμφῦσαι, καὶ μετὰ τοσοῦτον Jee
καλῶς ἔχειν αὐτῷ κατελθεῖν εἰς ταύτην. “᾿ ὑπὲρ δὲ
τῆς λείας 7s. ἐγκαλεῖς, φησίν, i ἀδικῶν αὐτὸς ἂν
εὑρεθείης em ἄλλῳ κριτῇ: ὑπὲρ γὰρ ἧς ἐχρῆν σε
χάριν ἡμῖν ἔχειν καὶ φυλαχθείσης ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν καὶ
πλείονος γεγενημένης, ὑπὲρ ταύτης πῶς οὐ δια-
μαρτάνεις τῶν δικαίων χαλεπαίνων ἐμοί, εἰ μοῖραν
αὐτῆς ὀλίγην λαβόντες ἔχομεν; περὶ μέντοι γε
τῶν θυγατέρων ἴσθι μὴ κατ᾽ ἐμὴν “κακουργίαν ἀπ-
αναστήσαντος ἀκολουθεῖν, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ εὔνοιαν δικαίαν,
ἣν γυναιξὶ γαμεταῖς πρὸς τοὺς συνοικοῦντας εἶναι
συμβέβηκεν: ἕπονται τοίνυν οὐχ ὡς ἐμοὶ τοσοῦτον,
ὅσον τοῖς παισὶν αὑτῶν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὑπὲρ
1 om. ROE.
159

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 334-319

had entertained him and supplied him with ample
abundance of his possessions. “ Aye,” said he, “1
even gave thee my daughters in wedlock, reckoning
thereby to increase thy affection towards us. But thou,
without regard either for thine own mother or for
the kinship which unites thee to me or for the wives
whom thou hast wed, without a thought for the
children of whom | am the grandsire. hast dealt with
me by the laws of warfare, plundering my property,
instigating my daughters to flee from their sire, and
making off with the sacred objeets of my family which
my forefathers venerated and I have deemed ΚΝ ‘orthy
of the same worship as they. And these actions
which even in war one would not have practised upon
a foe, thou. a kinsman, the son of my own sister, the
husband of my daughters, the guest and sharer of my
hearth and home, hast done tome.” To this speech
of Laban Jacob replied in self-defence that he was not
the only one in whose heart God had implanted a love
of native country, that it was innate in all, and that
after so long a time it was right that he should return
to hisown. “ As for the charge of spoiling ἘΠΕῸ he
proceeded, “it is thou thyself, who wouldst be found
the wrongdoer before any “other judge. For whereas
thou oughtest to be grateful to me for having kept
and multiplied thy cattle. is it not unreasonable to be
wroth with ine for the small portion of them that we
have taken with us? As concerning thy daughters, I
would have thee know that it is no inalice on my part
that has forced them to accompany my flight, but that
just affection which wedded wives are wont to have
for their husbands; in truth it is not so much me
whom they follow as their children.” Such was his

[53

320

32]

322

JOSEPHUS

τοῦ μηδὲν ἀδικεῖν αὐτὸς ἔλεγε, προσενεκάλει δὲ
καὶ κατηγορίαν ἐποιεῖτο, ὅτι μητρὸς ὧν ἀδελφὸς
τῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ συζεύξας αὐτῷ τὰς θυγατέρας
ἐπιτάγμασιν ἐκτρυχώσειε χαλεποῖς εἴκοσιν ἐτῶν
ἀριθμὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς κατασχών. καὶ τὰ μὲν προφάσει

~ , ξ 3
τῶν γάμων ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ γενόμενα καίπερ ὄντα
χαλεπὰ κουφότερα ἔφασκε, χείρω δὲ τὰ μετὰ τοὺς
γάμους καὶ ἃ τις ἂν ἔπαθεν ἐχθρός. καὶ γὰρ
σφόδρα κακούργως ὁ AdBuvos ἐχρήσατο τῷ
᾿Ιακώβῳ: ὁρῶν γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν “πρὸς ὃ τι
θελήσειε συλλαμβανόμενον ὑπισχνεῖτο τῶν τεχθησο-
μένων αὐτῷ παρέξειν ἔσθ᾽ ὅτε μὲν ὃ τι καὶ γένοιτο
λευκόν, ποτὲ δ᾽ αὖ τὰ μέλανα τῶν γεννωμένων.
πληθυόντων δὲ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ὀνόματι τῷ ᾿Ιακώβου
τικτομένων, τὴν μὲν εἰς τὸ παρὸν οὐκ ἐφύλαττε
πίστιν, εἰς ἔτος δὲ παρέξειν ἐπηγγέλλετο" διὰ τὸ
δα en τῷ πλήθει τῆς κτήσεως, ἐπαγγελ-
λόμενος μὲν διὰ τὸ δυσέλπιστον γενέσθαι τοσαῦτα,
ψευδόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ γενομένοις.

(10) Tlept μέντοι τῶν ἱερωμάτων ἐκέλευεν
ἔρευναν ποιεῖσθαι: δεξαμένου δὲ Λαβάνου τὴν
ἔρευναν ΡῬαχήλα πυνθανομένη κατατίθησι τοὺς
τύπους ELS τὴν σαγὴν τῆς φερούσης αὐτὴν καμήλου:
ἐκαθέζετο δὲ φάσκουσα Τὴν κατὰ φύσιν κάθαρσιν
αὐτῇ ἐνοχλεῖν. καὶ Λάβανος μὲν ἀφίσταται τῆς
ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἐρεύνης οὐκ ἂν οἰηθεὶς τὴν θυγατέρα
μετὰ τοιούτου πάθους τοῖς τύποις προσελθεῖν,
ποιεῖται δ᾽ ὅρκους πρὸς ᾿Ιάκωβον οὐδενὸς αὐτῷ
μνησικακήσειν τῶν γενομένων, ἀλλὰ κἀκεῖνος

1 ἅ τις ἐχθρὸς ἔφυγεν ἄν SPL: & τις ἂν ἔπαθεν (om. ἔπαθε»
M) ἐχθρὸς ἔφυγε rell.

3 ROE: +76 ἑξῆς rell.

154

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 319-323

defence to prove that he had done no wrong. from
which he proceeded to complaint and accusation
against Laban: he, though he was his mother’s
brother and had given him his daughters in wedlock,
had worn him out by imposing grievous tasks and by
detaining him there for the space of twenty years.
What Laban had made him suffer, he added, on the
pretext of the marriages, notwithstanding its cruelty,
was indeed comparatively light; but what had
followed those marriages was worse and a fate such as
inight have befallen an enemy.* And indeed Laban
had used Jacob exceedingly ill ; for when he saw that
God assisted him in w Raicoeter he desired, he
promised to grant him from the young of the flock at
one time all that should be born white, at another all
the black progeny. But when the offspring that
should have been credited to Jacob proved numerous,
he did not keep his word at the moment, but promised
to deliver them a year later, since he looked askance
at his becoming possessed of so much. He made
these promises because such numbers were not to be
expected, but when they came he proved faithless.
(10) As for the sacred objects, Jacob bade him
institute asearch. This offer Laban accepted, where-
upon Rachel, hearing of it, deposited the images in
the pack-saddle of the camel which carried her and
sat upon it, professing to be incommoded by the
functions natural to women. Laban then desisted
from further search, never supposing that his
daughter in that condition would approach the
images ; he moreover made an oath to Jacob that
he would bear him no grudge for the past, while

¢ Or (with the other text) “such as an enemy would have
refrained from inflicting.”

1535

Gen. XXX.
7 ff.

to

The re-
conciliation.
Gen. XXXi.

Ww
ts ,

o24

326

JOSEPHUS

ἀγαπήσειν αὐτοῦ τὰς θυγατέρας. Kal τὰς πίστεις
τὰς ἐπὶ τούτοις ἐποιήσαντο ὑπὲρ ὁρῶν τινων, ἐφ᾽
οἷς στήλην ἀνέθεσαν κατὰ βωμοῦ σχῆμα, ὅθεν
᾿αλάδης λέγεται [ὁ] | βουνός, ἀφ᾽ οὗ καὶ νῦν
᾿αλαδηνὴν καλοῦσι τὴν γῆν. ἑστιαθέντων δὲ ἐπὶ
τοῖς ὅρκοις ὁ μὲν Λάβανος ἀνέζευξεν.

(xx. 1) ᾿Ιακώβῳ δὲ εἰς τὴν Χαναναίαν προϊόντι
φαντάσματα συνετύγχανεν ἀγαθὰς ἐλπίδας ὑπ-
αγορεύοντα περὶ τῶν ἐς ὕστερον: καὶ τὸν μὲν τόπον
ἐκεῖνον προσαγορεύει θεοῦ στρατόπεδον, βουλό-
μενος δὲ εἰδέναι, τί ὁ ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ φρονεῖ, τοὺς
γνωσομένους ἕκαστα μετὰ ἀκριβείας προύπεμψε
δεδιὼς αὐτὸν διὰ τὴν προτέραν ὑποψίαν. ἐν-
ετέλλετο δὲ τοῖς πεμπομένοις λέγειν πρὸς Tor
᾿Ησαῦν, ὅτι νομίσας ᾿Ιάκωβος ἄδικον συνδιαιτᾶσθα:ι
αὐτοῦ τῇ ὀργῇ τῆς χώρας ἑκὼν ὑπεξέλθοι, καὶ νῦν
τὸν χρόνον ἱκανὸν ἡγούμενος εἶναι διαλλάκτην
ἐπανήκοι γυναῖκάς τε καὶ παῖδας ἐπαγόμενος μετὰ
τοῦ πορισθέντος βίου, μετὰ τῶν τιμιωτάτωι
ἑαυτὸν ἐκείνῳ παραδιδούς, ὅτι κρίνοι μέγιστοι
ἀγαθὸν 70 Τῷ ἀδελφῷ συμμεταλαμβάνειν τῶι:
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ δεδομένων. καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα
ἐδήλουν, ᾿Ησαῦς δὲ eee. γίνεται καὶ τῷ
ἀδελφῷ ὑπήντα σὺν ὁπλίταις τετρακοσίοις. καὶ
᾿Ιάκωβος πυνθανόμενος ἡ ἥκειν αὐτὸν ὑπαντησόμενοι"
μετὰ τοσούτων ἦν περίφοβος, τῷ μέντοι θεῷ τὴν
ἐλπίδα τῆς σωτηρίας ἐπέτρεπε καὶ πρόνοιαν εἶχει
ἐκ τῶν παρόντων, ὅπως αὐτὸς ἀπαθὴς σώζοι τοὺς
σὺν αὑτῷ κρατήσας τῶν ἐχθρῶν εἰ θέλοιεν ἀδικεῖν.

1 Γαλάδην ΔΙ; Βαλαδηνή rell.

¢ Strictly “8. slah": Josephus takes over the Greek word
«(élé from the Lxx,

180

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 324-327

Jaeob on his side swore to love his daughters. To

these engagements they pledged themselves on

some hills, whereon they ereeted a monument? in the

form of an altar ; henee comes the name Galad(es) ?

given to the hill, and henee to this day they call the

Asta Galadene.© Α feast having followed the
oath-taking, Laban withdrew.

Cx 1) Jacob now pursuing his journey to Canaan
had visions which inspired him with good hopes for
the future ; and he called that spot “ God’s camp.” ©
Being, however, desirous to know his brother's
intentions, he sent forward a party to obtain full and
preeise information ; for he feared him by reason of
their suspicions of old. He eharged these messengers
to tell Ksau that he, Jacob, had left the country of
his own free will, thinking it wrong to live with him
while his wrath persisted, and that now, deeming that
the time past was sufficient to reconcile them, he was
returning with wives and ehildren and all the sub-
stanee that he had procured and was entrusting
himself into his hands with all that he treasured most,
holding it the greatest of blessings to share with his
brother what God had given him. ‘This message
they delivered, and Esau, overjoyed, went to meet
his brother with four inindred inen-at-arms. Jacob,
on learning that he was coming to reecive him with
so large a hones: was sore abana: but cominitted to
God ᾿ς hopes of salvation, while he took all available
precautions to secure himself, to save his companions
and to master his foes should they wish to injure him.

> Bibl. Galeed =“ cairn of witness ὁ (xx βουνὸς μαρτυρεῖ),

¢ The Hellenized form of Bibl. Gilead.

ἀ Bibl. Mahanaim=‘two hosts”? (xx παρεμβολή or παρ-
εμβολα!ί).

97

Gen. χχχὶ.
47.

Jacob's
return to
Canaan.
yen. XXXL 1.

928

Ww

20

990

929]

332

333

JOSEPHUS

νείμας οὖν τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ τοὺς μὲν προύπεμπε,
τοὺς δὲ λειπομένους ἦσσον ἐκέλευσεν ἀκολουθεῖν,
ὅπως εἰ βιασθεῖεν οἱ προπεμφθέντες ἐπιθεμένου
τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ, καταφυγὴν ἔχοιεν τοὺς ἑπομένους.
καὶ τοῦτον διατάξας τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ τὸν τρόπον
πέμπει τινὰς δῶρα κομίζοντας τἀδελφῷ: ὑποζύγια
δὲ ἦν τὰ πεμπόμενα καὶ πλῆθος τετραπόδων
ποικίλων, ἃ δὴ τίμια τοῖς ληψομένοις ἔμελλεν
ἔσεσθαι παρὰ τὸ σπανίζειν αὐτῶν. ἦσαν" δὲ οἱ
πεμφθέντες ἐκ διαλειμμάτων, ἵνα συνεχέστερον
ἐντυγχάνοντες πολλοὶ δοκῶσιν" ἀνήσειν γὰρ ὑπὸ
τῶν δωρεῶν τῆς ὀργῆς, εἰ διαμένοι τεθυμωμένος"
ἔτι μέντοι καὶ λόγοις χρηστοῖς ὁμιλεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν
εἴρητο τοῖς πεμπομένοις.

(9) Ταῦτα συνθεὶς διὰ πάσης τῆς ἡμέρας νυκτὸς
ἐπιγενομένης ἐκίνει τοὺς σὺν αὑτῷ" καὶ χειμάρρουν
τινὰ ᾿Ιάβακχον λεγόμενον διαβεβηκότων ᾿Ιάκωβος
ὑπολελειμμένος φαντάσματι συντυχὼν διεπάλαιεν,
ἐκείνου προκατάρχοντος τῆς μάχης, ἐκράτει τε
τοῦ φαντάσματος, ὃ ὃ δὴ καὶ φωνῇ χρῆται καὶ λόγοις
πρὸς αὐτόν, χαίρειν τε τοῖς γεγενημένοις παραινοῦν
καὶ μὴ eee κρατεῖν ὑπολαμβάνειν, ἀλλὰ θεῖον
ἄγγελον νενικηκέναι, καὶ σημεῖον ἡγεῖσθαι τοῦτο
μεγάλων ἀγαθῶν ἐσομένων καὶ τοῦ μηδέποτε τὸ
γένος ἐκλείψειν αὐτοῦ, μηδὲ ὑπέρτερον ἀνθρώπων
τινὰ τῆς ἰσχύος ee τῆς ἐκείνου. ἐκέλευέ τε
καλεῖν" αὐτὸν *lopanAov: σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ
τὴν Ἑβραίων γλῶτταν τὸν ἀντιστάτην' ἀγγέλῳ

1 ἦσαν codd. 5. μικρῶν MPL.

8 καλεῖσθαι SPL Lat.: perhaps αὑτὸν should be read for
αὐτόν.

4 RO: ἀντιστάντα rell,

158

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 328-333

Accordingly, dividing his company, he sent one party
in advance and bade the remainder follow close
behind, in order that if the advance guard were
overpowered by an attack from his brother, they
might have those in the rear to fall back upon.
Having disposed his men after this fashion, he sent a
party to carry presents to his brother: the convoy
consisted of beasts of burden and a multitude of
quadrupeds of divers kinds such as would be treas-
ured by their recipients on account of their rarity.
These emissaries marched with intervals between,
in order to appear more numerous by arriving con-
tinuously. It was hoped that Esau would be induced
by the presents to relax his wrath, were he still
indignant ; moreover the messengers had _ instruc-
tions to address him affably.

(2) Having spent the whole day in making these
arrangements, at nightfall he put his company in
motion ; and when they had crossed a torrent called
Jabaechos,* Jacob, being left behind, eneountered
a phantom, wrestled with it and overcame it. The
struggle had been begun by the spectre, which now
found a tongue and addressed him, bidding him
rejoice in his achievement and not to imagine that it
was a puny adversary whom he had mastered: he
had defeated an angel of God and should deem this
victory an omen of great blessings to come and an
assurance that his race would never be extinguished
and that no mortal man wonld surpass him in
strength. 1[6 moreover bade him take the name of
Isracl,? which in the Hebrew tongue denotes the
opponent of an angel of God. ‘This revelation indeed

@ Bibl. Jabbok.

6 =" striver with God,” or ‘‘ God strives.”

159

His wrestle
with an
angel.

Gen. xxxii
Paes

334

ooo

336

33

~

JOSEPHUS

θεοῦ. ταῦτα μέντοι προύλεγεν ᾿Ιακώβου δεη-
θέντος: αἰσθόμενος “γὰρ ἄγγελον εἶναι θεοῦ, τίνα
μοῖραν ἕξει “σημαίνειν παρεκάλει. καὶ τὸ μὲν
φάντασμα ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὸν αφανὲς γίνεται. ἡσθεὶς δὲ
τούτοις ᾿Ιάκωβος Φανούηλον ὀνομάζει τὸν τόπον,
ὃ σημαίνει θεοῦ πρόσωπον. καὶ γενομένου διὰ
τὴν μάχην ἀλγήματος αὐτῷ περὶ τὸ νεῦρον τὸ
πλατὺ αὐτός τε ἀπέχεται τῆς τούτου βρώσεως
καὶ Ov ἐκεῖνον οὐδὲ ἡμῖν ἐστιν ἐδώδιμον.

(5) Πλησίον δ᾽ ἤδη τὸν ἀδελφὸν πυνθανόμενος
κελεύει προϊέναι. τῶν γυναικῶν ἑκατέραν καθ᾽
αὑτὴν μετὰ τῶν θεραπαινίδων, ἵνα πόρρωθεν
ἀφορῶεν τὰ ἔργα τῶν al δρῶν μαχομένων, εἰ τοῦτο
θελήσειεν ᾿Ησαῦς: προσεκύνει δ᾽ αὐτὸς τὸν ἀδελ-
φὸν ἐγγὺς αὐτῷ γενόμενον οὐδὲν περὶ αὐτοῦ δόλιον
φρονοῦντα. καὶ ὁ ᾿Ησαῦς ἀσπασάμενος αὐτὸν
ἀνήρετο τῶν παίδων τὸν ὄχλον καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας,
ἠξίου τε μαθὼν περὶ αὐτῶν τὸ πᾶν καὶ αὐτὸς
συμβαδίζειν αὐτοῖς πρὸς τὸν πατέρα, ᾿Ιακώβου
δὲ προφασιζομένου τὸν κόπον τῶν ὑποζυγίων ὑπ-
εχώρησεν εἰς Σάειραν' ἐνταῦθα γὰρ ἐποιεῖτο τὴν
δίαιταν προσαγορεύσας τὸ γωρίον ἀπὸ τῆς αὑτοῦ
τριχώσεως [δασεῖαν].

(xxi. 1) ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ ἀφίκετο εἰς τὰς ἔτι vir’
Σ κηνὰς λεγομένας, ὅθεν εἰς Σίκιμον παρῆν'
Χαναναίων δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἡ πόλις. τῶν δὲ Σικιμιτῶν
ἑορτὴν ἀγόντων Δεῖνα, θυγάτηρ ἦν ᾿Ιακώβου

1 Probably a gloss (‘* Bushy ’’).
@ Bibl. Peniel (Lxx εἶδος θεοῦ).
’ Commonly explained as the sciatic nerve, running from

thigh to ankle. Bibl. Seir (Σηείρ).
ἀ So xx renders, correctly, re ke Succoth, Gen.
MXNL 17. ¢ After rxx: Heb. Shechem.,

160

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 333-337

he gave at the request of Jacob, who, perceiving him
to be a messenger of God, besought him to declare
what destiny was in store for him. The apparition,
having thus spoken, vanished ; and Jacob, delighted
with the vision, named the place Phanuel,? that is to
say, ἀπὸ face of God.” And because in the contest
he had suffered injury near the broad sinew,® he
himself abstained from eating that sinew, and for his
sake we too are forbidden to eat of it.

(8) Learning that his brother was now at hand,
Jacob ordered his two wives to go forward, each
apart with their handmaidens, that they might view
from afar the actions of the combatants, should
sau desire battle. For his part he prostrated him-
self before his brother, who, however, approached
him with no thought of treachery. Esau embraced
him, questioned him concerning this crowd of children
and his womenkind, and, having learnt the whole
history of them, desired to conduct them himself to
their father ; but, on Jacob pleading the fatigue of
the beasts of burden, Esau withdrew to Saeira,¢ for
it was there that he had his abode, having so named
the place after his own shaggy hair.

(xxi. 1) Jacob next reached the place still to this
day called “ Booths.?”” whence he passed to Sikim,¢
which is a city of the Canaanites. As the Sikimites
were holding a festival’ Dina(h), Jacob’s only

! Genesis merely states that Dinah ‘ went out to see the
daughters of the land.” ‘The “ἢ festival > perhaps comes from
Theodotus, the (Samaritan ?) author of a hexameter poem on
this episode, who is mentioned elsewhere by Josephus (21 p. 1.
216). According to the paraphrase of this poem given In
Iusebius, Praep. Hv. ix. 22, Theodotus related that τὴν Δείναν
πάμθενον οὖσαν εἰς τὰ Σίκιμα ἐλθεῖν πανηγύμεως οὔσης, βουλομένην
θεάσασθαι τὴν πόλιν. ‘The passage, with Rabbinical parallels,
is quoted by M. Weill.

161

His meeting
with Esan.
Gen. XXXiil.

a
ry

Rape of
Dinah: the
brothers’
reprisals.
yen. XXXIV.

— στ
.

338

339

340

341

JOSEPHUS

μόνη, παρῆλθεν εἰς τὴν πόλιν ὀψομένη τὸν κόσμον
τον “ἐπιχωρίων γυναικῶν. θεασάμενος δ᾽ αὐτὴν
Συχέμμης [9] ᾿Εμμώρου τοῦ βασιλέως υἱὸς φθείρει
ε ἁρπαγῆς καὶ διατεθεὶς ἐρωτικῶς ἱκετεύει τὸν
πατέρα λαβεῖν αὐτῷ πρὸς γάμον τὴν κόρην. ὁ
δὲ πεισθεὶς ἧκε πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιάκωβον δεόμενος τῷ
παιδὶ αὐτοῦ Συχέμμῃ συζεῦξαι Δεῖναν κατὰ νόμον.
᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ οὔτ᾽ ἀντιλέγειν ἔχων. διὰ τὸ ἀξίωμα
τοῦ παρακαλοῦντος οὔτε νόμιμον ἡγούμενος ἀλλο-
φύλῳ συνοικίζειν τὴν θυγατέρα ἠξίωσεν ἐπιτρέψαι
αὐτῷ βουλὴν ἀγαγεῖν περὶ ὧν παρακαλεῖ. ἀπῇει
μὲν οὖν ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐλπίζων ᾿Ιάκωβον παρέξειν
τὸν γάμον, ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ τοῖς παισὶ δηλώσας τήν
τε φθορὰν τῆς ἀδελφῆς καὶ τοῦ ᾿Εμμώρου τὴν
δέησιν ἠξίου βουλεύεσθαι τί δεῖ ποιεῖν. οἱ μὲν
οὖν πλείους ἡσύχαζον γνώμης ἀποροῦντες, Συμεὼν
δὲ καὶ Λευὶς ὁμομήτριοι τῆς κόρης ἀδελφοὶ συν-
τίθενται πρὸς ἀλλήλους τοιάνδε τινὰ πράᾶξιν' οὔσης
ἑορτῆς καὶ τῶν Σικιμιτῶν εἰς ἄνεσιν καὶ εὖ-
ὠχίαν τετραμμένων νύκτωρ πρώτοις ἐπιβαλόντες
τοῖς φύλαξι κτείνουσι κοιμωμένους καὶ παρελ-
θόντες εἰς τὴν πόλιν ἀναιροῦσι πᾶν ἄρρεν καὶ τὸν
βασιλέα σὺν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸν υἱὸν αὐτοῦ, φείδονται
δὲ τῶν γυναικῶν. πράξαντες δὲ ταῦτα δίχα τῆς
τοῦ πατρὸς γνώμης ἐπανάγουσι τὴν ἀδελφήν.

(9) ᾿Ιακώβῳ δὲ ἐκπλαγέντι πρὸς τὸ μέγεθος τῶν
γεγονότων καὶ χαλεπαίνοντι πρὸς τοὺς υἱοὺς ὁ
θεὸς παραστὰς ἐκέλευσε θαρρεῖν, ἁγνίσαντι δὲ τὰς
σκηνὰς θυσίας ἐπιτελεῖν, ἃς τὸ πρῶτον ἀπιὼν εἰς
τὴν ΔΙεσοποταμίαν ἐπὶ τῇ ὄψει τοῦ ὀνείρου ηὔξατο.

1 Σεμεών RM,
4 Bibl. Shechem, son of Hamor.

a

162

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 337-341

daughter, went into the city to see the finery of the
women of the country. There she was perceived by
Sychem,* son of king Emmor, who carried her off
and ravished her, and being enamoured of her be-
sought his father to procure the damsel for him in
marriage. To this Emmor consented and went to
Jacob to ask him to give Dinah to his son Sychem
in lawful wedlock. Jacob, who could not refuse in
view of the petitioner’s rank and vet on the other
hand deemed it unlawful to marry his daughter to a
foreigner, asked permission to hold a council on the
subject of his request. So the king departed,
hoping that Jacob would allow the marriage, but
Jacob told his sons of the seduction of their sister
and of Emmor’s request and asked them to deliberate
what ought to be done. Most of them held their
peace, not knowing what to think ; but Symeon and
Levi, the girl’s brothers, born of the same mother,
mutually agreed upon the following course. During
a feast,? when the Sikimites were given up to in-
dulgence and festivity, they, under cover of night,
first surprised the sentries, whom they slew in their
sleep, and then penetrating into the town killed all
the males, the king and his son among them, sparing
only the women. Having perpetrated this deed
without their father’s sanction, they brought their
sister back.

(2) Jacob being aghast at the enormity of these
acts and indignant at his sons, God appeared beside
him and bade him take courage, purify his tents,
and perform those sacrifices which he had vowed
to offer when at the first he set out for Mesopotamia

» ‘This second feast is another importation into the Biblical
narrative.

163

Purification
ceremonies.
Gen. XXXiv.
30.

JOSEPHUS

. ς / > \ ς 7 2 Τὰ a
342 ayrilwy οὖν TOUS €mojLEvOUS <u χαμεὶ TOLS

343

9141

345

34

ν᾿

6

Λαβάνου θεοῖς, οὐ γὰρ ἠπίστατο ὑπὸ τῆς ᾿Ραχήλης
κλαπέντας, καὶ αὐτοὺς ἔκρυψεν ἐν Σικίμοις εἰς
γῆν ὑπό τινα δρῦν, amapas τε τοὐντεῦθεν ἐν
[βαιθήλοις ἔθυεν, ὅπου τὸ ὄνειροι' ἐθεάσατο χωρῶν
πρότερον ἐπὶ τῆς Δἱἡεσοποταμίας.

(3) ᾿Εντεῦθεν δὲ προϊὼν ἐπεὶ κατὰ τὴν ᾿Εφρα-
θηνὴν γίνεται, ἐνθάδε “Ῥαχήλαν ἐκ τοκετοῦ
θανοῦσαν θάπτει, μόνην τῶν συγγενῶν τῆς ἐν
“Εβρῶνι τιμῆς οὐ τυχοῦσαν. πενθήσας δὲ μεγά-

Ἁ 3 >, “« / \ 9 \
λως τὸ ἐξ αὐτῆς παιδίον Βενιαμεὶν ἐκάλεσε διὰ
τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γενομένην ὀδύνην τῇ μητρί. οὗτοι
᾿Ιακώβου παῖδες ot πάντες, ἄρρενες μὲν δώδεκα
θήλεια δὲ μία. τούτων ὀκτὼ γνήσιοι, ἐκ Λείας

A ¢ / 4 3 ¢ ta / 4 >] ~
μὲν ἕξ, δύο δὲ ex ‘PayndAns, τέσσαρες δὲ ἐκ τῶν
θεραπαιιίδων, δύο ἐξ ἑκατέρας, ὧν καὶ τὰ ὀνόματα
πάντων προεῖπον.

(xxl.) ΤΠαρῆν δ᾽ ἐντεῦθεν ἐπὶ ᾿Εβρῶνα πόλιν ἐν
Υ ; ᾽ὔ 9 ~ \ ‘ /
Navavaiots κειμένην: ἐκεῖ δὲ “loakos τὴν δίαιταν
cae \ β ’ὔ \ 1AA Ἵλ ὃ β ς A
εἶχε. καὶ βραχέα μὲν ἀλλήλοις συνδιατρίβουσι" τὴν

‘ ς ὔ 9 7 > 7 “.
γὰρ Ῥεβέκκαν ᾿Ιάκωβος οὐ κατέλαβε ζῶσαν,

/ \ \ of 3 4 4 ~ > /
θνήσκει δὲ καὶ ἴΐσακος ov peta πολὺ τῆς ἀφίξεως
τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ ταφῆς ἔτυχεν ὑπὸ τῶν παίδων σὺν τῇ
γυναικὶ ἐν “Εβρῶνι μνημείου προγονικοῦ ἐν αὐτῇ
τυγχάνοντος αὐτοῖς. ἐγένετο δὲ ἴΐΛἁᾶαακος ἀνὴρ

\ ‘ ’ὔ λλῃ 93 f ς 9
θεοφιλὴς καὶ προνοίας πολλῆς ἠξιωμένος ὑπ

-.--.

« § 284.

ὑ Genesis mentions “ strange gods” generally, without
specifying the Teraphim of Laban.

¢ ** The burial of idolatrous emblems under this sacred tree

10:

ΓΣῚ

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 342-346

and had seen the dream.? While he was purifying
his company accordingly, he lit upon the gods of
Laban,°® being unaware that Rachel had stolen them ;
these he hid in the ground beneath an oak at Sikim,®
and departing thence offered sacrifice at Bethel,
where he had seen the dream when journeying of
yore to Mesopotamia.

(3) Thence he proceeded on his way, and when he
was come over against Ephratene 4 Rachel died in
childbirth and there he buried her, being the only
one of his family who had not the honour of burial
at Hebron. Deeply he mourned her and he called
the child whom she bore Benjamin because of the
suffering which he had caused his mother.@ These
then are all the children of Jacob, twelve sons and
one daughter. Of these sons eight were born in
wedlock, six by Leah and two by Rachel; four he
had by the handmaidens, two by each af them; 1
have already given the names of ‘all.

(xxil.) From there he came to Hebron, a city in
Canaanite territory, where Isaac had _ his abode.
They lived but a short while together, for Jacob did
not find Rebecca alive and Teane also died not long
after the coming of his son; he was buried by his
children beside his wife at Hebron in their ancestral
tomb. Isaac was a man beloved of God and was
deemed worthy of His special providence after his

has some traditional meaning which we cannot now explain ”
(Skinner).

4 Bibl. Ephrath (E¢pada); in Benjamite territory, other-
wise unknown.

¢ A confused statement, regardless of etymology. In
Genesis the dying mother calls the child Ben-oni (* son of
my sorrow ’’); the father, to avert the omen, names him
Ben-jamin (“* son of the right hand ”’).

165

Cf. Gen.
XXXV. O15
SNS Se.

Death of
Rachel.
Geu. χχαν,
16.

Death of
Rebeeca and
of Isaie.
Gen, XXX¥.
yee

JOSEPHUS

9 ~ > Ww \ ’ὔ ’ὔ
αὐτοῦ μετ ABpapov τὸν πατέρα, πολυχρονιώτατος
δέ: βιώσας γὰρ ἐτὴ πέντε καὶ ὀγδοήκοντα πρὸς τοῖς
ἑκατὸν μετὰ ἀρετῆς οὕτως ἀπέθανεν.

α Doubtless a contrast is intended between the 175 years
of Abraham (§ 256) and the 185 years of Isaac, whose
exceptional longevity had been predicted (§ 234, πολυχρονιώ-
τατον as here). But it is unnecessary to alter the superlative
to the comparative; the former includes the latter (see note
on ὕστατος ὃ 214, and cf. in N.T. Jo. i. 15 πρῶτός μον ἦν).

166

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 346

father Abraham; in longevity he even surpassed
him,? having completed one hundred and eighty-
five years of a virtuous life when he died.?

δ Josephus breaks off the book at the end of Gen. xxxv.
The recently edited 3rd cent. Berlin Fragment of Genesis
(ed. Sanders and Schmidt, New York, 1927) breaks off in
the same chapter (xxxv. 8), with the subscription γένεσις
κόσμου as though at the close of a work. Was the Greek
Genesis ever divided at this point? I may refer to my
Schweich Lectures (1920), App. IV. ‘ The Bisection of Old
‘Testament books.”

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ

Φ e ~

(i. 1) Mera δὲ τὴν ᾿Ισάκου τελευτὴν of παῖδες
αὐτοῦ μερισάμενοι ΤΣ οἴκησιν πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὐχ
ἣν ἔλαβον ταύτην κατέσχον, ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Ησαῦς μὲν τῆς

~ > aN ’

Νεβρωνίας" “πόλεως € ἐκχωρήσας τἀδελφῷ ἐν Σαείρᾳ
διῃτᾶτο Kat THs '] ουμαίας ἦρχεν οὕτω καλέσας
τὴν χώραν ἀφ᾽ αὑτοῦ" “Adwpos yap ἐπωνομάζετο
κατὰ τοιαύτην αἰτίαν τυχὼν τῆς “ἐπικλήσεως.
ἀπὸ θήρας ποτὲ καὶ πόνου τοῦ περὶ τὸ κυνηγέσιον"
λιμώττων ἐπανῆκεν, ἔτι δὲ ἦν παῖς τὴν ἡλικίαν,
> \ \ > ~ ~ 3 / Ἁ
ἐπιτυχὼν δὲ ταδελφῷ φακῆν ἐσκευακότι πρὸς
” ξ ~ \ , \ / \ Ἁ
ἄριστον αὑτῷ, ξανθὴν σφόδρα τὴν χροιάν, καὶ διὰ
τοῦτ᾽ ἔτι μᾶλλον ὀρεχθεὶς ἠξίου παρασχεῖν αὐτῷ

4 “ 3 Ἁ 3 , Ἁ ~ 3 ~
πρὸς τροφήν. ὁ δὲ ἀποδόσθαι τὸ πρεσβεῖον αὐτῷ
τοῦ φαγεῖν συνεργῷ χρησάμενος τῇ πείνῃ τὸν
ἀδελφὸν ἠνάγκαζε,)Σ κἀκεῖνος ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ
προαχθεὶς παραχωρεῖ τῶν πρεσβείων αὐτῷ pel?
ὅρκων. ἔνθεν διὰ τὴν ξανθότητα τοῦ βρώματος
ὑπὸ τῶν ἡλικιωτῶν κατὰ παιδιὰν ᾿Αδωμος ἐπι-

κληθείς, ἄδωμα γὰρ ᾿Ἑβραῖοι τὸ ἐρυθρὸν καλοῦσι,

1 Χεβρωνίας SPE. 2 κυνήγιον RE,
3 SP: ἠνάγκασε rell,

@ Gen. xxxvi. 7, ‘ For their substance was too great for
them to dwell together, and the land of their sojournings

168

BOOK II

(i. 1) After the death of Isaac his sons divided the Esau sells
territory between them, not retaining that which eee
they had inherited. Fsau, for his part, left the Gen. xxxvi.
city of Hebron to his brother. and taking up his "
abode in Saeira® ruled over Idumaea, calling the
country thus after himself: for he bore the surname

of Adom,¢ which he had obtained under the following
circumstances. One day, while yet a lad, he was xxv. 27, 29.
returning from the chase, fatigued with he hunting

and τι δα: when, meeting his brother who had

just prepared for his midday meal a dish of lentils

of a rich tawny hue, which still further whetted his
appetite, he asked him to give him to eat. Jacob,
thereupon, taking advantage of his famished state,
required his brother to sell to him in exchange for

the food his rights as firstborn son: and he, in-
stigated by hunger, surrendered to him his rights

under an oath. Hence. by reason of the ruddy

colour of the pottage, he was jestingly nicknamed

by his youthful comrades Adom—adona @ being the xxv. 30)
Hebrews’ word for ‘red ’—and that was how he

(LXX τῆς παροικήσεως, Whence τὴν οἴκησιν of Jos.) could not bear
them because of their cattle.”

Ὁ Gen. “‘monnt Seir.” Josephus (like the narrative in
Genesis, compiled from two independent sources) ignores
the previous mention of Sacira as the abode of Esau, i. S30.

¢ Bibl. Edon. 4 Heb. ddém =" red.”
109

JOSEPHUS

THY χώραν οὕτως προσηγόρευσεν: “Ἕλληνες yap
αὐτὴν ἐπὶ τὸ σεμνότερον ᾿Ιδουμαίαν ὠνόμασαν.
ἀ (2) Γίνεται δὲ καὶ πατὴρ παίδων πέντε τὸν
ἀριθμόν, ὧν *Taovs μὲν καὶ ᾿Ιόλαμος καὶ ἰλορῆος
ἐκ γυναικὸς μιᾶς ᾿Αλιβάμης τοὔνομα, τῶν δὲ
λοιπῶν ᾿Αλιφάζης μὲν ἐξ ᾿ Λδάσης, Ραουῆλος δὲ
ὅ ἐκ βασαμάθης ὑπῆρξαν αὐτῷ γεγονότες. καὶ
᾿Ἢσαῦ μὲν οὗτοι παῖδες ἢ ἦσαν" ᾿Αλιφάζῃ δὲ γίνονται
γνήσιοι πέντε Θημανὸς ’ “Opepos Σόφους" ᾿Ιόθαμος
Καναζός: ᾿Αμαλῆκος γὰρ νόθος ἦν ἐκ παλλακῆς
ὁ αὐτῷ γεγονὼς Θαμνάης ὄνομα. οὗτοι κατῴκησαν
τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας τὴν Γοβολῖτιν λεγομένην καὶ τὴν
ἀπὸ ᾿Αμαλήκου κληθεῖσαν ᾿Αμαληκῖτιν' “πολλὴ γὰρ
γενομένη ποτὲ ἡ ᾿Ιδουμαία τό τε πάσης αὐτῆς
ἀπέσωζεν ὄνομα καὶ τοῖς μέρεσι τὰς ἀπὸ τῶν

οἰκητόρων προσηγορίας διεφύλαξεν.

7 (il. 1) Ἰακώβῳ δὲ συνέβη παρελθεῖν εἰς εὐδαι-
μονίας μέγεθος οἷον οὐκ ἄλλῳ τινὶ ῥᾳδίως" πλούτῳ
τε γὰρ ὑπερέβαλλε τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους καὶ παίδων
ἀρεταῖς ζηλωτὸς καὶ περίβλεπτος ἦν: οὐδενὸς γὰρ
ὅλως ὑστέρουν, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς ἔργα χειρῶν καὶ
πόνων ὑπομονὴν ἦσαν εὔψυχοι καὶ δεινοὶ συνιέναι.

8 τοσαύτην δ᾽ apa τὸ θεῖον αὐτοῦ πρόνοιαν ἔσχε καὶ
τῆς εὐδαιμονίας ἐπιμέλειαν, ὡς κἀκ τῶν λυπηρῶν
αὐτῶ δοξάντων τὴν ὑπερβολὴν τῶν ἀγαθῶν παρα-
σχεῖν καὶ ποιῆσαι τῆς ἀπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου τῶν ἡμετέρων

1 Niese: "“Odovs (ete.) codd.

* Bibl. Jeush (‘Ieovs). ® Bibl. Jalam (Ἰεγλόμ).

¢ Bibl. Korah (Κορέ).

4 Bibl. Oholibamah (Al Baud, the reading of one ms. of
the Lxx, approximates to the Josephan form).

¢ Bibl. Eliphaz. $ Bibl. Adah (δά).

¢ Bibl. Reuel (Ραγουήλ). Bib]. Basemath.
170

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 3-8

called the country: the more dignified name of
Idumaea it owes to the Greeks.

(2) He became the father of five children: of PE
these, Iatis,* Iolam(os) ὃ and Koré(os) 5 came of one Gen, oe
wife named Alibame ¢; as for the others, Aliphaz(es)? !.
was born of Adasaf’ and Raiél(os)% of Basamathe.”

Such were the sons of Esau. Aliphaz had five legiti- <*xvi. 11.
mate sons—Théman(os),§ Omer(os),i Sophous,*
Jotham(os),?- Kanaz(os)™: Amalek(os) was a_bas-

tard born to him by a concubine named Thamnae.”

These occupied the region of Idumaea termed Gobo-

litis 9 and that called, after Amalek, Amalekitis; for
Idumaea, formerly extensive, has kept that name for

the whole country and in its several provinces preserved

the names that were derived from their founders.

(ii. 1) To Jacob, on the other hand, it befell to Prosperity
reach a degrce of prosperity hardly attained by any Gen, xxsvii.
man. In riches he surpassed the inhabitants of the
country and his children’s virtues made him an object
of envy and admiration ; for there was no quality that
they lacked : courageous for manual labour and en-
durance of toil they were withal quick of understand-
ing. Moreover, the Deity showed such providential
eare for their father and his welfare, that He made
even events that seemed to him deplorable become
the source of the utmost felicity and brought about
the departure of our ancestors from Egypt by means

--
.

10]. Teman (θαιμάν). 7 Bibl. Omar.

Ὁ Bibl. Zepho (Σωφάρ).

ἐ Bibl. Gatam (‘To#du the us. of rxx mentioned above).

™ Bibl. Kenaz (Keveg). © Bibl. Timna (θαμνά).

° Cf, A. ili. 40 “Τῆς inhabitants of G. and Petra who
are called Amalekites,” and ix. 188 ‘‘ Gabalites ”’ (|| Amale-
kites and Idumaeans); it is the Gebal mentioned beside
Amalek in Ps. Ixxxiii. 7, Arabie Jibal, in north Edom.

171

9

10

11

13

JOSEPHUS

προγόνων ὀναχωρήσεως αἴτιον αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς
ἐξ αὐτοῦ γεγονότας ὕπο τοιαύτης αἰτίας.

᾿Ιώσηπον ἐκ 'Ῥαχήλας πεπαιδοποιημένος ᾿Ιάκω-
βος διά τε τὴν τοῦ σώματος εὐγένειαν. καὶ διὰ
ψυχῆς ἀρετήν, φρονήσει γὰρ διέφερε, τῶν ἄλλων
πλέον υἱῶν ἡγάπα. τούτῳ παρὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἥ
τε τοῦ πατρὸς στοργὴ φθόνον ἐκίνησε καὶ μῖσος
τε ἐκ τῶν ὀνειράτων, ἃ θεασάμενος τῷ τε πατρὶ
καὶ τούτοις ἐμήνυσεν, εὐδαιμονία καταγγελλομένη,
ζηλοτυπούντων ἄρα τῶν ἀνθρώπων καὶ τὰς τῶν
οἰκειοτάτων εὐπραγίας. αἱ δὲ ὄψεις, ἃς κατὰ
τοὺς ὕπνους εἶδεν ᾿Ιώσηπος, τοιαίδε ἦσαν.

(9) ᾿Εκπεμφθεὶς μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν παρὰ τοῦ
πατρὸς ἐπὶ συλ ογῇ τῶν καρπῶν θέρους ἀκμά-
ζοντος ὁρᾷ πολὺ τῶν κατὰ συνήθειαν ἐπιφοιτών -
των κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους ὀνειράτων διαφέρουσαν
ὄψιν, ἣν περιεγερθεὶς τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ὡς κρινοῦσιν
αὐτῷ τὸ σημαινόμενον ἐξέθετο, λέγων ἰδεῖν ἐπὶ
τῆς παρελθούσης νυκτὸς τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ δράγμα τῶν
πυρῶν ἠρεμεῖν ἐφ᾽ οὗ κατέθηκε τόπου, τὰ δὲ
ἐκείνων προστρέχοντα προσκυνεῖν αὐτὸ καθάπερ

ἱ δοῦλοι τοὺς δεσπότας. οἱ δὲ συνέντες ἰσχὺν
αὐτῷ καὶ μέγεθος πραγμάτων τὴν ὄψιν προλέγου-
σαν καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν ἐξουσίαν ἐσομένην τῷ μὲν
᾿Ιωσήπῳ τούτων οὐδὲν ὡς οὐ γνώριμον αὐτοῖς τὸ
ὄναρ ὃν διεσάφησαν, ἀρὰς δ᾽ ἐποιήσαντ TO μηδὲν
εἰς τέλος αὐτῷ παρελθεῖν ὧν ὑπενόουν καὶ πρὸς
αὐτὸν ἔτι μᾶλλον ἀπεχθῶς ἔχοντες διετέλουν.

(3) Τῷ δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν φθόνῳ προσφιλονικῆσαν
τὸ θεῖον δευτέραν ὄψιν ἐπιπέμπει τῷ ᾿Ιωσήπῳ

3

-

4 For Rachel’s exceptional beauty ef. i. 288.
19

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 8-13

of Jacob and his offspring under cireumstances that
I proceed to relate.

Joseph, whoin Jacob begat by Rachel, was beloved
of his father above all Hie sons, alike foe the beanty
of person that he owed to his birth and for virtuous
qualities of soul, for he was endowed with exceptional
understanding. This tender affection of his father
aroused against him the envy and hatred of his
brethren, as did also the dreams, predictive of good
fortune, which he saw and related both to his father
and to them: so jealous are men of the sueecesses
even of their nearest relatives. Now the visions
which Joseph saw were on this wise.

(2) Having been sent out with his brethren by
their father to gather in the crops at midsummer, he
had a vision very different from the dreams that
ordinarily visit us in sleep, whieh on awaking he
recounted to his brethren for them to interpret to
him its signification. He had seen, he said, during
the past night his own wheat-sheaf standing motion-
less on the spot where he had placed it, while their
sheaves ran up and bowed down to it like slaves
before their masters. But they, understanding that
the vision predicted for him power and majesty and
a destined supremacy over themselves, revealed
nothing of this to Joseph, as though the dream were
unintelligible to them ; they uttered prayers, how-
ever, that nothing of what they augured might ἢ ever
come to pass and continued to hate him yet the
more.

(3) But the Deity, counteracting their jealousy,
sent Joseph a seeond vision far more marvellous than

’ Or “vowed (or “bound themselves under a ecnrse”’
that nothing ... should” ete.

VOL. 1V Ω 173

Joseph the
favourite
son.

Gen, xxxVvii

His first
dream.

Gen, XXXxvii.
Ὥς

115 second
dream,

Gen. xxxvil,
ΑΝ

JOSEPHUS

‘ ~ x
πολὺ τῆς προτέρας θαυμασιωτέραν: τὸν ἥλιον γὰρ
ν᾽ A ’ὔ , A A A
ἔδοξε τὴν σελήνην παραλαβόντα Kat τοὺς λοιποὺς
3 > A ~ “- ~
ἀστέρας ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν κατελθεῖν καὶ προσκυνεῖν

Id αὐτόν. ταύτην τὴν ὄψιν τῷ πατρὶ μηδὲν παρὰ τῶν
3 -
ἀδελφῶν κακόηθες ὑφορώμενος καὶ τούτων παρα-
τυγχανόντων διεσάφησε, τί καὶ βούλεται σημαίνειν

15 φράσαι παρακαλῶν. ὁ δὲ ἥσθη; τῷ ὀνείρατι, τὴν

A

yap πρόρρησιν αὐτοῦ τῇ διανοίᾳ συλλαβὼν καὶ

> A

μετὰ σοφίας οὐκ ἀσκόπως εἰκάσας ἔχαιρεν ἐπὶ

μεγάλοις τοῖς σημαινομένοις, ἃ εὐδαιμονίαν τῷ

A / \ A ν ~ ,
Tad. κατήγγελλε καὶ καιρὸν ἥξειν θεοῦ δόντος,
7 Aa ~ ~ ~

καθ᾽ ὃν αὐτὸν ὑπό τε THY γονέων Kal TOV ἀδελφῶν
Μ ? A

16 ἔσεσθαι τίμιον Kal προσκυνήσεως ἄξιον, THY μὲν
σελήνην καὶ τὸν ἥλιον μητρὶ καὶ πατρί, τῆς μὲν
αὐξούσης ἅπαντα καὶ τρεφούσης τοῦ δ᾽ ἐκτυποῦν-

\ Ἁ 3 3 A 3 / > / Α
τος καὶ τὴν ἄλλην ἰσχὺν ἐντιθέντος εἰκάζων, τοὺς
3 2 “- a
δ᾽ ἀστέρας τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς: καὶ yap τούτους ἕνδεκα
t ‘
εἶναι καθάπερ καὶ τοὺς ἀστέρας ἀπό τε ἡλίου καὶ

/

σελήνης τὴν ἰσχὺν λαμβάνοντας.

17. (4 ) Καὶ ὁ μὲν ᾿Ιάκωβος τοιαύτην οὐκ ἀσυνέτως
ἐποιήσατο τῆς ὄψεως τὴν κρίσιν, τοὺς δ᾽ ἀδελφοὺς
τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου σφόδρα ἐλύπησε τὰ προειρημένα καὶ

/ e > > 3 / ‘ / \

διετέθησαν ws ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίῳ τινὶ μέλλοντι τὰ

’ὔ ὃ A “w > / 9 A oe 23 Ἰλλ᾽
σημαινόμενα διὰ τῶν ὀνειράτων ἀγαθὰ ἥξειν," a
3 “-ς “Ὁ Α “-

οὐκ ἀδελφῷ καὶ @ συναπολαύσειν αὐτοὺς" εἰκὸς ἦν,

κοινωνοὺς ὡς τῆς γενέσεως οὕτως καὶ τῆς Ev-

18 δαιμονίας ἐσομένους" ἀνελεῖν τέ ὡρμήκεσαν TO μει-

1 Hudson, Dindorf: ἡσθεὶς codd.
2 ἕξειν OP

3 Niese: ὧν συναπολαύσειν αὐτῷ codd.

. Cen, xxxvil. 10 ἢν says that “ his father rebuked him”
but “kept the saying in mind.” Parallels from Midrash

74

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. IT. 13-18

the first; for he believed that he saw the sun,
attended by the moon and the other stars, descend
to earth and make obeisance to him. ‘This vision he
recounted to his father in the presence of his brethren,
suspecting no malice on their part, and besought him
to explain what it meant. Jacob was delighted with
the dream ἃ ; grasping in his mind what it predicted
and sagely ani unerringly divining its import, he
rejoiced at the great things that it betokened. which
promised prosperity to his son and that, by the gift
of God, a time would come when he would be
honoured and held worthy of veneration by his
parents and his brethren : the moon and the sun he
conjectured to mean mother and father, the one
giving increase and nourishment to all things, the
other moulding their form and iniplanting in them
their stores of strength : the stars were his brethren,
who, like them, were eleven in number? and bor-
rowed, like them, their strength from sun and moon.

(4) Thus shrewdly did Jacob interpret the vision.
But Joseph’s brethren were sorely aggrieved by these
predictions and bore themselves as ‘though it were
some stranger who was to receive the ἜΣ in-
dicated by hese dreams, and not a brother, whose
fortunes it was but natural that they should share,
becoming his partners, as in parentage, so likewise
in prosperity ; and they were eager to slay the lad.

and Philo for the interpretation put upon these last words
by Josephus are quoted by Weill.

OF. Gens xxxvil. Ὁ; eleven stars” (without definite
article). ‘The absence of the article inakes it insprobable that
there was any allusion to the signs of the Zodiac in the mind
of the Biblical writer ; but such an allusion is implied by
ey phus and expressly mentioned by Philo (De Sumniis,

. 16, quoted by Reinach).

175

His
brothers
plot his
death.

19

20

23

JOSEPHUS

ράκιον, καὶ ταύτην κυρώσαντες τὴν βουλήν, ἐπεὶ τὰ
τῆς συγκομιδῆς αὐτοῖς πέρας εἶχεν, ἐπὶ Σικίμων
τραπέντες, χώρα ἐστὶν αὕτη βόσκειν ἀγαθὴ
θρέμματα καὶ νομὰς ἐκτρέφειν, αὐτόθι τῶν ποιμ-
νίων ἐπεμελοῦντο μὴ προδηλώσαντες τῷ πατρὶ
τὴν ἐκεῖσε ἄφιξιν. ὁ δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀγνοίας καὶ τοῦ
μηδὲ ἀπὸ τῶν ποιμνίων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀφικέσθαι τινὰ
τὸν περὶ τῶν παίδων αὐτῷ τἀληθὲς σημαίνειν
δυνάμενον, σκυθρωπότερον τὴν περὶ αὐτῶν διά-
νοιαν λαμβάνων καὶ περιδεὴς ὧν πέμπει τὸν Ἴω-
anmov εἰς τὰ ποίμνια μαθησόμενον τὰ περὶ τῶν
ἀδελφῶν καὶ τί πράττοιεν σημανοῦντα.

(111. 1) Οἱ δὲ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ὡς εἶδον πρὸς αὐτοὺς
ἀφιγμένον, ἥσθησαν μέν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὡς ἐπ᾽ οἰκείου
παρουσίᾳ καὶ πατρὸς ἀπεσταλκότος, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπ᾽
ἐχθροῦ καὶ ταῖς χερσὶν αὐτῶν κατὰ θείαν “βούλησιν
παραδοθέντος, ἀναιρεῖν τε ἤδη καὶ μὴ τὸν ἐν
ποσὶν ὑπερβαλέσθαι καιρὸν ὡρμήκεσαν. οὕτως δ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἹΡουβῆλος ὁρῶν ἔχοντας ὁ πρεσβύτατος
αὐτῶν καὶ πρὸς τὴν πρᾶξιν ὡμονοηκότας ἐπειρᾶτο
κατέχειν ὑποδεικνὺς τὸ μέγεθος τοῦ τολμήματος
καὶ τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μύσος, ὡς πονηρὸν μὲν καὶ θεῷ
καὶ ἀνθρώποις ἀνόσιον δοκοῦν καὶ τὸ μὴ συγ-
γενοῦς ἀνθρώπου χειρουργῆσαι φόνον, πολὺ μέντοι
μιαρώτερον τὸ σφαγὴν ἀδελφοῦ δράσαντας ὀφθῆ-
ναι, ᾧ πατήρ τε ἀναιρουμένῳ συναδικεῖται καὶ
μήτηρ εἰς πένθος καὶ παιδὸς ἀποστέρησιν οὐ κατ᾽
ἀνθρώπινον γενομένην νόμον συγκατασπᾶται. τού-

1 ἐκφέρειν RO.

¢ Amplification of Scripture. > Shechem.
¢ In Gen. xxxvii. 13 Jacob opines that they are in Shechem.

176

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IJ. 18-23

Having determined upon this scheme, they, now that
their harvest labours were ended,* betook themselves
to Sikima,? a district excellent for the feeding of cattle
and for its crop of pasturage, and there tended their
Hocks, having given their father no warning of their
departure thither.© He, in his ignorance of their
movements and because no one came to him from
the flocks who could give him eertain news of his
sons, coneeived the gloomiest forebodings concern-
ing them and, full of anxiety, sent Joseph off to the
flocks to learn what had befallen his brothers and to
bring him word of their doings.

(iii. 1) They, on seeing that their brother had come
to them, were delighted, not, however, at this visit
from a relative and their father’s envoy, but rather
as if it had been an enemy, who by the will of God
had been delivered into their hands ; and they were
keen to kill him outright and not to let slip this
opportunity that offered itself. But Rubel,? the
eldest of them, seeing them thus minded and unani-
mous for the deed, endeavoured to restrain them,
representing to them the enormity and abominable
nature of the crime. If it were a sin before God and
a sacrilege in the eyes of men to perpetrate the
murder of one having no kinship with them, far
fouler would appear their deed in slaughtering a
brother, whose destruction would entail grievous in-
jury to a father and plunge a mother ¢ into mourning,

thus unnaturally bereft of a child. He besonght

4 Reuben (see i. 304 note). We have here the first of
many rhetorical speeches, or pairs of specches, with which
the narrative is diversified.

¢ Rachel was already dead (i. 343); but Josephus had
Biblical warrant for the inconsistency (Gen. xxxvii. 10,
interpretation of the second dream).

117

Gen, XxXxV1l.
2.

Rubel's
attempt to
save him,
Gen, XxXVil.
18,

to
or

26

to
~j

JOSEPHUS

των οὖν αὐτῶν αἰδῶ λαβόντας Kal τῷ λογισμῷ τί
καὶ πείσονται τεθνηκότος αὐτοῖς παιδὸς ἀγαθοῦ
καὶ νεωτάτου παραθεμένους ἀποσχέσθαι τοῦ τολ-
μήματος παρεκάλει, καὶ τὸν θεὸν δείσαντας, ὃς
θεατὴς ἅμα καὶ μάρτυς ἤδη καὶ τῆς βουλῆς αὐτῶν
τῆς ἐπὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν γεγενημένος" ἀποστάντας μὲν
τῆς πράξεως ἀγαπήσει" μετανοίᾳ καὶ τῷ σωφρονεῖν
εἴξαντας, προελθόντας δ᾽ ἐπὶ todpyov οὐκ ἔστιν ἣν
οὐκ εἰσπράξεται τῆς ἀδελφοκτονίας δίκην μιανάντας
αὐτοῦ τὴν πον ταχοῦ παροῦσαν πρόνοιαν. καὶ μήτε
τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἐρημίαις" πραττομένων ὑστεροῦσαν μήτε
τῶν κατὰ τὰς πόλεις: ὅπου γὰρ ἂν ἄνθρωπος ἢ
χρὴ δοκεῖν ἐνταῦθα παρεῖναι καὶ θεόν. TO τε
συνειδὸς αὐτοὺς τὸ ἴδιον ἕξειν ἐχθρὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς τολ-
μηθεῖσιν ἔλεγεν, ὃ μήτε τοῖς ἀγαθὸν αὐτὸ ἔχουσι
μήτε τοιοῦτον ὁποῖον αὐτοῖς συνοικήσει' τὸν ἀδελ-
φὸν ἀνελοῦσιν ἔστιν ἀποδρᾶναι. προσετίθει δὲ καὶ
ταῦτα τοῖς προειρημένοις, ὡς ἀδελφὸν οὐδὲ
ἀδικήσαντα κτείνειν ὅσιον, καλὸν δὲ καὶ τὸ μὴ
μνησικακεῖν τοῖς οὕτω φίλοις ὑπὲρ ὧν ἁμαρτεῖν
ἔδοξαν. ᾿Ιώσηπον δὲ οὐδὲ πονηρὸν εἰς αὐτοὺς
γεγενημένον διαφθεροῦσιν, ᾧ τὸ TiS ἡλικίας
ἀσθενὲς ἔλεον μᾶλλον καὶ τὴ} παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐρανί-
ζεται κηδεμονίαν" ἢ τε αἰτία τῆς ἀναιρέσεως πολὺ
χείρω τὴν πρᾶξιν αὐτοῖς τίθησι, διὰ φθόνον τῶν
ἐσομένων ἀγαθῶν αὐτῷ τοῦ ζῆν ἐξαγαγεῖν δι-
εγνωκότων, ὧν τὸ ἴσον ἀπολαύσουσι κοινωνοῦντες
αὐτῷ τῆς μετουσίας οὐκ ἀλλοτρίων ὄντων ἀλλ᾽
οἰκείων" ἴδια γὰρ αὐτῶν ὑπολαμβάνειν, ὅσα ὁ θεὸς
᾿Ιωσήπῳ δώσει: προσήκει" οὖν" τὴν ὀργὴν καὶ διὰ
1 Bekker: γεγενημένης codd. 2 O: ἀγαπήσειν rell.
3 ἐρημίᾳ ROE. 4 συνοικήσειν L,
178

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 23-28

thein, therefore, to have consideration for their
parents, to refleet what they too would suffer through
the death of a son so virtuous and so young, and to
desist from their mad intent; to fear God, who at
that very moment was watehing and witnessing their
designs upon their brother and would be well content
should they renounce the deed, yielding to penitence
and sober reflexion ; - whereas, should “they proeeed
to aceomplish it, there was no ehastisement whieh
He would not inflict for their fratrieide upon those
who had profaned His providence, present in every
place and from whieh nothing done, whether in
desert solitude or in eity, eould be hid; for whereso-
ever man was found, there too must God be deemed
to be present. Their own eonseienee too, he said,
would be their enemy in their enterprise—conseience
from whieh, whether pure or sueh as would haunt
them after the murder of their brother, it was im-
possible to flee. To these remonstranees he added
that even though a brother had injured one it were
impious to slay, him, and gracious rather to bear no
malice against persons so dear, for their seeming
errors. But now it was Joseph, who had not so much
ats done them wrong, whom they would destroy,

“he whose tender age should rather elieit all our
eompassion and eare.”’ And then the motive for the
murder rendered the deed far worse, seeing that it
was through envy of his future fortune that they
had resoly ed to take his life, although they would
each have an equal share in that fortune and partake
of it in eommon with him, being not strangers to
him but relatives ; for they might consider all that
God gave to Joseph as their own. They ought there-

5 πρὸς ἐκείνου οὖν Niese with cod. O: προσεκίνουν R.

179

29

90

31

32

JOSEPHUS

~ λῶ "ἢ V1 x ᾽ὔ » ᾽
τοῦτο καλῶς ἔχειν" χαλεπωτέραν ἔσεσθαι νομίζειν,
εἰ τὸν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κεκριμένον τῶν ἐλπιζομένων
ἀγαθῶν ἄξιον ἀποκτείναντες ἀφαιρήσονται τὸν
θεὸν ᾧ ταῦτα χαρίσεται.

(2) Kai ὁ μὲν Ρουβῆλος ταῦτα λέγων καὶ πρὸς
τούτοις ἔτι πλείω καὶ δεόμενος ἐπειρᾶτο τῆς
10 , > ‘\ > ’ 9 \ \ > \
ἀδελφοκτονίας αὐτοὺς ἀποτρέπειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲν
μετριωτέρους ὑπὸ τῶν λόγων ἑώρα γεγενημένους,
LA Ἁ / σεν ᾿: 3 / “
ἀλλὰ σπεύδοντας ἐπὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν, συνεβούλευε
τὸ κακὸν αὐτοὺς ἐπιεικέστερον ποιῆσαι τῷ τρόπῳ
τῆς ἀναιρέσεως, [καὶ γὰρ]; ἀμεινον μὲν «ἀν»" οἷς
παρήνεσε τὸ πρῶτον πεπεῖσθαι λέγων αὐτούς, ἐπεὶ
δ᾽ ἐκράτησαν ὥστε ἀνελεῖν τὸν ἀδελφόν, οὐκ
ἔσεσθαι σφόδρα κακοὺς οἷς νῦν παραινεῖ πεισθέντας"
ἐν γὰρ τούτοις εἶναι καὶ τὸ ἔργον, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ σπεύ-
δουσιν, οὐ μέντοι τοιοῦτον, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐν ἀπόροις

\
κουφότερον. ἠξίου yap αὐτοὺς αὐτόχειρας μὲν μὴ
cr \ 3 \
γενέσθαι raSeAbod, ῥίψαντας δὲ εἰς τὸν παρα-
κείμενον λάκκον οὕτως ἀποθανεῖν ἐᾶσαι καὶ τό
γε [μὴ]; “μιανθῆναι τὰς χεῖρας αὐτῶν κερδαίνειν.
συναινεσάντων δὲ τούτοις τῶν νεανίσκων παρα-
λαβὼν ὁ “Ρουβῆλος τὸ μειράκιον καὶ καλωδίου
ἐκδήσας ἠρέμα καθίησιν" εἰς, τὸν λάκκον" καὶ γὰρ
\
ἱκανῶς avvdpos ἦν. καὶ ὁ μὲν τοῦτο ποιήσας
ἀπαλλάσσεται κατὰ ζήτησιν χωρίων πρὸς νομὰς
/
ἐπιτηδείων.
> 4 Ἁ 3 >] \ ba) “~ > ͵

(5) ᾿Ιούδας δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὧν τῶν ᾿Ιακώβου

, > 7 δὲ ΤᾺ “~ Ἵ λ ~
παίδων ἐμπόρους ἰδὼν "Ἄραβας τοῦ ᾿Ισμαηλιτῶν

\ ,
γένους ἀρώματα καὶ Σύρα φορτία κομίζοντας
1 Probably a gloss on προσήκειν. 2 Bracketed by Niese.

8 ins. edd. with Exc. 4 om. RO (Lat. ?).
5 RO: καθίμησεν rell.

180

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 28-32

fore to expect His wrath on this ground also to be
more severe, if, in killing him whom He had adjudged
worthy of these coveted blessings, they should rob
God of the recipient of His favours.

(2) With these and many more such appeals and
entreaties did Rubel endeavour to deter them from

His second
ee
Cf. Gen,

tratricide ; but, when he saw that his words failed *sxvii. 21.

to moderate their passion and that they were bent
on the murder, he counselled them to mitigate the
iniquity of it by the manner of destruction. The
better course. he said, would have been to follow
his first advice, but since their determination to slay
their brother had prevailed, their wickedness would
be less heinous if they listened to what he would
now advise; this involved, to be sure, the deed on
which they had set their heart, but in a different
and, where it was a choice of evils, a less aggrav-
ated form. He begged them, in fact. not to raise
their own hands against their brother, but to cast
him into the adjacent pit and so leave him to die:
it would at least profit them not to have soiled their
hands in his blood. To this the young men con-
sented, and Rubel took the lad and, tying him to a
rope, gently let him down into the pit, which was
AS good as@ dry. This done, he departed in search
of grounds suitable for pasturage.?

(3) But Judas, another of the sons of Jacob, having
seen some Arab traders of the race of Ishmaelites
conveying spices and Syrian merchandise from Gala-

4 Gen. xxxvii. 24, “‘ The pit was empty, there was no water
in it.” The adverb ἱκανῶς (*‘ sufficiently ᾽) in Josephus may
be due to misreading of κενός (“‘ empty ᾽᾽ found in some
mss. Of the sxx,

> Amplification of Scripture.

VOL. TV G 2 181

Joseph sold
to the
{[shinaelites,
Gen, xxxvii
U5.

3:

ad

91

90

JOSEPHUS

Αἰγυπτίοις ἐκ τῆς Vadadnvas μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν
τὴν ᾿Ῥουβήλου τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς συνεβούλευεν ἀνιμή-
σασι τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἀπεμπολῆσαι τοῖς "Δραψιν'
3 ~ + δὶ ¢ [4 a ‘
ἐκεῖνόν TE yap ὅτι πορρωτάτω γενόμενον Kal
τεθνήξεσθαι παρὰ τοῖς ξένοις, αὐτούς τε τοῦ
μιάσματος οὕτως ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι. δόξαν οὖν
τοῦτο, τοῖς ἐμπόροις ἀποδίδονται τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον
ἀνελκύσαντες ἐκ τοῦ λάκκου μνῶν εἴκοσιν, ἕπτα-
καίδεκα ἐτῶν γεγονότα. ἱῬουβῆλος δὲ νύκτωρ
ἐπὶ τὸν λάκκον ἐλθὼν σῶσαι τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς λαθὼν
τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἐγνώκει, καὶ ὡς ἀνακαλουμένῳ μὴ
ὑπήκουσε, δείσας μὴ ἐφθάρκασιν αὐτὸν μετὰ τὴν
ἀναχώρησιν αὐτοῦ κατεμέμφετο τοὺς ἀδελφούς.
τῶν δὲ τὸ πραχθὲν αὐτῷ φρασάντων παύεται τοῦ
πένθους ἱῬουβῆλος.

(4) Qs δὲ ταῦτα περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς
ἐπέπρακτο, τί ποιήσαντες av €€w THs ὑπδιοιὰς
παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ γενηθεῖεν ἐζήτουν, καὶ δὴ τὸν
χιτωνίσκον, ὃν ἀφῖκτο μὲν πρὸς αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος
ἐνδεδυμένος, περιῃρήκεσαν δ᾽ αὐτὸν ὅτε καθίεσαν
εἰς τὸν λάκκον, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς διασπαράξασιν
αἵματι τράγου μολῦναι καὶ τῷ πατρὶ δεῖξαι φέ-
ροντας, ὡς av ὑπὸ θηρίων αὐτῷ φανείη δι-
εφθαρμένος. καὶ τοῦτο ποιήσαντες ἧκον πρὸς. τὸν
πρεσβύτην ἤδη τῶν περὶ τὸν υἱὸν εἰς γνῶσιν
ἀφιγμένον, ἔλεγον δὲ τὸν μὲν ᾿Ιώσηπον οὔτ᾽ ἰδεῖν
ov? ἡ κέχρηται συμφορᾷ μεμαθηκέναι, χιτῶνα δὲ
τοῦτον εὑρεῖν ἡμαγμένον καὶ λελακισμένον, ὅθεν
αὐτοῖς ὑπόνοιαν εἶναι περιπεσόντα θηρίοις αὐτὸν

¢ Bibl. Gilead.

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 32-36

dene ® for the Egyptian market, after Rubel’s de-
parture advised his brethren to draw up Joseph and
sell him to these Arabs : for he, banished to remotest
exile, would die among strangers, while they would
thus be free from the guilt of his blood. To this
then they agreed, and they drew Joseph out of the
pit and sold him to the merchants for twenty minas,?
he being then seventeen years of age. As for Rubel,
he returned by might *<to:thepit, having resolved to
rescue Joseph ‘without the knowledge of his brethren,
and when his ealls met with no response, fearing
that they had put an end to him after his departure,
he heaped abuse upon his brethren. But they told
him what had passed and Rubel ceased from lamenta-
tion.

(4) When Joseph’s brethren had thus disposed of Jacob's

him, they considered what they should do to elude ;

their father’s suspicion. There was that tunie, whieh 51.
Joseph was wearing when he came to them and of

whieh they had stripped him when they let him down
into the pit: this they decided to tear in pieces,
befoul with goat’s blood, and take and show to their
father, giving him to believe that his son had been
destroy ad by ald beasts. Having so done they came
to the old man, Who had alre Δαν received news of
his son’s misadventure,? and told him that they had
uecither seen Joseph nor discovered what aceident
had befallen him, but that they had found this tunie,
bloodstained and mangled, from whieh they surmised
that he had eneountered wild beasts and perished,
6 Heb. “' 20 (se. shekels) of silver,” the price of a male
slave between the ages of 5 and 20 (Lev. xxvii. 5): ~txx “S20
(pieces) of gold.” Josephus, in naming the mina, like the
Lxx in another fashion, greatly magnifies the sum.
AGEN Ἀν νη ὡς ἀ Aniplitication.
183

ΠΟΤᾺ
Gen.

~

XXXVIL

37

39

40

4)

JOSEPHUS

ἀπολωλέναι, εἴγε τοῦτον ἐνδεδυμένος οἴκοθεν
ἐστάλη. ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ ἐπὶ κουφοτέραις ὧν ἐλπίσιν
ὡς ἡνδραποδισμένου δῆθεν αὐτῷ τοῦ παιδός,
τοῦτον μὲν ἀφίησι τὸν λογισμόν, πίστιν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ
τῆς τελευτῆς ἐναργῆ τὸν χιτῶνα ὑπολαβών, καὶ
γὰρ ἐγνώρισεν [ὡς } ἐκεῖνον αὐτὸν ὃν ἐνδεδυμένον
ἐκπέμποι. πρὸς τοὺς ἀδελφούς, ὡς ἐπὶ νεκρῷ τὸ
λοιπὸν οὕτω διέκειτο ἐπὶ τῷ μειρακίῳ πενθῶν.
καὶ ὡς ἑνὸς πατὴρ ὧν καὶ τῆς ἐξ ἄλλων παραμυθίας
ἐστερημένος οὕτως ἦν παρὰ τῷ κακῷ, πρὶν 7) τοῖς
ἀδελφοῖς συμβαλεῖν εἰκάζων ὑπὸ θηρίων ᾿Ιώσηπον
ἀφανῆ γεγονέναι. ἐκαθέζετο δὲ σακκίον ἐξαψά-
μενος καὶ τῇ λύπῃ βαρύς, ὡς μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ παίδων
παρηγορούντων αὐτὸν paova γενέσθαι μήτε κάμ-
4

νοντα τοῖς πόνοις ἀπαγορεύειν.

(iv. 1) ᾿Ιώσηπον δὲ πωλούμενον ὑπὸ τῶν ἐμπόρων
ὠνησάμενος [evredpys,* ἀνὴρ Αἰγύπτιος. ἐπὶ τῶν
Φαραώθου μαγείρων τοῦ βασιλέως, εἶχεν ἐν ἁπάσῃ
τιμῇ καὶ παιδείαν τε τὴν ἐλευθέριον ἐπαΐδευε καὶ
διαίτῃ χρῆσθαι κρεΐττονι τῆς ἐπὶ δούλῳ τύχης
ἐπέτρεπεν, ἐγχειρίζει τε τὴν τῶν κατὰ τὸν οἶκον
αὐτῷ πρόνοιαν. ὁ δὲ τούτων τε ἀπέλαυε καὶ τὴν
ἀρετήν, ἥτις ἦν περὶ αὐτόν, οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς μετα-
βολῆς ἐγκατέλιπεν, ἀλλὰ διό είτε τὸ φρόνημα
κρατεῖν τῶν ἐν τῷ βίῳ δυσκόλων δυνάμενον, οἷς
ἂν παρῇ γνησίως καὶ μὴ πρὸς τὰς εὐπραγίας τὰς
κατὰ καιρὸν μόνον ἡρμοσμένον.

(2) Tis γὰρ τοῦ δεσπότου γυναικὸς διά τε τὴν

το, ἕΟ.
2 v.l, ἸΠετεφρής (and so pee:

4 Heb. Potiphar: the mss. of josh and of the txx
184

JEWISH. ANTIQUITIES, 1. 36-41

at least if that was the garment he was wearing
when dispatched from home. Jacob, who was phiérish:
ing the more tolerable hope that his boy had been
kidnapped, now abandoned that thought and, regard-
ing the tunic as manifest evidence of his denne for
he recognized it as that which he wore when he sent
him off to his brethren—thenceforward acted even
as though he were dead, in his mourning for the lad.
And eich was his affliction that he appeared to be
the father of but one son and depriv ed of all con-
solation from the rest, imagining that Joseph. or
ever he joined his brethren, had been annihilated by
wild beasts. There he sat with sackcloth about him
and heavy with grief—grief such that neither his
sons could comfort and bring him ease, nor he him-
self tire and weary of his woes.

(iv. 1) But Joseph had been sold by the merchants
and bought by Pentephres,? an Egyptian and chief
of the ἈΞΕΤΙΣ δ of king Pharaothes ; this man held

him in the highest esteem, gave him a liberal educa- 1,

tion,’ accor ded him better fare than falls to the lot
of a slave, and committed the charge of his household
into his hands. Yet, while enjoying these privileges,
he even under this change of forte abandoned not
that virtue that enveloped him, but displayed how
a noble spirit can surmount the trials of life, where it
is genuine and does not simply accommodate itself
to passing prosperity.

(2) For his master’s wife, by reason both of his
vary between Petephres and Pentephres, a slightly more
Hellenized form.

Ὁ ' Η ς 6
> So LXX ἀρχιμάγειρος : the Hebrew word (literally “ slaugh-

terers “’) means ‘‘ apparently the royal cooks or butchers,
who had come to be the bodyguard ” (Skinner).
© Ainplification.
185

Joseph and
Potiphar
(Pente-
phres),
(ren, XXxix,

Joseph and
Potiphar’s
wife,

Gen, xxxix,

bee
«
~

43

44

45

JOSEPIHUS

εὐμορφίαν Kal τὴν περὶ τὰς πράξεις αὐτοῦ δεξιότητα
ἐρωτιιςῶς διατεθείσης καὶ νομιζούσης, εἰ ποιήσειεν
αὐτῷ τοῦτο φανερόν, ῥᾳδίως πείσειν αὐτὸν εἰς
ὁμιλίαν. ἐλθεῖν εὐτύχημα ἡγησάμενον τὸ τὴν

Ὁ δέσποιναν αὐτοῦ δεηθῆναι, καὶ πρὸς τὸ σχῆμα τῆς

τότε δουλείας ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πρὸς τὸν τρόπον ἀφορώσης
τὸν καὶ παρὰ τὴν μεταβολὴν παραμένοντα, τήν
τε ἐπιθυμίαν αὐτῷ ποιησάσης καταφανῆ καὶ
λόγους προσφερούσης περὶ μίξεως, παρέπεμπε
τὴν ἀξίωσιν οὐ κρίνας ὅσιον εἶναι τοιαύτην αὐτῇ
διδόναι χάριν, ἐν ἡ τοῦ πριαμένου καὶ τοσαύτης
ἠξιωκότος τιμῆς ἀδικίαν συνέβαινεν εἶναι καὶ
ὕβριν, ἀλλὰ κρατεῖν τε τοῦ πάθους κἀκείνην
παρεκάλει τὴν ἀπόγνωσιν τοῦ τεύξεσθαι THS
ἐπιθυμίας προβαλλόμενος, σταλήσεσθαι γάρ [re]
αὐτῇ τοῦτο μὴ ΠΡΟ ΟἿΣ ἐλπίδος, αὐτὸς τε πάντα
μᾶλλον ὑπομενεῖν' ἔλεγεν ἢ πρὸς τοῦτο κατα-
πειθὴς ἔσεσθαι: καὶ γὰρ εἰ τῇ δεσποίνῃ δοῦλον
ὄντα δεῖ ποιεῖν μηδὲν ἐναντίον, ἡ πρὸς τὰ τοιαῦτα
τῶν προσταγμάτων ἀντιλογία πολλὴν av ἔχοι
παραίτησιν. Hs 8 ett μᾶλλον ἐπέτεινε τὸν
ἔρωτα τὸ μὴ προσδοκοσῃ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἀντισχεῖν
καὶ δεινῶς ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ πολιορκουμένη δευτέρᾳ
πάλιν πείρᾳ προεθυμεῖτο κατεργάσασθαι.

(3) Anporedods οὖν ἕορτ 7s, ἐπιστ τάσης, καθ᾽ ἣν
εἰς Ty πανήγυριν καὶ γυναιξὶ φοιτᾶν νόμιμον ἦν,
σκήπτεται νόσον πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα θηρωμένη μόνωσιν
καὶ σχολὴν εἰς τὸ δεηθῆναι τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου, καὶ
γενομένης GUTH ταύτης λιπαρεστέρους ἔτι τῶν

1 Bekker: ὑπομένειν codd.
186

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 41-45

comely appearance? and his dexterity in affairs,
became enamoured of him. She thought that if she
disclosed this passion to him, she would easily per-
suade him to have intercourse qath her, since he would
deem it a stroke of fortune to be solicited by his
inistress : she was looking but at the outward guise
of his present servitude, but not at his character,
which notwithstanding his change of fortune stood
firm. So, when she declared her passion and proposed
an illicit union,? Joseph scouted her overtures, deem-
ing it impious to afford her such gratification as would
ne an iniquity and outrage to the master who had
bought him and deigned to τοὶ ξ him 50 πίρη]ν. Nay,
he besought her to. govern her passions, representing
the hopelessness of satisfying her lust, which would
shrink and die when she saw no prospect of gratifying
it, while for his part, he would endure anything rather
chai be obedient to this behest; for although as a
slave he ought never to defy his mistress, ROntrAdIC
tion to order such as these would have abundant
excuse. But the woman's love was only the more
intensified by this unexpected opposition of Joseph,
and being sorely beset by her wicked passion, she
detesnaned by a renewed ‘assault to subdue him.

(3) So, on the approach of a public festival, when
it was customary for women also to join the general
assembly, she made illness an excuse to her husband,
in quest of solitude and leisure to solicit Joseph ;
and, having obtained her opportunity, she addressed

ἃ εὐμορφία : Philo, De Jos. 9 § 40, uses the same word.

> Phrase taken from Philo, loc. cit. (περὶ μίξεως λόγους
προσέφερεν).

¢ A legendary addition, for which there are Rabbinical

parallels (quoted by Weill), invented to explain why “ἢ there
was none of the men of the house within ” (Gen. xxxix. ΕΠ}.

187

Her renewed
solicitation
of Joseph.

40

4

-:

48

δ0

JOSEPHUS

πρώτων αὐτῷ προσηνέγκατο λόγους, ws καλῶς
μὲν εἶχεν αὐτὸν μετὰ τὴν ἐξ ἀρχῆς δέησιν εἶξαι
καὶ μηδὲν ἀντειρηκέναι κατά τε τὴν τῆς παρα-
καλούσης ἐντροπὴν καὶ τὴν τοῦ πάθους ὑπερβολήν,
ὑφ᾽ οὗ βιασθείη δέσποινα οὖσα τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν"
ἀξιώματος ταπεινοτέρα γενέσθαι, φρονήσει δὲ"
καὶ νῦν ἄμεινον ἐνδοὺς καὶ τὸ ἐπὶ τοῖς παρελθοῦσιν
ἄγνωμον διορθώσεται: εἴτε γὰρ δευτέραν δέησιν
ἐξεδέχετο, ταύτην γεγονέναι καὶ μετὰ πλείονος
σπουδῆς: νόσον τε γὰρ προφασίσασθαι καὶ τῆς
ἑορτῆς καὶ τῆς πανηγύρεως τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁμιλίαν
προτιμῆσαι: εἴτε τοῖς πρώτοις ὑπὸ ἀπιστίας
ἀντέκρουσε λογισμοῖς, τοῦ μηδεμίαν κακουργίαν
εἶναι κρίνειν σύμβολον τὸ τοῖς αὐτοῖς ἐπιμένειν.
προσδοκᾶν τε τῶν παρόντων ἀγαθῶν ὄνησιν, ὧν
ἤδη μετέχειν, προσθέμενον αὐτῆς τῷ ἔρωτ. καὶ
μειζόνων ἀπόλαυσιν ὑπήκοον γενόμενον, ἄμυναν
δὲ καὶ μῖσος παρ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀποστραφέντα τὴν
ἀξίωσιν καὶ τοῦ χαρίζεσθαι τῇ δεσποίνῃ τὴν τῆς
σωφροσύνης δόκησιν ἐπίπροσθε θέμενον. οὐ γὰρ
αὐτὸν τοῦτο ὠφελήσειν τραπείσης εἰς κατηγορίαν
αὐτοῦ καὶ καταψευσαμένης πεῖραν ἐπὶ Tavopt,
προσέξειν δὲ μᾶλλον. τοῖς αὐτῆς λόγοις 1Πεντεφρὴϊ
ἢ τοῖς ἐκείνου, κἂν ὅτι μάλιστα ἀπὸ τῆς ἀληθεία;
φέρωνται.

(4) Ταῦτα λεγούσης τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ δακρυούσης
οὔτε οἶκτος αὐτὸν μὴ σωφρονεῖν ἔπεισεν οὔτ᾽
ἠνάγκασε φόβος, ἀλλὰ ταῖς θεήσεσιν ἀντέσχε καὶ
ταῖς ἀπειλαῖς οὐκ ἐνέδωκε, καὶ παθεῖν ἀδίκως καὶ

1 κατὸ ταύτην ROE, 2 Dindorf wita Lat.: τε codd.
188

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 46 50

him even more importunately than before. It had
been well for him, she said, to have yielded to her
first request and in no wise gainsaid her, both out
of respect for his petitioner and because of the excess
of the passion which constrained a mistress to abase
herself beneath her dignity ; but even now by a
better surrender to discretion he might repair his
folly in the past. Were he awaiting a second in-
vitation, here it was, made with yet greater ardour,
for she had feigned sickness and preferred to the
feast and the assembly an interview with him ; was
it from mistrust that he had repulsed her first over-
tures, he should take it as a token of her lack of guile
that she still persisted inthem. Again, he might look
not only for the enjoyment of those present privileges
that were already his, by responding to her love, but
for benefits yet greater, would he only submit ;
but for vengeanee and hatred on her part, should
he reject her suit and set more store on a reputation
for chastity than on gratifying his mistress. For
that would serve him nought, were she to turn his
accuser and charge him falsely to her husband of
an assault upon her ; and Pentephres would listen to
her words, however wide of the truth, rather than to
his.4

(4) So spake the woman, wecping withal; yet
neither pity could induce him to unchastity nor fear
compel: he resisted her entreaties and yielded not
to her threats, choosing to suffer unjustly and to

‘

* Or perhaps “ rather than to his, however truthful they
might be’’; so previous translators. ‘The phrase “ to be
carried away (or ‘* proceed’) from the truth” is ambiguous.

3 μετέχει Niese. 4 Niese: ἀπολαύσειν (-λαύειν) codd.

5 O: δείσας (δείσας καὶ) rell.

189

His chaste
reply.

δ]

52

53

δ:

JOSEPHUS

ὑπομένειν" τι τῶν χαλεπωτέρων εἵλετο μᾶλλον
n τῶν παρόντων ἀπολαύειν χαρισάμενος ἐφ᾽ οἷς
ἂν αὑτῷ συνειδῇ δικαίως ᾿ἀπολουμένῳ. γάμου τε
αὐτὴν ὑπεμίμνησκε καὶ τῆς πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα συμ-
βιώσεως καὶ τούτοις τὸ πλέον νέμειν ἢ προσκαίρῳ
τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἡδονῇ παρεκάλει, τῆς μὲν καὶ μετά-
νοιαν ἑξούσης αὖθις ἐπ᾽ ὀδύνῃ γενησομένην οὐκ

πὶ διορθώσει τῶν ἡμαρτημένων καὶ φόβον τοῦ
an KaTapwpov “γενέσθαι [καὶ χάριν τοῦ λαθεῖν
ἀγνοουμένου τοῦ κακοῦ), τῆς δὲ πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα
κοινωνίας ἀπόλαυσιν ἐχούσης ἀκίνδυνον καὶ προσ-
ἔτι πολλὴν τὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ συνειδότος καὶ πρὸς τὸν
θεὸν παρρησίαν καὶ πρὸς ἀνθρώπους" καὶ ὡς αὐτοῦ
δεσπόσει μᾶλλον μείνασα καθαρὰ καὶ δεσποίνης
efovoia χρήσεται πρὸς αὐτόν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ συνεξ-
αμαρτάνοντος αἰδοῖ: πολὺ δὲ κρεῖττον εἶναι θαρρεῖν
ἐπὶ γινωσκομένοις τοῖς εὖ βεβιωμένοις ἢ ἐπὶ
λαιθανούσῃ κακοπραγίᾳ.

(5) Tatra λέγων καὶ ἔτι πλείω τούτοις ὅμοια
τὴν τῆς γυναικὸς ὁρμὴν ἐπέχειν ἐπειρᾶτο καὶ τὸ
πάθος αὐτῆς εἰς λογισμὸν ἐπιστρέφειν, ἡ δὲ
βιαιότερον ἐχρῆτο τῇ σπουδῇ καὶ ἐπιβαλοῦσα τὰς
χεῖρας ἀναγκάζειν ἀπογνοῦσα τοῦ πείθειν ἤθελεν.
ὡς δ᾽ ἐξέφυγεν ὑπὸ ὀργῆς ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος προσκατα-
λιπὼν καὶ τὸ ἱμάτιον, κατεχούσης καὶ γὰρ αὐτὸν
ἐκ τούτου μεθεὶς ἐξεπήδησε τοῦ δωματίου, περι-
dens γενομένη, μὴ κατείπῃ πρὸς τὸν avdpa αὐτῆς,
καὶ τῆς ὕβρεως περιαλγῶς ἔχουσα φθάσαι κατα-
ψεύσασθαι πρὸς τὸν [Πεντεφρὴν ἔγνω τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου,
καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ τιμωρῆσαι μὲν αὑτῇ δεινῶς

1 κἂν (sic RO) ὑπομένῃ Niese, 2 yl. ἀλλὰ,

190

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 50-54

endure even the severest penalty, rather than take
advantage of the moment? by an indulgence for
which he was conscious that he would justly deserve
to die. He recalled to her mind her marriage and
wedded life with her husband and besought her to
pay more regard to these than to the: transient
pleasure of ace that would bring subsequent re-
morse, which would make her πὶ ΠΟΥ for her sins
without correcting them, and also fear of detection,’
whereas union with her husband afforded enjoyment
without danger. and moreover that perfect confidence
before God and man arising from a good conscience.
He added that by remaining chaste she would have
more command over him aad exercise authority as
his mistress, as she eould not with the guilty feeling
of being his partner in sin; and it was far better to
put faith in a known reputation for a well-spent life
than in the secrecy of crime.

(5) By these words and yet more to like effect he
endeavoured to curb the woman’s impulse and to
turn her passion into the path of reason; but she
displayed only a more violent ardour and, flinging
her arms about him, despairing of persuasion she
would have had resort to force. Joseph fled from
her in indignation, leaving with her his cloak, by
which she had held him had which he abandoned
when he leapt from the chamber ; then, terrified lest
he should inform her husband, and smarting under
this affront, she resolved to forestall Joseph by falsely
aecusing him to Pentephres : this method of avenging

* Cf. Heb.-xi, 25, * choosing: rather to be-evil entreated

... than to enjoy the pleasures of sin for a season” (of

Moses).
δ I follow Reinach in rejecting the obsenre words in
brackets as a gloss,

19]

The
woman's
vengeance,
Gen, ΧΧΧΙ͂ΧΕ
12,

δῦ

56

58

59

JOSEPHUS

ὑπερηφανημένῃ, προλαβεῖν δὲ τὴν διαβολὴν σοφὸν
ἅμα καὶ γυναικεῖον ἡγήσατο. καὶ καθῆστο μὲν
κατηφὴς καὶ συγκεχυμένη τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ διαμαρτεῖν
τῆς ἐπιθυμίας λύπην ὡς ἐπὶ πείρᾳ διαφθορᾶς
πλασαμένη μετ᾽ ὀργῆς, ἐλθόντι δὲ τἀνδρὶ καὶ πρὸς
τὴν ὄψιν ταραχθέντι καὶ πυνθανομένῳ τὴν αἰτίαν
τῆς κατηγορίας τῆς ᾿Ιωσήπου κατήρξατο καί

᾿ τεθναίης,᾽ εἶπεν, “ ἄνερ, ἢ πονηρὸν δοῦλοι
κοίτην “μιᾶναι τὴν σὴν ἐθελήσαντα κόλασον, ὃς
οὐθ᾽ οἷος ὧν εἰς τὸν ἡμέτερον οἶκον ἀφῖκται
μνησθεὶς ἐσωφρόνησεν οὐθ᾽ ὧν ἐκ τῆς σῆς χρη-
στότητος ἔτυχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀχάριστος ὧν ἄν, εἰ μὴ
πάντα παρεῖχεν αὑτὸν ἀγαθὸν εἰς ἡμᾶς, ᾿ἐπεβού-
λευσεν ὑβρίσαι γάμον τὸν σὸν καὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐν ἑορτῇ
τὴν σὴν ἀπουσίαν παραφυλάξας" ὡς ὅσα καὶ
μέτριος ἐδόκει πρότερον διὰ τὸν ἐκ σοῦ φόβον
ἠρέμει καὶ οὐχὶ φύσει χρηστὸς ἦν. τοιοῦτον δ᾽
ἄρα τὸ παρ᾽ ἀξίαν αὐτὸν καὶ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας εἰς
τιμὴν παρελθεῖν ἐποίησεν, ὡς δέον ᾧ τὴν τῆς
κτήσεως τῆς σῆς πίστιν καὶ τὴν οἰκονομίαν λαβεῖν
ἐξεγένετο καὶ τῶν πρεσβυτέρων οἰκετῶν προ-
τιμηθῆναι τούτῳ καὶ τῆς σῆς ψαύειν γυναικός.
παυσαμένη δὲ τῶν λόγων ἐπεδείκνυεν αὐτῷ τὸ
ἱμάτιον, ὡς OT ἐπεχείρει βιάσασθαι καταλιπόντος
αὐτό. Πεντεφρὴς δὲ μήτε δακρυούσῃ τῇ γυναικὶ
μήθ' οἷς ἔλεγε καὶ εἶδεν" ἀπιστεῖν ἔχων, τῷ τε
πρὸς αὐτὴν ἔρωτι πλέον νέμων, ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν τῆς
ἀληθείας ἐξέτασιν οὐκ ἐτρέπετο, δοὺς δὲ σωφρονεῖν
τῇ γυναικὶ πονηρὸν δ᾽ εἶναι κατακρίνας τὸν
᾿Ιώσηπον τὸν μὲν εἰς τὴν τῶν κακούργων εἱρκτὴν

1 +ipse Lat.: αὐτὸς has perhaps dropped out.

192

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 54-59

herself for so grievous a slight and of accusing him
in advance seemed to her alike wise and womanly.
So she sat with downcast eyes and in confusion,
feigning in her wrath to attribute her grief at the
disappointment of her lust to an attempt at viola-
tion ; and when her husband arrived and, distressed
at her appearance, asked her for the reason, she
began her accusation of Joseph. “‘ Mayest thou die,
ny husband,” said she, “ or else chastise this wicked
slave who would fain have defiled thy bed. For
neither the memory of what he was when he entered
our house nor of the benefits which he has received
of thy bounty has sufficed to chasten him ; no, this
fellow, who would have been ungrateful had he in
any wise failed to show exemplary conduct towards
us, has designed to abuse thy wedlock, and that on
a festival, watching for thy absence. So, for all that
seeming modesty in the past, it was fear of thee
that restrained him and no virtuous disposition. ‘To
such a pass, it seems, has his unmerited and unlooked
for promotion brought him, as to suppose that one
who had succeeded in obtaining the charge and
administration of thy estate and in being preferred
to senior menials, had the right to lay hands even
on thy wife.’’ Having ceased speaking, she showed
him the cloak, pretending that he had left it when
he essayed to violate her. To Pentephres his wife's
tears, her story, and what he saw himself left no
room for incredulity, and unduly influeneed by his
love for her he was not careful to investigate the
truth. Giving his wife the credit of innoeence and
condemning Joseph as a scoundrel, he cast him into

193

JOSEPHUS

ἐνέβαλεν, ἐπὶ δὲ TH γυναικὶ καὶ μᾶλλον ἐφρόνει
κοσμιότητα καὶ σωφροσύνην αὐτῇ “μαρτυρῶν.

0ὁ0ὺ (ν. 1) ᾿Ιώσηπος μὲν οὖν πάντ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ
ποιησάμενος τὰ περὶ αὑτὸν οὐδ᾽ εἰς ἀπολογίαν
οὐδ᾽ em ἀκριβῆ τῶν γεγονότων δήλωσιν ἐτράπη,
τὰ δεσμὰ δὲ καὶ τὴν ἀνάγκην σιγῶν ὑπῆλθεν,
ἀμείνονα ἔσεσθαι τῶν δεδεκότων θαρρῶν τὸν τὴν
αἰτίαν τῆς συμφορᾶς καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν εἰδότα θεόν,

61 οὗ πεῖραν τῆς προνοίας εὐθὺς ἐλάμβανεν: ὁ γὰρ
δεσμοφύλαξ τήν τε ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν πίστιν
αὐτοῦ κατανοήσας ἐν οἷς τάξειεν αὐτὸν καὶ τὸ
ἀξίωμα τῆς μορφῆς ὑπανίει τε τῶν δεσμῶν καὶ τὸ
δεινὸν ἐλαφρότερον αὐτῷ καὶ κοῦφον. ἐποίει,
διαίτῃ δὲ ΧΡ ῆσθαι κρείττονι δεσμωτῶν ἐπέτρεπε.

62 τῶν δὲ ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς ὄντων εἴποτε παύσαιντο τῆς
περὶ τὰ ἔργα ταλαιπωρίας εἰς ὁμιλίαν, οἷα φιλεῖ
κατὰ κοινωνίαν τῆς ὁμοίας συμφορᾶς, τρεπομένων
καὶ παρ᾽ ἀλλήλων τὰς αἰτίας ἐφ᾽ αἷς κατακριθεῖεν

63 ἀναπυνθανομένων, οἰνοχόος τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ
σφόδρα δ᾽ αὐτῷ τιμώμενος κατ᾽ ὀργὴν δεδεμένος
καὶ συνδιαφέρων τῷ ᾿Ιωσήπῳ τὰς πέδας συν-
ηθέστερος αὐτῷ μᾶλλον ἐγένετο Kal, συνέσει γὰρ
ἐδόκει αὐτὸν προύχειν, ὄναρ ἰδὼν ἐξέθετο παρα-
καλῶν δηλοῦν εἴ τι' σημαίνει, μεμφόμενος ὅτι τοῖς
ἐκ τοῦ βασιλέως κακοῖς ἔτι τὸ θεῖον αὐτῷ καὶ τὰς
ἐκ τῶν ὀνειράτων. φροντίδας προστίθησιν.

64 (9) "ἔλεγε δ᾽ οὖν ἰδεῖν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους τριῶν
κλημάτων πεφυκυίας ἀμπέλου βότρυς ἐξ ἑκάστου

1 εἴ τι] 6 τι Ο (Lat. quid),

4 The same phrase κοσμιότητα καὶ σωφροσύνην is used of
Joseph in Philo, De Jos. 9 ὃ 40.
’ Amplification; ef. the Roman fashion of coupling a

194

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 11. 59-64

the malefactors’ prison, while of his wife he was yet
prouder than before, testifying to her decorum and
sobriety.¢

(v. 1) Joseph, on his side, committing his cause Joseph in
entircly to God, sought neither to defend himself Gen xxx.
nor yet to renden a strict account of what had passed, 2.
but silently underwent his bonds and confinement,
confident that God, who knew the cause of his
calamity and the truth, would prove stronger than
those who had bound him; and of His providence
he had proof forthwith. For the keeper of the prison,
noting his ditigence and fidelity in the tasks com-
mitted to him, along with the dignity of his features,
eave him some relief from his ehains and rendered
fie eruel fate lighter and more tolerable, allowing
him moreover rations superior to prisoners’ fare.
Now his fellow-prisoners, during any cessation of
their hard labours. used, as is the way with partners
in misfortune, to fall into conversation and ask eaeh
other the reasons for their several eondemnations.
Among them was the king’s cupbearer, once held
by him in high esteem and then in a fit of anger
imprisoned: this man, wearing the same fetters
as Josep!’ beeaine the more intimately aequainted
with him, and, forming « high opinion of his sagacity,
recounted to him a aecane which he had scen and
asked him to explain whatever meaning it had, com-
plaining that to the injuries inflicted by the king
the Deity added this further burden of vexatious
dreams.

(2) He said that he had seen in his sleep a full- The batters

. : : ' - lream.
srown vine with three branches, from each of whieh Go's. o

prisoner to bis guard, 4. xviii. 196 τὸν συνδεδεμένον αὐτῷ
(Agrippa) στρατιώτην.
195

65

66

67

68

JOSEPHUS

ἀποκρέμασθαι μεγάλους ἤδη καὶ πρὸς τρύγητον
ὡραίους, καὶ τούτους αὐτὸς ἀποθλίβειν εἰς φιάλην
ὑπέχοντος τοῦ βασιλέως διηθῆήσας τε τὸ γλεῦκος
δοῦναι τῷ βασιλεῖ πιεῖν, κἀκεῖνον δέξασθαι κεχαρι-
ees TO μὲν οὖν ἑωραμένον ἐδήλου τοιοῦτον
» ἠξίου δ᾽ εἰ τί μεμοίραται συνέσεως φράζειν
αὐτῷ τὴν πρόρρησιν Τῆς ὄψεως. ὁ δὲ θαρρεῖν τε
παρεκάλει καὶ προσδοκᾶν ἐν τρισὶν ἡμέραις ἀπο-
λυθήσεσθαι τῶν δεσμῶν, τοῦ βασιλέως ποθήσαντος
αὐτοῦ τὴν διακονίαν καὶ πάλιν εἰς ταύτην αὐτὸν
ἐπανάξοντος- καρπὸν γὰρ ἐσήμαινεν ἀμπέλινον ἐπ᾽
ἀγαθῷ τὸν θεὸν ἀνθρώποις παρασχεῖν, ὃς αὐτῷ
τε ἐκείνῳ σπένδεται καὶ πίστιν ἀνθρώποις καὶ
φιλίαν ὁμηρεύει, διαλύων μὲν ἔχθρας τὰ πάθη δὲ
καὶ τὰς λύπας ἐξαιρῶν τοῖς προσφερομένοις αὐτὸν
καὶ πρὸς ἡδονὴν ὑποφέρων. “ τοῦτον οὖν φὴς ἐκ
τριῶν ἀποθλιβέντα βοτρύων χερσὶ ταῖς σαῖς
προσέσθαι τὸν βασιλέα' καλὴν τοίνυν ἴσθι σοι τὴν
ὄψιν γεγενημένην καὶ προμηνύουσαν ἄφεσιν τῆς
παρούσης ἀνάγκης ἐν τοσαύταις ἡμέραις, ἐξ ὁ ὅσων
κλημάτων τὸν καρπὸν ἐτρύγησας κατὰ τοὺς
ὕπνους. μέμνησο μέντοι τούτων πειραθεὶς τοῦ
προκαταγγείλαντός σοι τὰ ἀγαθά, καὶ γενόμενος
ἐν ἐξουσίᾳ μὴ περιίδης ἡμᾶς ἐν οἷς καταλείψεις
πρὸς ἃ δεδηλώκαμεν ἀπερχόμενος" οὐδὲν γὰρ
ἐξαμαρτόντες ἐν δεσμοῖς γεγόναμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀρετῆς
ἕνεκα καὶ σωφροσύνης τὰ τῶν κακούργων ὑπο-
μένειν κατεκρίθημεν, οὐδέ γε μετ᾽ οἰκείας ἡδονῆς
τὸν ταῦθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἐργασάμενον ὑβρίσαι “θελήσαντες.
τῷ μὲν οὖν οἰνοχόῳ χαίρειν κατὰ τὸ εἰκὸς ἀκού-
σαντι τοιαύτης τῆς τοῦ ὀνείρατος ἐξηγήσεως

196

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 11. 64-69

hung clusters of grapes, already large and ripe tor
the vintage, and that he had pressed these into a cup
held out by the king, and having let the must run
through he had givenit to the king to drink and he had
received it graciously. Such, he declared, was what
he saw, and he desired Joseph, if he was gifted with
any understanding, to tell him what the vision por-
tended. And Joseph bade him be of good cheer and
to expect within three days to be released from his
bonds, since the king needed his service and would
recall him to his office. For he explained how the fruit
of the vine was given by God to men asa blessing,see-
ing that it is offered in libation to Himself and serves
men as a pledge of fidelity and friendship, terminating
feuds, banishing the sufferings and sorrows of those
who take it to their lips, and wafting them down into
delight.* ‘‘ This juice, thou sayest, pressed from three
clusters by thy hands, was accepted by the king.
Well, it is a fine vision, be sure, that thou hast had,
and one betokening release from thy present con-
finement within as many days as were the branches
from which thou gatheredst the fruit in thy sleep.
Howbeit, when these things befall thee, remember
him who predicted thy felicity, and, once at liberty,
do not neglect me in the state wherein thou wilt
leave me when thou departest to that lot which I
have foretold. For it was no crime that brought me
into these bonds : nay, it was for virtue’s sake and
for sobriety that I was condemned to undergo a
malcfactor’s fate, and because even the lure of my
own pleasure would not induce me to dishonour him
who has thus treated me.” The butler, as may well
be imagined, could but rejoice to hear such an inter-

* Cf. the praise of wine in 1 Esdras iii. 18 ff.

197

70

7

—

Te

73

74

JOSEPHUS

ὑπῆρχε Kal περιμένειν τῶν δεδηλωμένων τὴν
τελευτήν.

(3) Δοῦλος δέ τις ἐπὶ τῶν σιτοποιῶν τεταγμένος
τοῦ βασιλέως συνδεδεμένος τῷ οἰνοχόῳ, τοιαύτην
ποιησαμένου τὸν ᾿Ιωσήπου περὶ τῆς ὄψεως ἐκείνῳ
τὴν ἀπόφασιν, εὔελπις ὦν, καὶ γὰρ καὐτὸς ὄναρ
ἦν τεθεαμένος. ἠξίωσε τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον φράσαι, τί
κἀκείνῳ δηλοῦν βούλεται τὰ διὰ τῆς παρελθούσης
νυκτὸς ὀφθέντα. ἦν δὲ τοιαῦτα" “᾿ τρία," φησί,
‘Kava φέρειν ὑπὲρ τῆς κεφαλῆς ἔδοξα, δύο μὲν
ἄρτων πλέα, τὸ δὲ τρίτον ὄψου τε καὶ ποικίλων
βρωμάτων οἷα βασιλεῦσι σκευάζεται: καταπταμέ-
vous δ᾽ οἰωνοὺς ἅπαντα δαπανῆσαι μηδένα λόγον
αὐτοῦ ποιουμένους ἀποσοβοῦντος.᾽" καὶ ὁ μὲν
ὁμοίαν τὴν πρόρρησιν ἔσεσθαι τῇ τοῦ οἰνοχόοι
προσεδόκα" ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιώσηπος συλλαβὼν" τῷ λογισμῷ
τὸ ὄναρ καὶ πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰπών, ὡς ἐβούλετ᾽ ἂν
ἀγαθῶν ἑρμηνευτὴς αὐτῷ γεγονέναι καὶ οὐχ οἵων
τὸ ὄναρ αὐτῷ δηλοῖ, λέγει δύο τὰς πάσας ἔτι τοῦ
ζῆν αὐτὸν ἔχειν ἡμέρας" τὰ γὰρ κανᾶ τοῦτο
σημαίνειν" τῇ τρίτῃ δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἀνασταυρωθέντα βο-
ρὰν ἔσεσθαι πετεινοῖς οὐδὲν ἀμύνειν αὑτῷ δυνά-
μενον. καὶ δὴ ταῦτα τέλος 6 ὅμοιον. οἷς ὁ Ἰώσηπος
εἶπεν ἀμφοτέροις ἔλαβε: τῇ γὰρ ἡμέρᾳ τῇ προ-
εἰρημένῃ γενέθλιον τεθυκὼς ὁ βασιλεὺς τὸν μὲν
ἐπὶ τῶν σιτοποιῶν ἀνεσταύρωσε, τὸν δὲ οἰνοχόον
τῶν δεσμῶν ἀπολύσας ἐπὶ τῆς αὐτῆς ὑπηρεσίας

,
κατέστησεν.
(4) ᾿Ιώσηπον δὲ διετῆ χρόνον τοῖς δεσμοῖς

1 RO Lat. (cf. ii. 15): συμβαχὼν rell.

¢ Philo has a similar preface, De Jos. 18 ὃ 94 ἐβουλόμην
198

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 69-74

pretation of his dream and eagerly await the aceom-
plishment of these diselosures.

(3) But another slave, once ehief of the king’s
bakers and now imprisoned along with the butler,
after Joseph had thus explained the other’s vision,
was full of hope—for he too had had a dream—and
besought Joseph to tell him also what might be the
signification of his visions of the night past. These
were as follows: “‘ Methought,” said he, “ that I
was carrying three baskets upon my head, two filled
with loaves, and the third with dainties and divers
meats such as are prepared for kings, when birds
flew down and devoured them all, heedless of my
efforts to seare them away.”’ He was expecting a
prediction similar to that made to the butler; but
Joseph, grasping on reflexion the import of the dream,
after assuring him that he eould have wished to have
good news to interpret to him ἃ and not such as the
dream disclosed to his mind, told him that he had
in all but two days yet to live (the baskets indicated
that), and that on the third day he would be erueified ὃ
and beeome food for the fowls, utterly powerless to
defend himself. And in fact this all fell out just as
Joseph had declared to both of them; for on the
day predicted the king, eclebrating his birthday with
a saerifiee, erueified the chief baker but released the
hutler from his bonds and restored him to his former
ofhee.

(4) Joseph, however, for two full years endured the
μὲν μὴ παραστῆναί σοι τὴν φαντασίαν. . . ὀκνῶ τε γάρ, εἰ Kal
τις ἄλλος, εἶναι κακῶν ἄγγελος,

δ Or “impaled.” Gen. xl. 19 (° lift thy head from off
thee and hang thee on a tree’) implics decapitation and

subsequent impalement of the eorpse; Josephus, omitting
the former, appears to introduce the Roman penalty.

199

The baker's
dream,
Gen, xl, 16.

Joseph's
liberation.
Gen, xli. 1.

JOSEPHUS

κακοπαθοῦντα καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ οἰνοχόου κατὰ
μνήμην τῶν προειρημένων ὠφελούμενον ὁ θεὸς
ἀπέλυσε τῆς εἱρκτῆς τοιαύτην αὐτῷ τὴν ἀπαλ-
75 λαγὴν μηχανησάμενος" Φαραώθης ὁ βασιλεὺς ὑπὸ
τὴν αὐτὴν ἑσπέραν ὄψεις ἐνυπνίων θεασάμενος δύο
καὶ μετ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν ἑκατέρας ἐξήγησιν ταύτης μὲν
ἠμνημόνησε, τῶν δὲ ὀνειράτων κατέσχεν. ἀχθό-
μενος οὖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἑωραμένοις, καὶ γὰρ ἐδόκει
σκυθρωπὰ ταῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ, συνεκάλει μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν
Λἰγυπτίων τοὺς λογιωτάτους χρήζων μαθεῖν τῶν
76 ὀνειράτων τὴν κρίσιν. ἀπορούντων δ᾽ ἐκείνων ἔτι
μᾶλλον ὁ βασιλεὺς ἐταράττετο. τὸν δὲ οἰνοχόον
ὁρῶντα τοῦ Φαραώθου τὴν σύγχυσιν ὑπέρχεται
μνήμη τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου καὶ τῆς περὶ τῶν ὀνειράτων
συνέσεως, καὶ προσελθὼν ἐμήνυσεν αὐτῷ τὸν
᾿Ιώσηπον τήν τε ὄψιν, ἣν αὐτὸς εἶδεν ἐν τῇ εἱρκτῇ,
καὶ τὸ ἀποβὰν ἐ ἐκείνου «φράσαντος, 6 ὅτι τε σταυρω-
θείη κατὰ τὴν αὐτὴν ἡμέραν ὁ ἐπὶ τῶν σιτοποιῶν
κἀκείνῳ τοῦτο συμβαίη κατ᾽ ἐξήγησιν ὀνείρατος
78 Ἰωσήπου προειπόντος. δεδέσθαι δὲ τοῦτον μὲν
ὑπὸ Ilevredpod τοῦ ἐπὶ τῶν μαγείρων ὡς δοῦλον,
λέγειν δ᾽ αὐτὸν “Ἑβραίων ἐν ὀλίγοις εἶναι γένους
ἅμα καὶ τῆς τοῦ πατρὸς δόξης. “᾿ τοῦτον οὖν
μεταπεμψάμενος καὶ μὴ διὰ τὴν ἄρτι κακοπραγίαν
αὐτοῦ καταγνοὺς μαθήσῃ τὰ ὑπὸ τῶν ὀνειράτων
79 σοι δηλούμενα. κελεύσαντος οὖν τοῦ βασιλέως
εἰς ὄψιν αὐτοῦ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον παραγαγεῖν τὸν μὲν
ἥκουσιν ἄγοντες οἱ κεκελευσμένοι τημελήσαντες
κατὰ πρόσταγμα τοῦ βασιλ έως.
80 (5) Ὁ δὲ τῆς δεξιᾶς αὐτοῦ λαβόμενος “ὦ
νεανία, φησί, “od γάρ μοι νῦν ἄριστος καὶ

=]
“-.

200

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IJ. 74-80

miseries of bondage, without receiving any aid from
the butler in memory of his predictions, until God
released him from prison, devising the following
means for his deliveranee. King Pharaothes on one
and the same evening saw in his dreams two visions
together with the explanation of each of them ;
he forgot the explanation, but retained the dreams.
Oppressed by these sights, which to him seemed of
evil aspeet, he summoned on the morrow the sagest
of the Egyptians, desiring to learn the interpretation
of the dreams; and finding them baffled, the king
was yet more disturbed. But into the mind of the
butler, watching the monarch’s perplexity, there
stole the memory of Joseph and his skill in dreams ;
he approached, spoke to him of Joseph, recounted
the vision which he himself had seen in prison and
the issue as foretold by him, and how on the same
day the chief baker had been crucified and how his
fate too had befallen him in accordance with Joseph’s
prophetical interpretation of a dream. He added
that the man had been imprisoned by Pentephres,
the chief cook, as a slave, but that, according to his
own account, he ranked, alike by birth and by his
father’s fame, among the foremost of the Hebrews.
“ Send then for him,” he said, “‘ nor spurn him for his
present miserable state, and thou wilt learn the
meaning of thy dreams.’”’ So the king eommanded
to bring Joseph into his presence, and the appointed
officers returned bringing him with them, after giving
hin their attentions in accordance with the orders
of royalty.
(5) The king took him by the hand and_ said : Pharaoh's
‘Young man, forasmuch as thy excellence and ex- Genoa Ἰὰ
“ Amplification of Scripture.
20]

8

-

83

81

JOSEPHUS

σύνεσιν ἱκανώτατος ὑπὸ οἰκέτου τοὐμοῦ μεμαρ-
τύρησαι τῶν αὐτῶν ἀγαθῶν, ὧν καὶ τούτῳ μετ-
ἔδωκας, ἀξίωσον Kaye φράσας ὅσα μοι κατὰ τοὺς
ὕπνους ὀνειράτων ὄψεις προδηλοῦσι: βούλομαι δέ
σε μηδὲν ὑποστελλόμενον φόβῳ κολακεῦσαι ψευδεῖ
λόγῳ καὶ τῷ τ ἡδονήν, ἂν τἀληθὲς σκυθρω-
πότερον 7. ἔδοξα γὰρ παρὰ ποταμὸν βαδίζων
βόας ἰδεῖν εὐτραφεῖς ἅμα καὶ μεγέθει διαφερούσας,
ἑπτὰ τὸν ἀριθμόν, ἀπὸ τοῦ νάματος χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸ
ἕλος, ἄλλας δὲ ταύταις τὸν ἀριθμὸν παραπλησίας
ἐκ τοῦ ἕλους ὑπαντῆσαι λίαν κατισχνωμένας καὶ
δεινὰς ὁραθῆναι, at κατεσθίουσαι τὰς εὐτραφεῖς
καὶ μεγάλας οὐδὲν ὠφελοῦντο χαλεπῶς ὑπὸ τοῦ
λιμοῦ τετρυχωμέναι. μετὰ δὲ ταύτην THY ὄψιν
διεγερθεὶς ἐκ τοῦ ὕπνου καὶ τεταραγμένος" καὶ
τί ποτ᾽ εἴη τὸ φάντασμα παρ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ σκοπῶν
καταφέρομαι πάλιν εἰς ὕπνον καὶ δεύτερον ὄναρ
ὁρῶ πολὺ τοῦ προτέρου θαυμασιώτερον, ὅ με
καὶ μᾶλλον ἐκφοβεῖ καὶ ταράττει. στάχυας ἑπτὰ
ἑώρων ἀπὸ μιᾶς ῥίζης ἐκφυέντας καρηβαροῦντας
ἤδη καὶ κεκλιμένους ὑπὸ τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ τῆς πρὸς
Ε Ὁ“ Ἁ ’ ¢ / φ \ 4
ἄμητον ὥρας καὶ τούτοις ἑτέρους ἑπτὰ στάχυας
πλησίον λιφερνοῦντας καὶ ἀσθενεῖς ὑπὸ ἀδροσίας,
ot δαπανᾶν καὶ κατεσθίειν τοὺς ὡραίους τραπέντες
ἔκπληξίν μοι παρέσχον.

(6) ᾿Ιώσηπος δὲ ὑπολαβών, “ὄνειρος μὲν οὗτος,
εἶπεν, “ ὦ βασιλεῦ, καίπερ ἐν δυσὶ “μορφαῖς od-
θεὶς μίαν καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν ἀποσημαίνει τελευτὴν
τῶν ἐσομένων. τό τε γὰρ Tas Bods ἰδεῖν, ζῷον
ἐπ᾿ ἀρότρῳ πονεῖν γεγενημένον, ὑπὸ τῶν χειρόνων

, \ € , εν - ay ,
85 κατεσθιομένας, Kat οἱ σταχῦέξς νπο τῶν ελαττονωὼν

ὃ ’ \ > 7 Ἁ 3 4 > 4
απανώμενοι λιμὸν Αἰγύπτῳ και ακαρπίαν ἐπι
202

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 80-85

treme sagacity have but now been attested to me
by my servant, vouehsafe to me also the same good
offees as thou hast rendered to him, by telling me
what is foreshadowed by these dreams whieh I have
seen in my sleep; and 1 would have thee suppress
nothing through fear nor flatter me with lying speech
designed to please, however grim the truth may be.
Methought that, as I walked by the river, I saw
kine well-fed and exeeeding large, seven in number,
faring from the stream to the marsh-land, and others
of like number eame from the marshes to meet them,
sorely emaciated and fearful to behold, which de-
voured the fat and large kine but were nothing
bettered, so grievously wasted were they with famine.
After this vision I awoke from sleep and, being dis-
quieted and pondering in my mind what this appari-
tion might be, I sank onee more asleep and saw a
seeond dream far more wondrous than the first, whieh
terrified and disquieted me yet more. I saw seven
ears of corn, sprung from a single root, their heads
already toppling and bent beneath the load of grain
and its ripeness for harvest, and beside them seven
other ears forlorn and weak from want of dew, which
fell to consuming and devouring the ripe ears, eausing
me eonsternation.”’

(6) To this Joseph replied: “ This dream, O king,
albeit seen under two forms, denotes but one and
the same event to eome. For these kine, creatures
born to labour at the plough, that thou sawest being
devoured by those inferior to them, these ears of
corn consumed by lesser ears, alike foretell for Egypt

᾿ 1 εὧὡν ROE.

203

Joseph's
interpretae
tion.

Gen. xli, 25.

86

88

89

JOSEPHUS

τοσαῦτα προκαταγγέλλουσιν ἔτη τοῖς ἴσοις πρό-
τερον εὐδαιμονησάσῃ, ὡς τὴν τούτων εὐφορίαν
τῶν ἐτῶν ὑπὸ τῆς τῶν μετὰ τοσοῦτον ἀριθμὸν
ἴσων ἀφορίας ὑπαναλωθῆναι. γενήσεται δ᾽ ἡ
σπάνις τῶν ἀναγκαίων σφόδρα δυσκατόρθωτος.
σημεῖον δέ: at yap κατισχνωμέναι βόες δαπανή-
σασαι τὰς κρείττονας οὐκ ἴσχυσαν κορεσθῆναι. ὁ
μέντοι θεὸς οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ λυπεῖν τὰ μέλλοντα τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις προδείκνυσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως προυγνωκότες
κουφοτέρας συνέσει ποιῶνται τὰς πείρας τῶν
κατηγγελμένων. σὺ τοίνυν ταμιευσάμενος Ta-
γαθὰ τὰ κατὰ τὸν πρῶτον χρόνον. γενησόμενα
ποιήσεις ἀνεπαίσθητον Αἰγυπτίφις τὴν ἐπελευσο-
μένην συμφοράν.

(7 ) Θαυμάσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως τὴν φρόνησιν
καὶ τὴν σοφίαν τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου καὶ πυθομένου, τίνα
καὶ τρόπον ἂν προοικονομήσειεν. ἐν τοῖς τῆς εὖ-
ετηρίας καιροῖς τὰ περὶ τῶν μετὰ ταύτην, ὡς ἂν
ἐλαφρότερα γένοιτο τὰ τῆς ἀφορίας, ὑπετίθετο καὶ
συνεβούλευε φειδὼ ποιεῖσθαι] τῶν ἀγαθῶν καὶ
μὴ κατὰ περιουσίαν αὐτοῖς χρῆσθαι τοῖς Αἰγυπ-
τίοις ἐπιτρέπειν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα ἂν κατὰ τρυφὴν ἀνα-
λώσωσιν ἐκ περισσοῦ, ταῦτα τηρεῖν εἰς τὸν τῆς
ἐνδείας καιρόν, ἀποτίθεσθαί τε παρήνει λαμβά-
νοντα τὸν σῖτον παρὰ τῶν γεωργῶν τὰ διαρκῆ
μόνον εἰς διατροφὴν χορηγοῦντα. ᾿Φαραώθης δ᾽
ἀμφοτέρων θαυμάσας ᾿Ιώσηπον, τῆς τε κρίσεως
τοῦ ὀνείρατος καὶ τῆς συμβουλίας, αὐτῷ τὴν
οἰκονομίαν παραδίδωσιν, ὥστε πράττειν ἃ καὶ
τῷ πλήθει τῶν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ τῷ βασιλεῖ συμ-
φέροντα ὑπολαμβάνει, τὸν ἐξευρόντα τὴν τοῦ πράγ-
ματος ὁδὸν καὶ προστάτην ἄριστον αὐτῆς ὑπο-
204

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 85-89

famine and dearth for as many years as the period
of plenty preceding them, so that the fertility of the
former years will be stealthily consumed by the
sterility of those that follow in equal number. To
provide relief for the dearth of provisions will, more-
over, prove a task of exceeding difficulty : in token

whereof the emaciated kine after devouring their

betters could not be satisfied. Howbeit, it is not to
distress men that God foreshows to them that which
is to come, but that forewarned they may use their
sagacity to alleviate the trials announeed when they
befall. Do thou then husband the bounties that the
first period will bring, and thou wilt make the
Egyptians unconscious of the ensuing disaster.”

(7) Marvelling at the discernment and wisdom of Joseph as

Joseph, the king asked him how he should make pro-
vision beforehand during the seasons of plenty for
those that were to follow, in order to render more
tolerable the period of barrenness. In reply Joseph
suggested and counselled him to be sparing of the
gifts of earth and not to permit the Egyptians to
use them extravagantly, but that all that surplus
which they might expend on luxury should be re-
served against the time of want. He further exhorted
him to take the corn from the cultivators and store
it, supplying them only with enough to suffice for
their subsistence. Pharaothes, now doubly admiring
Joseph, alike for the interpretation of the dream and
for his counsel, entrusted the administration of this
office to him, with power to act as he thought meet
both for the people of Egypt and for their sovereign,
deeming that he who had discovered the course to

VOL. IV H 205

Pharaoh's
minister.

Gen. xli. 89.

JOSEPHUS

90 λαβὼν γενήσεσθαι. ὁ δέ, ταύτης αὐτῷ τῆς ἐξουσίας

9

—

92

93

ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως δοθείσης σφραγῖδί τε χρῆσθαι
τῇ αὐτοῦ καὶ πορφύραν ἐνδύσασθαι, διὰ τῆς γῆς
ἁπάσης ἐλαύνων ἐφ᾽ ἅρματος ἦγε τὸν σῖτον παρὰ
τῶν γεωργῶν τὸν ἀρκοῦντα πρός τε σπόρον καὶ
διατροφὴν ἑκάστοις ἀπομετρῶν, μηδενὶ σημαίνων
τὴν αἰτίαν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ταῦτα ἔπραττε.
= 4 3 ” #4 ~ ¢ , 3 ~
(vi. 1) Tpeaxoarov δ᾽ ἔτος ἤδη τῆς ἡλικίας αὐτῷ
ὃ A Av ‘ “ ς , Σ ΄“λ A ~
veAnAuver καὶ τιμῆς ἁπάσης ἀπέλαυε [παρὰ] τοῦ
βασιλέως, καὶ προσηγόρευσεν αὐτὸν Ῥονθομ-
φάνηχον ἀπιδὼν αὐτοῦ πρὸς τὸ παράδοξον τῆς
συνέσεως" σημαίνει γὰρ τὸ ὄνομα κρυπτῶν εὑρετήν.
γαμεῖ δὲ καὶ γάμον ἀξιολογώτατον: ἄγεται γὰρ
Ἁ ~ “~
καὶ Ilevredpot θυγατέρα τῶν ἐν “HaAcourdAe
¢e ~ ~ ,
ἱερέων, συμπράξαντος αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως, ἔτι
, 3 , > Fs : 5 is Se \
παρθένον ᾿Ασέννηθιν ὀνόματι. ἐκ ταύτης δὲ Kal
παῖδες αὐτῷ γίνονται πρὸ τῆς ἀκαρπίας, Μανασ-
Ἁ : , , δ᾽ ? “λ θ ὃ ‘ ‘
σης μὲν πρεσβύτερος, σημαίνει δ᾽ ἐπίληθον, διὰ τὸ
εὐδαιμονήσαντα λήθην εὕρασθαι τῶν ἀτυχημάτων,
ς ὃ , ᾽; “Ὁ ’ Ὶ > ὃ ὃ ‘ δὲ ~ =
ὁ δὲ νεώτερος ᾿Ιφραίμης,; ἀποδιδοὺς δὲ τοῦτο σὴ
~ ~ 3 , “~
μαίνει, διὰ TO ἀποδοθῆναι αὐτὸν τῇ ἐλευθερίᾳ τῶν
προγόνων. τῆς δ᾽ Λίἰγύπτου κατὰ τὴν ᾿Ιωσήπου
τῶν ὀνειράτων ἐξήγησιν μακαριστῶς ἔτη ἑπτὰ
διαγαγούσης" ὁ λιμὸς ἥπτετο τῷ ὀγδόῳ ἔτει καὶ
διὰ τὸ μὴ προῃσθημένοις ἐπιπεσεῖν τὸ κακὸν
πονούμενοι χαλεπῶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ πάντες ἐπὶ τὰς

1 ᾿μφράδης R, Ιὐφράης M, ᾿Εφράνης Niese.
2 διαγούσης codd.

®@ Gen. xli. 42 mentions only its frequent concomitant
** fine linen.”

δ So txx: Heb. Zaphenath-paneah. The interpretation
here given of the //ebrew form of the name (the first half
of which was connected with Heb. zdphan, “‘ to hide *') recurs

206

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 90-93

pursue would also prove its best director. Empowered
by the king with this authority and withal to use his
seal and to be robed in purple,* Joseph now drove in
a chariot throughout all the land, gathering in the
corn from the farmers, meting out to each such as
would suffice for sowing and sustenance, and revealing
to none for what reason he so acted.

(vi. 1) He had now complcted his thirtieth year and
was in the enjoyment of every honour at the hand
of the king, who called him Psonthomphanéch(os) ἢ
in view of his amazing intelligence, that name signify-
ing “ Discoverer of Secrets.”” He contracted more-
over a most distinguished marriage, espousing in fact
the daughter of Pentephres,® one of the priests of
Heliopolis, the king assisting to bring about the
match: she was yet a virgin and was named Asen-
néthis.¢ By her he had sons before the dearth : the
elder Manasses, signifying ‘ cause of forgetfulness,”’ ὁ
because in his prosperity his father had found oblivion
of his misfortunes, and the younger Ephraim, mean-
ing “ Restorer,’ 7 because he had been restored to
the liberty of his forefathers. Now when Egypt,
in accordance with Joseph’s interpretation of the
dreams, had passed seven years of blissful prosperity,
in the eighth year the famine gripped it, and, since
the blow had been unforeseen by those upon whom
it fell, they felt it heavily and all flocked to the

in the Syriae version and in the ‘Targum of Onkelos. ‘The
meaning of the underlying Egyptian name is uncertain.

ο Or Petephres : Heb. Potiphera. ¢ Tleb. Asenath.

¢ The Biblical and correct interpretation.

? Here Josephus departs from the Biblical derivation from
root prh (=** fruitful’) and apparently conneets the name
with the root pr‘, with final guttural (=in Heb. “ἢ let loose,”
in Aramaic “* repay ’’).

207

Joseph's
marriage
and
children,
The famine.
Gen. ΧΙ, 451.

ΧΕ. 8].

JOSEPHUS

94 [Tod] βασιλέως θύρας συνέρρεον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιώσηπον

90

91

98

ἐκάλει, κἀκεῖνος τὸν σῖτον αὐτοῖς ἀπεδίδοτο yeyevn-
μένος σωτὴρ ὁμολογουμένως τοῦ πλήθους, καὶ τὴν
ἀγορὰν οὐ τοῖς ἐγχωρίοις προὐτίθει μόνον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τοῖς ξένοις ὠνεῖσθαι παρῆν πάντας ἀνθρώπους
κατὰ συγγένειαν ἀξιοῦντος ἐπικουρίας τυγχάνειν
[ωσήπου παρὰ τῶν εὐδαιμονίᾳ χρωμένων.

(2) ΠΠέμπει δὲ καὶ ᾿Ιάκωβος τῆς Χαναναίας
δεινῶς ἐκτετρυχωμένης, πάσης γὰρ ἥψατο τῆς
ἠπείρου τὸ δεινόν, τοὺς υἱοὺς ἅπαντας εἰς τὴν
Αἴγυπτον ὠνησομένους σῖτον πεπυσμένος ἐφεῖσθαι
τὴν ἀγορὰν καὶ ξένοις" μόνον δὲ “κατέσχε Βενια-
μεὶν ἐκ ᾿Ραχήλας αὐτῷ γεγονότα ὁμομήτριον δὲ
᾿Ιωσήπῳ. οἱ μὲν οὖν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐλθόντες
ἐνετύγχανον. τῷ ᾿Ιωσήπῳ χρήζοντες ἀγορᾶς" οὐδὲν
γὰρ ἦν ὃ μὴ μετὰ γνώμης ἐπράττετο τῆς ἐκείνου"
καὶ γὰρ τὸ θεραπεῦσαι τὸν “βασιλέα τότε χρήσιμον
ἐγίνετο τοῖς ἀνθρώποις, ὅτε καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιωσήπου
τιμῆς ἐπιμεληθεῖεν. ὁ δὲ γνωρίσας τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς
οὐδὲν ἐνθυμουμένους περὶ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὸ μειράκιον
μὲν αὐτὸς ἀπαλλαγῆναι, εἰς τοῦτο δὲ προελθεῖν τῆς
ἡλικίας, ὡς τῶν χαρακτήρων ἐνηλλαγμένων᾽"
ἀγνώριστος αὐτοῖς εἶναι, τῷ δὲ μεγέθει τοῦ ἀξιώ-
ματος οὐδ᾽ εἰς ἐπίνοιαν ἐλθεῖν αὐτοῖς δυνάμενος"
διεπείραζεν, ὡς ἔχοιεν γνώμης περὶ τῶν ὅλων.
τόν τε γὰρ σῖτον αὐτοῖς οὐκ ἀπεδίδοτο κατασκό-
mous τε τῶν βασιλέως πραγμάτων ἔλεγεν ἥκειν
καὶ πολλαχόθεν μὲν αὐτοὺς συνεληλυθέναι, προ-
φασίζεσθαι δὲ συγγένειαν: οὐ γὰρ εἶναι δυνατὸν
ἀνδρὶ ἰδιώτῃ τοιούτους παῖδας καὶ τὰς μορφὰς
οὕτως ἐπιφανεῖς ἐκτραφῆναι, δυσκόλου καὶ βασι-

99 λεῦσιν οὔσης [τῆς] τοιαύτης παιδοτροφίας. ὑπὲρ

208

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 94-99

king’s gates. The king summoned Joseph, and he
sold them corn, proving himself by common consent
the saviour of the people. Nor did he open the
market to the natives only: strangers also were
permitted to buy, for Joseph held that all men, in
virtue of their kinship, should receive succour from
those in prosperity.

(2) And so, since Canaan was sorely wasted, the
scourge having stricken the whole continent, Jacob
too sent all his sons into Egypt to bny corn, having
learnt that the market was open also to foreigners :
he retained only Benjamin, his child by Rachel, born
of the same mother as Joseph. The brethren, then,
on reaching Egypt, waited upon Joseph desiring
leave to buy; for nothing was done without his
sanction, insomuch that to pay court to the king was
profitable only to such as took heed to do homage
likewise to Joseph. He recognized his brothers, but
they had no thought of him, for he was but a lad
when he parted from them and had reached an age
when his features had so changed as to make him
unrecognizable to them; moreover his exalted rank
prevented any possibility of his even entering their
minds. So he proceeded to test their feelings on
affairs in general. Corn he would sell them none,
declaring that it was to spy upon the king’s realm
that they were come, that they had banded together
from various quarters, and that their kinship was but
a feint; for it was impossible for any commoner to
have reared such sons with figures so distinguished,
when even kings found it hard to raise the like. It

1 Lat. (ut): καὶ codd. 2 ἠλλαγμένων ROE,
3 Niese: δυναμένοις codd.

209

Jacob's sons
visit Egypt.
Gen, ΧΙ, 1.

100

101 ““

103

104

JOSEPHUS

δὲ τοῦ γνῶναι τὰ κατὰ τὸν πατέρα καὶ τὰ συμ-
βεβηκότα αὐτῷ μετὰ τὴν ἰδίαν ἀπαλλαγὴν ταῦτ᾽
ἔπραττε μαθεῖν τε βουλόμενος. καὶ τὰ περὶ Βενια-
μεὶν τὸν ἀδελφόν" ἐδεδίει γάρ, μὴ κἀκεῖνον ὁμοίως οἷς
εἰς αὐτὸν ἐτόλμησαν εἶεν ἀπεσκευασμένοι τοῦ γένους.

(3) Οἱ δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐν ταραχῇ καὶ φόβῳ κίνδυνον τὸν
μέγιστον αὑτοῖς ἐπηρτῆσθαι νομίζοντες καὶ μηδὲν
περὶ ταδελφοῦ κατὰ νοῦν λαμβάνοντες, κατα-
στάντες τε πρὸς τὰς αἰτίας ἀπελογοῦντο “Ρουβή.
λου προηγοροῦντος, ὃς ἦν πρεσβύτατος αὐτῶν:
ἡμεῖς, γὰρ εἶπεν, “οὐ κατ᾽ ἀδικίαν δεῦρο ἤλ-
ομεν οὐδὲ κακουργήσοντες τὰ βασιλέως πραγ-
ματα, σωθῆναι δὲ ζητοῦντες, καὶ καταφυγὴν τῶν
ἐπεχόντων τὴν χώραν ἡμῶν κακῶν τὴν ὑμετέραν
φιλανθρωπίαν ὑπολαβόντες, οὗς οὐχὶ πολίταις
μόνοις τοῖς αὐτῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ ξένοις ἠκούομεν τὴν
ἀγορὰν τοῦ σίτου προτεθεικέναι, πᾶσι τὸ σώζε-
σθαι Τοῖς δεομένοις παρέχειν. διεγνωκότας. ὅτι δ᾽
ἐσμὲν ἀδελφοὶ καὶ κοινὸν ἡμῖν αἷμα, φανερὸν μὲν
καὶ τῆς μορφῆς τὸ οἰκεῖον καὶ μὴ πολὺ παρ-
ηλλαγμένον ποιεῖ, πατὴρ δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἡμῖν ᾿Ιάκωβος
ἀνὴρ Ἕβραϊος, ᾧ γινόμεθα δώδεκα παῖδες ἐκ
γυναικῶν τεσσάρων, ὧν πάντων περιόντων ἦμεν
εὐδαίμονες. ἀποθανόντος δὲ ἑνὸς τῶν ἀδελφῶν
᾿Ιωσήπου τὰ πράγματα ἡμῖν ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον μετ-
ePaAev: O TE γὰρ πατὴρ μακρὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ πένθος
ἦρται; καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑπό τε τῆς ἐπὶ τῷ τεθνηκότι
συμφορᾶς καὶ τῆς τοῦ πρεσβύτου ταλαιπωρίας
κακοπαθοῦμεν. ἤκομέν τε νῦν ἐπ᾿ ἀγορὰν σίτου
τήν τε τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπιμέλειαν καὶ τὴν κατὰ τὸν
οἶκον πρόνοιαν βενιαμεῖ τῷ νεωτάτῳ τῶν ἀδελφῶν

1 χρήζοντες MSPL. 2 Ernesti: ἥρηται (ἦρκται) codd.
210

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 99-104

was but to diseover news of his father and what had
become of him after his own departure that he so
aeted ; he moreover desired to learn the fate of his
brother Benjamin, for he feared that, by such a ruse
as they had praetised on himself, they might have
rid the family of him also.

(3) For their part, they were in trepidation and
alarm, believing the gravest danger to be hanging
over their heads and entertaining no thought what-
ever of their brother; and they set themselves to
meet these eharges with Rubel, as the eldest of
them, for spokesman.* ‘“‘ We,” said he, “ are come
hither with no nefarious intent nor to do mischief to
the king’s realm, but seeking to save our lives and
in the belief that we should find a refuge from the
ills that beset our country in your humanity, who,
as we heard, had thrown open your corn-market not
only to your fellow-eitizens but also to foreigners,
having resolved to provide the means of subsistenee
to all in need. That we are brethren and of one
blood is evident from the marked features of each
of us, differing but little; our father is Jacob, a
Hebrew, and we, his twelve sons, were born to him
by four wives. While we all lived, we were happy ;
but sinee the death of one brother, Joseph, our lot
has changed for the worse, for our father has raised
a long lamentation over him and we, alike from the
misfortune of this death ® and the old man’s misery,
are in evil ease. And now we are eome to buy corn,
having entrusted the eare of our father and the
eharge of the household to Benjamin, the youngest

@ Reuben is not mentioned here in Genesis.
> Or perhaps, ‘the ill fortune that followed his (Joseph’s)
death.”’
211

Speech of
Rubel,
Cf. Gen, xlii.

ἘΞ
Φ

10

σι

100

107

108

JOSEPHUS

f f \ U 3 \ « /
πεπιστευκότες: δύνασαι δὲ πέμψας εἰς τὸν ἡμέ-
Φ aA “~
τερον οἶκον μαθεῖν, εἴ τι ψευδές ἐστι τῶν λεγο-

μένων.᾽᾽
σε, πὸ τῷ ~ ~ Ul
(+) Kat “Ρουβῆλος μὲν τοιούτοις ἐπειρᾶτο πείθειν
3 3 , “a “".
τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον περὶ αὐτῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονῆσαι, ὁ
ὃ A \ | | ’, ~ θ \ A \ 19 λ \
ἐ tov ᾿Ιάκωβον ζῶντα μαθὼν καὶ τὸν ἀδελῴφὸν
οὐκ ἀπολωλότα τότε μὲν εἰς τὴν εἱρκτὴν αὐτοὺς
¢€ ? ᾿Ὶ a“ f >] / aA \ ,
ws emt σχολῆς Bacaviowy ἐνέβαλε, τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ
~ ~ 4
τῶν ἡμερῶν προαγαγὼν αὐτούς, “᾿ ἐπεί, φησί,
({{ ὃ f 4-9 > 3 td ~ ὔ
ιισχυρίζεσθε μήτ᾽ ἐπὶ κακουργίᾳ τῶν βασιλέως
ἥκειν πραγμάτων εἶναί τε ἀδελφοὶ καὶ πατρὸς οὗ
3 lon
λέγετε, πείσαιτ᾽ av με ταῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχειν, εἰ κατα-
f ~
λίποιτε μὲν ἐξ αὑτῶν Eva παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ μηδὲν ὑβριστικὸν
᾽ὔ 3 7 “- \
πεισόμενον, ἀποκομίσαντες δὲ TOV σῖτον πρὸς τὸν
7 4 ” \ 3 A A 3 ἤ Δ
πατέρα πάλιν ἔλθοιτε πρὸς ἐμὲ τὸν ἀδελφόν, ὃν
καταλιπεῖν ἐκεῖ φατέ, μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ἄγοντες" τοῦτο
~ 3 4
yap ἔσται πίστωμα τῆς ἀληθείας. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν
aA iy A ~
μείζοσι κακοῖς ἦσαν ἔκλαιόν TE καὶ συνεχῶς πρὸς
3 ’ὔ 3 , λ 3 Ζ 4
ἀλλήλους ἀνωλοφύροντο τὴν ᾿Ιωσήπου συμφοράν,
ὡς διὰ τὰ κατ᾽ ἐκείνου βουλευθέντα τιμωροῦντος
αὐτοὺς τοῦ θεοῦ τούτοις περιπέσοιεν: ἱΡουβῆλος
a , a a
δὲ πολὺς ἦν ἐπιπλήττων αὐτοῖς τῆς μετανοίας, ἐξ
e mo” 99 \ ἼἼ / , / 3 2 \
ἧς ὄφελος οὐδὲν ᾿Ιωσήπῳ γίνεται, φέρειν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς
πᾶν 6 τι καὶ πάθοιεν κατ᾽ ἐκδικίαν ἐκείνου δρῶντος
“ ~ “ ? “ 3
αὐτὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καρτερῶς ἠξίου. ταῦτα δ᾽ ἔλεγον
Α 9 A + e [4 \ ? ’ὔ ,ὔ
πρὸς ἀλλήλους οὐχ ἡγούμενοι τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον γλώσ-
~ ~~ N
ons τῆς αὐτῶν συνιέναι. κατήφεια δὲ πάντας
4 A λ e / / λ ~
εἶνε πρὸς τοὺς ‘PovPyAov λόγους Kat τῶν πραγ-
> Ἁ “ “A
μάτων μετάμελος, ὥσπερ οὖν καὶ TOY ταῦτα
1 ROE: ὥσπερ οὐκ αὐτῶν rell.

912

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 104-108

of us brothers. Thou hast but to send to our
house to learn whether aught of these statements is
false.”’

(4) Thus did Rubel essay to persuade Joseph to
think better of them; but he, having learnt that
Jacob was alive and that his brother had not perished,
for the present east them into prison as though to
interrogate them at leisure. Then on the third day
he brought them forth and said: “ Seeing that ve
asseverate that ye are come with no mischievous
designs upon the king’s realm, and that ye are
brothers born of that father of whom ye speak, ye
may eonvinee me that it is even so by ‘leaving with
me one of your number, who shall undergo no
violence, and, after carrying the eorn to your father,
returning to me, bringing with you the brother
whom ye assert that ye left yonder ; that shall
serve as a guarantee of the truth.” They, thus
involved in yet greater troubles, wept and continued
to deplore to each other the unfortunate fate of
Joseph, saying that it was God’s chastisement for
their plots. against him which had brought them to
this pass. But Rubel roundly penuled them for
these regrets which could profit Joseph nothing,
and strongly besought them to bear all that they
might pee to suffer, since it was God who inflieted
it to avenge him. Thus they spoke with one another,
never imagining that Joseph understood their lan-
guage. But dejection now possessed them all at
Rubel’ s words, and remorse for the deeds, aye and for
the men who had decreed those deeds,@ for which they

* Text and meaning uncertain. Other mss. read ‘*. . . for
the deeds, as if they had not themselves decreed those
deeds.”’

VOL. LY nH2 213

Detention
of Symeon

in Egypt.
Gen, xiii.

1%,

100

110)

11]

112

113

1}1

JOSEPHUS

ψηφισαμένων, ep οἷς δίκαιον ἔκρινον τὸν θεὸν
κολαζόμενοι. βλέπων δ᾽ οὕτως ἀμηχανοῦντας [av-
τοὺς 6] ᾿Ιώσηπος ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους εἰς δάκρυα
προύπιπτε καὶ μὴ βουλόμενος τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς γενέ-
σθαι καταφανὴς ὑπεχώρει καὶ διαλιπὼν πάλιν ἧκε
πρὸς αὐτούς. καὶ Συμεῶνα κατασχὼν ὅμηρον
τῆς ἐπανόδου τῶν ἀδελφῶν γενησόμενον ἐκείνους
μεταλαβόντας τῆς ἀγορᾶς τοῦ σίτου προσέταξεν
ἀπιέναι, κελεύσας τῷ ὑπηρέτῃ τἀργύριον, ὃ πρὸς
τὴν ὠνὴν εἶεν τοῦ σίτου κεκομικότες, κρύφα τοῖς
φορτίοις ἐνθέντι ἀπολύειν κἀκεῖνο κομίζοντας. καὶ
ὁ μὲν τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἔπραττεν.

(5) Οἱ δὲ ᾿Ιακώβον παῖδες ἐλθόντες εἰς τὴν
Χαναναίαν ἀπήγγελλον τῷ πατρὶ τὰ κατὰ τὴν
Αἴγυπτον αὐτοῖς συμπεσόντα, καὶ ὅτι κατάσκοποι
δόξειαν ἀφῖχθαι τοῦ βασιλέως καὶ λέγοντες
ἀδελφοί τε εἶναι καὶ τὸν ἐνδέκατον οἴκοι καταλιπεῖν
παρὰ τῷ πατρὶ ἀπιστηθεῖεν, ὡς καταλίποιέν τε
Συμεῶνα παρὰ τῷ στρατηγῷ μέχρι Bevapets
ws αὐτὸν ἀπιὼν πίστις αὐτοῖς τῶν εἰρημένων παρ᾽
αὐτῷ γένοιτο: ἠξίουν τε τὸν πατέρα μηδὲν φοβη-
θέντα πέμπειν σὺν αὐτοῖς τὸν νεανίσκον. ᾿Ιακώβῳ
δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἤρεσκε τῶν τοῖς υἱοῖς πεπραγμένων, καὶ
πρὸς τὴν -Συμεῶνος δὲ κατοχὴν λυπηρῶς φέρων
ἀνόητον. ἡγεῖτο προστιθέναι καὶ τὸν Βενιαμείν.
καὶ ὁ μὲν οὐδὲ “Ρουβήλου δεομένου καὶ τοὺς αὑτοῦ
παῖδας ἀντιδιδόντος, ἵνα εἴ τι πάθοι Beviapeis
κατὰ τὴν ἀποδημίαν ἀποκτείνειεν αὐτοὺς ὁ πάππος,
πείθεται τοῖς λόγοις. οἱ δ᾽ ἠπόρουν ἐπὶ τοῖς
κακοῖς καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτοὺς ἐτάραττε τἀργύριον ἐν
τοῖς σακκίοις τοῦ σίτου κατακεκρυμμένον εὑρεθέν.
τοῦ δὲ σίτου τοῦ κομισθέντος ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐπιλιπόν-
211

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, If. 108-114

now judged that they were justly punished by God.
Seeing them thus distraught, Joseph from emotion
broke into tears, and not wishing to be visible to his
brethren withdrew, and after a while came baek to
them again. Then, retaining Symeon as a hostage
to ensure the return of his brethren, he bade them
make their purehase of corn and be gone, having
previously instructed the officer secretly to deposit
in their packs the purchase-nmoney which they had
brought and to let them take it also along with them.
These orders he duly exeeuted.

(5) The sons of Jaeob, on their return to Canaan, Second
told their father what had befallen them in Egypt, yeep.
how they were taken for persons eome to spy upon ae i
the king, how when they said that they were brothers :
and had left the eleventh at home with their father,
they were not believed, and how they had left
Symeon behind with the governor until Benjamin
should come to him to Heed the truth of their state-
ments ; and they besought their father to have no
fear and to send the youth along with them. But
Jaeob was in no wise pleased with his sons’ doings,
and, aggrieved at the detention of Symeon, he
thought Ἢ folly to send Benjamin also to share his
fate. Vainly did Rubel entreat him, offering his own
sons in exchange, in order that, if any harm should
befall Benjamin on the journey, their grandfather
should put them to death: he remained unmoved
by his words. In perplexity over their troubles, they
were stil] more disquieted by the discovery of the
money concealed in their sacks of corn. But when xiii. 1,
the corn which they had brought failed them and the

218

115

116

117

118

119

JOSEPHUS

τος καὶ τοῦ λιμοῦ μᾶλλον ἁπτομένου βιαζομένης
αὐτὸν τῆς ἀνάγκης ὁ ᾿Ιάκωβος ἐ ἐκπέμπειν ἐγίνωσκε
τὸν Beviapety μετὰ τῶν ἀδελφῶν: οὐ γὰρ ἦν αὐτοῖς
εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀπελθεῖν μὴ μετὰ τῶν ἐπαγγελιῶν"
ἀπερχομένοις, καὶ τοῦ πάθους οὖν χείρονος κα

ἑκάστην ἡμέραν γινομένου καὶ τῶν υἱῶν δεομένων
οὐκ εἶχεν ὅ τι χρήσαιτο τοῖς παροῦσιν. ᾿Ιούδα
δὲ τολμηροῦ τἄλλα τὴν φύσιν ἀνδρὸς χρησαμένου
πρὸς αὐτὸν παρρησίᾳ, ὡς οὐ προσῆκε μὲν αὐτὸν
περὶ τἀδελφοῦ δεδιέναι οὐδὲ τὰ μὴ δεινὰ δι᾽
ὑποψίας λαμβάνειν, πραχθήσεται γὰρ οὐδὲν τῶν;
περὶ τὸν ἀδελφόν, ᾧ μὴ παρέσται θεός, τοῦτο δὲ
συμβήσεσθαι πάντως καὶ παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μένοντι"
φανερὰν δ᾽ οὕτως αὐτῶν ἀπώλειαν μὴ καταδικάζειν
μηδὲ "τὴν ἐκ Φαραώθου τῆς τροφῆς [αὐτῶν
εὐπορίαν αὐτοὺς ἀφαιρεῖσθαι ἀλόγως περὶ τοῦ
παιδὸς δεδιότα, φροντίζειν δὲ καὶ τῆς Συμεῶνος
σωτηρίας, μὴ φειδοῖ τῆς Βενιαμεῖ ἀποδημίας
ἐκεῖνος ἀπόληται: πιστεῦσαι δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ τῷ
θεῷ παραινοῦντος καὶ αὐτῷ, ὡς ἢ σῶον ἐπαν-
ἄξοντος αὐτῷ τὸν υἱὸν ἢ συγκαταστρέψοντος" ἅμα
ἐκείνῳ τὸν βίον, πεισθεὶς ᾿Ιάκωβος παρεδίδου τὸν
Beviapety καὶ τὴν τιμὴν τοῦ σίτου διπλασίονα τῶν
τε παρὰ τοῖς Χαναναίοις γεννωμένων τό τε τῆς
βαλάνου μύρον καὶ στακτὴν τερέβινθόν τε καὶ
μέλι δωρεὰς ᾿Ιωσήπῳ κομίζειν. πολλὰ δὲ ἦν
παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς ἐπὶ τῇ τῶν παίδων ἐξόδῳ δάκρυα
κἀκείνων αὐτῶν' ὁ μὲν γὰρ τοὺς υἱοὺς εἰ κομιεῖται
σώους ἐκ τῆς ἀποδημίας ἐφρόντιζεν, οἱ δ᾽ εἰ τὸν

1 RO: ἐπηγγελμένων rell,
2 Niese: αὐτῶν σοαα.

3 ed. pr.: -στρέψαντος codd.
210

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 114-119

famine was tightening its grip, under pressure of
necessity Jacob decided to send Benjamin away with
his brethren ; for it was impossible for them to return
to Egypt if they left without fulfilling their promises,
and, as the infliction daily grew worse and his sons
persisted in their entreaties, he had no other course
to take. Judas, ever of a hardy nature, frankly
told him that he ought not to be alarmed for their
brother nor harbour. suspicions of dangers that did
not exist, for nothing could be done to him save
what God might send, and that was bound to befall
even if he stayed with his father. Jacob should not
then condemn them to manifest destruction nor de-
prive them of the abundance of provisions with which
Pharaoh could furnish them through unreasonable
fears for his child. Moreover, he should give some
thought also to Symeon’s safety, lest his hesitation
to let Benjamin go should prove the other's ruin.
As for Benjamin, ‘he exhorted him to trust to God
and to himself, for either he would bring his son
back safe and sound or he would lay down his life
along with him.? Thus persuaded, Jacob delivered
Benjamin to them, together with double the price
of the corn and some of the products of Canaan—
balsam,® myrrh,¢ terebinth,? and honey—to take with
them as presents for Joseph. Many were the tears
shed by the father over his children’s departure and
by them also; he anxiously wondering whether his
sons would be restored to him in safety after this
journey, they whether they should find their father in

¢ Gen, xliii. 9, “ If I bring him not unto thee . . . [shall
have sinned against thee for ever.”

δ Meaning doubtful. ¢ Or * oi] of cinnamon.”

4 Probably pistachio nuts.

"7

120

]

}

reg |

125

JOSEPHUS

, , > 7 4 ‘ ξ ‘
πατέρα καταλάβοιεν ἐρρωμένον καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὸ
τῆς em αὐτοῖς λύπης κακωθέντα. ἡμερήσιον δὲ
αὐτοῖς ἠνύσθη τὸ πένθος, καὶ ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτης

A 7 ᾽
κοπωθεὶς ὑπέμεινεν, of δὲ ἐχώρουν ets Λἴγυπτον
3 fA a ~ ~
μετὰ κρείττονος ἐλπίδος τὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς παροῦσι
λύπην ἰώμενοι.
(6) ‘Qs δ᾽ ἦλθον εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατάγονται
A A A 3 4 7 A 5 A >] e
μὲν παρὰ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον, φόβος δὲ αὐτοὺς οὐχ ὁ
ὮΝ ,ὔ A \ ~ ~ ~
τυχὼν διετάραττε, μὴ περὶ τῆς τοῦ σίτου τιμῆς
,;
ἐγκλήματα λάβωσιν ὡς αὐτοί τι κεκακουργηκότες,
A ~*~ >)
Kal πρὸς τὸν ταμίαν τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου πολλὴν ἀπο-
~ ’ > ὔ tA ~
Aoytav ἐποιοῦντο KAT OLKOV TE φάσκοντες εὑρεῖν

- Α ᾽ Ἁ ~
ἐν τοῖς σάκκοις TO ἀργύριον καὶ νῦν ἥκειν ἐπαν-
’ὔ 5 ’, ~ A 3 Ὁ ᾽; > ,
ἄγοντες AUTO. TOD δὲ μηδ᾽ ὅ τι λέγουσιν εἰδέναι

7 ~ 7
φήσαντος ἀνείθησαν τοῦ δέους. λύσας τε τὸν
v ~ 3 , , ~ > ~ ]
Nupe@va ἐτημέλει συνεσόμενον τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς.
3 7 A > ᾽’ A > ‘a > A ~
ἐλθόντος δὲ ἐν τούτῳ Kat ᾿Ιωσήπου ἀπὸ τῆς
θεραπείας τοῦ βασιλέως, τά τε δῶρα παρήγαγον"
αὐτῷ καὶ πυθομένῳ περὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔλεγον ὅτι
καταλάβοιεν αὐτὸν ἐρρωμένον. ὁ δὲ μαθὼν περι-
A ~ ~ 3 e
ὄντα καὶ περὶ τοῦ Bevayet εἰ οὗτος ὁ νεώτερος
A ΤΣ A > A ¢
ἀδελφὸς εἴη, καὶ yap ἦν αὐτὸν ἑωρακώς, ἀνέκρινε.
τῶν δὲ φησάντων αὐτὸν εἶναι θεὸν μὲν ἐπὶ πᾶσι
, \ A ~
προστάτην εἶπεν, ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ πάθους προαγόμενος
,ὔ A ’ὔ’
εἰς δάκρυα μεθίστατο μὴ βουλόμενος καταφανὴς
“- 3 - > A ~ ,
εἶναι Tots ἀδελφοῖς, ἐπὶ δεῖπνόν TE αὐτοὺς παραλαμ-
4 7 ¢ -
βάνει καὶ κατακλίνονται οὕτως ὡς καὶ παρὰ τῷ

, 4 A 4 ¢€ >

πατρί. πάντας δὲ αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος δεξιούμενος

1 λύσας τε. . . ἀδελφοῖς om. ROE.
2 παρῆγον RO. 3 + οἰκέτην αὐτοῦ ROE.
218

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IL. 119-123

health and in no wise stricken down by his sorrow on
their behalf. A whole day was thus passed by them
in mourning; then the old man was left broken-
hearted behind, while they set forth for Egypt, heal-
ing their present grief with hopes of a better future.

(6) On reaching Egypt, they were condueted to
Joseph’s presenee. But they were tormented with
vrave fear that they would be aecused in the matter
of the eorn-money as guilty of some fraud, and they
made profuse apology to Joseph’s steward, assuring
him that only on reaehing home had they found the
money in their sacks and that they were now come
to bring it baek. However, as he said that he had
no idea what they meant, they were relieved from
that alarm ; moreover, he released Symeon and made
him presentable ὦ to rejoin his brothers. Meanwhile
Joseph having come from his attendanee upon the
king, they offered him their gifts and when he asked
them about their father they replied that they had
found him in good health. Having learnt that he
was still alive, he further inquired about Benjamin—
for he had espied him-—-whether this was_ their
younger brother; and when they replied that he
was,? he exclaimed that God presided over all,¢
whereupon being reduced by his emotion to tears he
withdrew, unwilling to betray himself to his brethren.
He then invited them to supper, where ecouehes were
set for them in the same order as at their father’s
table. But Joseph, while entertaining them all with

* Cf. § 79 for similar attention to Joseph on release from
IFISON.
® Or, as in other ss., ‘* he was his (humble) servant.”’

¢ Gen. xliii. 29, ‘ God be gracious unto thee, my son.”

It seems hardly possible to interpret the text as a similar
blessing, ‘* prayed God to be his constant protector.”

219

Their
reception
by Joseph.
Gen, xliii.
15,

124

1.0

128

JOSEPHUS

διπλασίοσι μοίραις τῶν αὐτῷ παρακειμένων τὸν
Βενιαμεὶν ἐτίμα.
> \ \ ‘ \ “- >] e > ?

(7) ᾿Επεὶ δὲ μετὰ τὸ δεῖπνον εἰς ὕπνον ἐτράποντο,
κελεύει τὸν ταμίαν" τόν τε σῖτον αὐτοῖς δοῦναι
μεμετρημένον καὶ τὴν τιμὴν πάλιν ἐγκρύψαι τοῖς
σακκίοις, εἰς δὲ τὸ τοῦ ενιαμεῖ φορτίον καὶ
σκύφον ἀργυροῦν, ᾧ πίνων ἔχαιρε, βαλόντα κατα-

~ ~ /
ιπεῖν. ἐποίει δὲ ταῦτα διάπειραν βουλόμενος

~ > “~ “~ / 4 ,
τῶν ἀδελφῶν λαβεῖν, πότερόν ποτε βοηθήσουσι
τῷ Beviapet κλοπῆς ἀγομένῳ καὶ δοκοῦντι κινδυ-

-" \
νεύειν, ἢ καταλιπόντες ὡς οὐδὲν αὐτοὶ κεκακουρ-
;
γηκότες ἀπίασι πρὸς τὸν πατέρα. ποιήσαντος δὲ

“- ᾽ >) ¢€
τοῦ οἰκέτου τὰ ἐντεταλμένα μεθ᾽ ἡμέραν οὐδὲν
τούτων εἰδότες οἱ τοῦ ᾿Ιακώβου παῖδες ἀπῇεσαν,
> Ἂ / \ Ww ~ A ὃ λῆ ἐν /
ἀπειληφότες τὸν Συμεῶνα Kat διπλῆν χαρὰν χαί-

“- /
ροντες ἐπί τε τούτῳ κἀπὶ τῷ Βενιαμεὶν ἀποκομίζειν
~ / >
τῷ πατρί, καθὼς ὑπέσχοντο. περιελαύνουσι ὃ
- > f Δ > /
αὐτοὺς ἱππεῖς ἄγοντες τὸν οἰκέτην, OS ἐναπέθετο
τῷ τοῦ Βενιαμεῖ φορτίῳ τὸν σκύφον. ταραχθέντας
~ ~ 3 tA ‘
δὲ ὑπὸ τῆς ἀδοκήτου τῶν ἱππέων ἐφόδου καὶ τὴν

> », A > « > > v > 7
αἰτίαν πυθομένους dt ἣν ἐπ ἀνδρας ἐληλύθασιν,
οἵ μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν τιμῆς καὶ ξενίας τετυχήκασιν
αὐτῶν παρὰ τοῦ δεσπότου, κακίστους ἀπεκάλουν,
οἱ μηδ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο τὴν ξενίαν καὶ τὴν φιλο-
φροσύνην τὴν ᾿Ιωσήπου διὰ μνήμης λαβόντες οὐκ
ὥκνησαν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀδικοι γενέσθαι, σκύφον δέ,
ᾧ φιλοτησίας αὐτοῖς προύπιεν, ἀράμενοι φέροιεν

170 ταμίᾳ Ο.

4 Gen. xliii. 34, “‘ But Benjamin’s mess was five times so
much as any of theirs.” The usual translation of Josephus,

220

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 123-128

cordiality, honoured Benjamin with double portions
of the dishes before him.?

(7) But after the supper, when they had retired to
rest, he ordered his steward to give them their
measures of corn, and again to conceal the purchase-
money in their sacks, but also to leave deposited in
Benjamin’s pack his own favourite silver drinking-
cup. This he did to prove his brethren? and see
whether they would assist Benjamin, when arrested
for theft and in apparent danger, or would abandon
him, assured of their own innocence, and return to
their father. The servant executed his orders and,
at daybreak, all unaware of these proceedings, the
sons of Jacob departed along with Symeon, doubly
delighted both at having recovered him and at bring-
ing back Benjamin to their father in accordance with
their promise. But suddenly they were surrounded
by a troop of horsemen, bringing with them the
servant who had deposited the cup in Benjamin’s
pack. Confounded by this unexpected attack of horse,
they asked for what reason they assailed men who
had but now enjoyed the honour and hospitality of
their master. Their pursuers retorted by calling
them scoundrels, who, unmindful of that very hos-
pitality and benevolence of Joseph, had not scrupled
to treat him ill, carrving off that loving-cup in which
he had pledged their healths, ¢ and setting more store

“with portions double those of his neighbours ** would require
παρακατακειμένων (not παρακειμένων).

δ So Philo, De Jos. 89 § 232 (quoted by Weill) πάντα δ᾽
ἦσαν ἀπόπειρα καὶ ταῦτα... πῶς ἔχουσι. εὐνοίας πρὸς τὸν
ὁμομήτριον ἀδελφόν,

¢ So Philo, De Jos. 36 § 213 ἐν ᾧ προπόσεις προὕΐπινεν
ὑμῖν. The parallel in Gen. xliv. 5 has “* whereby he indeed
divineth.”

“1

Discovery of
Josephs
cup in
Benjamin's
sack,

Gen, xliv. 1.

129

130

131

132

133

JOSEPHUS

κέρδους ἀδίκου τήν τε πρὸς ᾿Ιώσηπον φιλίαν Tov
τε ἑαυτῶν εἰ φωραθεῖεν κίνδυνον ἐν δευτέρῳ
θέμενοι" τιμωρίαν τε αὐτοῖς" ὑφέξειν ἠπείλουν οὐ
αὐθάνοντας τὸν θεὸν οὐδ᾽ ἀποδράντας μετὰ τῆς
κλοπῆς, εἰ καὶ τὸν διακονούμενον οἰκέτην διέλαθον.
πυνθάνεσθαί τε νῦν, τί παρόντες εἴημεν, ὡς οὐκ
εἰδότας" γιώσεσθαι μέντοι κολαζομένους αὐτίκα.
καὶ ταῦτα καὶ πέρα τούτων ὁ οἰκέτης εἰς αὐτοὺς
λέγων ἐνύβριζεν. οἱ δὲ ὑπὸ ἀγνοίας τῶν περὶ
αὐτοὺς ἐχλεύαζον ἐπὶ τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ τῆς
κουφολογίας τὸν οἰκέτην ἐθαύμαζον τολμῶντα
αἰτίαν ἐπιφέρειν ἀνδράσιν, οὗ μηδὲ τὴν τοῦ σίτου
τιμὴν ἐν τοῖς σακκίοις αὐτῶν εὑρεθεῖσαν κατέσχον,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκόμισαν μηδενὸς εἰδότος τὸ πραχθέν: τοσοῦ-
τον ἀποδεῖν τοῦ γνώμῃ κακουργῆσαι. τῆς μέντοι
γε ἀρνήσεως ἀξιοπιστοτέραν ὑπολαβόντες τὴν
ἔρευναν ἐκέλευον ταύτη χρῆσθαι, κἂν εὑρεθῇ Τις
ὑφῃρημένος ἅπαντας κολάζειν" οὐδὲν γὰρ αὑτοῖς
σε πιο ἦγον παρρησίαν, ὡς ἐδόκουν, ἀκίνδυνον.
δὲ τὴν ἔρευναν “μὲν ἠξίωσαν ποιήσασθαι, τὴν
ae τιμωρίαν ἑνὸς ἔφασκον εἶναι τοῦ τὴν
κλοπὴν εὑρεθέντος πεποιημένου. τὴν δὲ ζήτησιν
ποιούμενοι καὶ πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους ἐκπεριελθόντες
κατὰ τὴν ἔρευναν ἐπὶ τὸν τελευταῖον Βενιαμεὶν
ἧκον, οὐκ ἀγνοοῦντες ὅτι εἰς τὸ ἐκείνου σακκίον
τὸν σκύφον εἶεν ἀποκεκρυφότες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκριβῆ τὴν
ζήτησιν βουλόμενοι. ποιεῖσθαι δοκεῖν. οἱ μὲν οὖν
ἄλλοι τοῦ καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἀπηλλαγμένοι δέους ἐν
τῇ περὶ τὸν Βενιαμεὶν φροντίδι τὸ λοιπὸν ἦσαν,
ἐθάρρουν δ᾽ ὡς οὐδ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῆς κακουργίας
εὑρεθησομένης, ἐκάκιζόν τε τοὺς ἐπιδιώξαντας
1 αὐτοὺς OE, 2 εἰδότες codd,
“1.0

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 128-133

on unrighteous gain than on the affeetion which they
owed to Joseph and their own risk if detected ; and
they threatened them with instant penalty, for, not-
withstanding their flight with the stolen property,
they had not eseaped the eye of God, even though
they had eluded the ministering attendant. ‘ And
now you ask,” they said, “ why we are here, as
though you did not know: well, chastisement will
soon teach you.” With such taunts and yet more
did the servant too assail them. But they, ignorant
how they stood, mocked at these speeches and ex-
pressed their astonishment at the levity with which
this servant dared to bring an accusation against
persons who had not kept the corn-money found in
their sacks, but had brought it back, althongh no
one knew anything of the affair: so far were they
from committing a deliberate fraud. However, be-
lieving that a search would justify them better than
denial, they bade them institute this and, were any
Ἐπ ΠΡ convicted of pilfering, to punish them all;

for, being conscious of no crime, they spoke boldly, :
supposing that they ran no risk. The Egyptians re-
quired search to be made, but declared that punish-
ment should fall only on the individual convicted of
the theft. So they proceeded to the investigation
and, having passed all the others under review, came
last of all to Benjamin ; they knew well enough that
it was in his saek that they had hidden the cup, but
they wished to give their serutiny a show of thorough-
ness. The rest, relieved from anxiety on their own
account, were now only concerned with regard to Ben-
jamin, but felt confident that he too would not be
found in fault ; and they a abused their pursuers for

36 ROE with sing. verbs ; following (ἠξίωσε, ἔφασκεν).

223

134

135

136

137

138

JOSEPHUS

ws ἐμποδίσαντας αὐτοῖς τὴν ὁδὸν δυναμένοις ἤδη
προκεκοφέναι. ὡς δὲ τὸ τοῦ Βενιαμὶν φορτίον
ἐρευνῶντες λαμβάνουσι τὸν σκύφον εἰς οἰμωγὰς
καὶ θρήνους εὐθὺς ἐτράπησαν. καὶ Tas στολὰς
ἐπικαταρρήξαντες ἔκλαιόν τε τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἐπὶ τῇ
μελλούσῃ κολάσει τῆς κλοπῆς αὐτούς τε διαψευσο-
μένους" τὸν πατέρα περὶ τῆς Βενιαμὶν σωτηρίας.
ἐπέτεινε δὲ τὸ δεινὸν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὸ δόξαντας ἤδη
διαφυγεῖν τὰ σκυθρωπὰ διαφθονηθῆναι, τῶν δὲ
περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν κακῶν καὶ τῆς τοῦ “πατρὸς ἐπ᾽
αὐτῷ λύπης ἐσομένους αὑτοὺς αἰτίους ἔλεγον
βιασαμένους ἄκοντα τὸν πατέρα συναποστεῖλαι.

(8) Οἱ μὲν οὖν ἱππεῖς παραλαβόντες τὸν Bev-
ιαμὶν ἦγον πρὸς ᾿Ιώσηπον καὶ τῶν ἀδελφῶν
ἑπομένων: ὁ δὲ τὸν μὲν ἰδὼν ἐν φυλακῇ, τοὺς
δ᾽ ἐν πενθίμοις σχήμασι, " τί δή," φησίν, “ὦ
κάκιστοι, φρονήσαντες 7 περὶ τῆς ἐμῆς φιλαν-
θρωπίας ἧς περὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς προνοίας τοιαῦτα
πράττειν εἰς εὐεργέτην καὶ ξένον ἐτολμήσατε;᾽
τῶν δὲ παραδιδόντων αὑτοὺς εἰς κόλασιν ἐπὶ τῷ
σώζεσθαι Βενιαμὶν καὶ πάλιν ἀναμιμνησκομένων
τῶν εἰς ᾿Ιώσηπον. τετολμημένων κἀκεῖνον ἀπο-
καλούντων μακαριώτερον, εἰ μὲν τέθνηκεν ὅτι τῶν
κατὰ τὸν βίον “ἀπήλλακται σκυθρωπῶν, εἰ δὲ
περίεστιν ὅτι Tas mapa τοῦ θεοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν
ἐκδικίας τυγχάνει, λεγόντων δ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἀλιτηρίους
τοῦ πατρός, ὅτι τῇ λύπῃ ἣν ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ μέχρι νῦν
ἔχει καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ Βενιαμεῖ προσθήσουσι, πολὺς
ἣν κἀνταῦθ᾽ ὁ Ρουβῆλος αὐτῶν καθαπτόμενος.
᾿Ιωσήπου δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀπολύοντος, οὐδὲν γὰρ
αὐτοὺς" ἀδικεῖν, ἀρκεῖσθαι δὲ μόνῃ τῇ τοῦ παιδὸς

1 RO: διαψευσαμένους rell. 2 αὐτὸν RO Lat.
224

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 133-138

impeding their Journey, on which they might by now
have advanced far. But when Benjamin’s pack was
searched and the eup was found, they forthwith gave
way to groans and lamentation and, rending their
clothes, they mourned both for their brother and the
impending punishment for his theft, and for them-
selves as like to prove deeeivers of their father
touching Benjamin’s safety. What aggravated their
misery was to find themselves baulked by jealous
fortune Just when they seemed to be quit of their
tragedies ; and alike for their brother's misfortunes
and for the grief which it was to bring to their father
they confessed themselves responsible, having con-
strained their father against his will to send him
with them.

(8) So the horsemen arrested Benjamin and led
him off to Joseph, the brothers following. But
Joseph, seeing Benjamin in eustody and his com-
rades in mourners’ guise,? exclaimed, “ What thought
ye then, ye miscreants, of my generosity or of God's
watchful eye, that ye dared thus to act towards your
benefactor and host ἢ They, on their side, offered
themselves for punishment to save Benjamin; and
again they reealled that outrage upon Joseph, pro-
nouncing him to be happier than they, for, if dead,
he was released from the miseries of life, if living
yet, God had now avenged him upon his persecutors ;
they denounced themselves as sinners against their
father, for to that grief which he felt to this day for
Joseph they would now add this sorrow for Benjamin :
while Rubel, on this oecasion also,? roundly rebuked
them. But Joseph acquitted them, saying that they
were guiltless and that he would be content merely

@ With clothes rent. > As before, § 107.
Ze

Arrest of
Benjamin.
Gen, xliv.
14.

139

140

14]

142

143

JOSEPHUS

τιμωρίᾳ λέγοντος, οὔτε yap τοῦτον ἀπολύειν διὰ
τοὺς οὐδὲν ἐξαμαρτόντας σῶφρον ἔλεγεν οὔτε
συγκολάζειν ἐκείνους τῷ τὴν κλοπὴν εἰργασμένῳ,
βαδιοῦσι δὲ παρέξειν ἀσφάλειαν ἐπαγγελλομένου,
τοὺς μὲν ἄλλους ἔκπληξις ἔλαβε καὶ πρὸς τὸ
πάθος ἀφωνία, ᾿Ιούδας δὲ ὁ καὶ τὸν πατέρα
πείσας ἐκπέμψαι τὸ μειράκιον καὶ τἄλλα δρα-
στήριος ὧν ἀνὴρ ὑπὲρ Τῇ τς τἀδελφοῦ, σωτηρίας
ἔκρινε παραβάλλεσθαι, καί “δεινὰ μέν, " εἶπεν,
“ὦ στρατηγέ, τετολμήκαμεν εἰς σὲ καὶ τιμωρίας
ἄξια καὶ τοῦ κόλασιν ὑποσχεῖν ἅπαντας ἡμᾶς
δικαίως, εἰ καὶ τὸ ἀδίκημα μὴ ἄλλου τινός, ἀλλ᾽
ἑνὸς τοῦ νεωτάτου γέγονεν. ὅμως δὲ ἀπεγνωκόσιι'
ἡμῖν τὴν δι᾿ αὐτοῦ σωτηρίαν ἐλπὶς ὑπολέλειπται
παρὰ τῆς σῆς χρηστότητος ἐγγυωμένη τὴν τοῦ
κινδύνου διαφυγήν. καὶ νῦν μὴ πρὸς τὸ ἡμέτερον
ἀφορῶν μηδὲ τὸ κακούργημα σκοπῶν, ἀλλὰ πρὸς
τὴν σαυτοῦ φύσιν, καὶ Ty ἀρετὴν σύμβουλον
ποιησάμενος ἀντὶ τῆς ὀργῆς, ἣν οἱ τἄλλα μικροὶ
πρὸς ἰσχύος λαμβάνουσιν οὐκ ἐν τοῖς μεγάλοις
μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐπὶ τοῖς τυχοῦσιν αὐτῇ χρώμενοι,
γενοῦ πρὸς αὐτὴν μεγαλόφρων καὶ μὴ νικηθῇς
ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς, ὥστε ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς οὐδ᾽ αὐτοὺς ὡς
ἰδίας ἔτι τῆς σωτηρίας ἀντιποιουμένους, ἀλλὰ
παρὰ σοῦ λαβεῖν αὐτὴν ἀξιοῦντας. καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ
νῦν πρῶτον ἡμῖν αὐτὴν παρέξεις, ἀλλὰ [at] τάχιον
ἐλθοῦσιν ἐπὶ τὴν ἀγορὰν Tot σίτου καὶ τὴν εὐπορίαν
τῆς τροφῆς ἐχαρίσω δοὺς ἀποκομίζειν καὶ τοῖς
οἰκείοις ὅσα κινδυνεύοντας αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ λιμοῦ
διαφθαρῆναι περιέσωσε. διαφέρει δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἢ μὴ
περιιδεῖν ἀπολλυμένους ὑπ᾽ ἐνδείας τῶν ἀναγκαίων,
ἢ μὴ κολάσαι δόξαντας ἁμαρτεῖν καὶ περὶ τὴν
226

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 138-143

to punish the child: it would be no more reasonable
to release him for the sake of his innoeent comrades
than to make them share the penalty of the guilty
thief’: they could go and he promised them a safe-
guard. Thereat the rest were in eonsternation and
speechless from emotion, but Judas, the one who
had persuaded his father to send the lad and who
was ever a man of energy, to save his brother resolved
to brave the risk.

“Grave indeed, my lord governor,’ said he, “ is
this erime whieh we have perpetrated upon thee and
deserving of a punishment, whieh it is but just that
we should all undergo, even though the guilt rests
with no other than one, the youngest of us. Never-
theless, though we despair of his salvation on his
own merits, one hope is left to us in thy generosity,
a hope that vouches for his escape from peril. And
now look not at our position or the crime: look
rather at thine own nature, make virtue thy ecoun-
sellor in place of that wrath, which mean men take
for strength, having reeourse to it not in great
matters only but in trivial: show thyself mag-
nanimously its master and be not so far overcome
by it as to slay such as make no elaim on their own
behalf, as though their lives were yet their own, but
who crave them of thy hand. Ay, and it is not the first
time that thou wilt have conferred this boon: already,
when we came erstwhile to purehase corn, thou didst
both graciously grant us abundance of provisions and
permit us to carry to those of onr households also

the means of their salvation, when like to die of

hunger. Yet the difference is naught between re-
fusing to leave men to perish of starvation and re-
fusing to punish apparent sinners who have been

ΘΟ

Speech of
Judah,

Cf. Gen, xliv,
18-34,

M4

4

146

147

14

~

οο

JOSEPHUS

εὐεργεσίαν τὴν ἀπὸ σοῦ λαμπρὰν γενομένην
φθονηθέντας, 7 ὃ αὐτὴ χάρις ἄλλῳ μέντοι τρόπῳ
διδομένη: σώσεις yap ous εἰς τοῦτο καὶ ἔτρεφες
καὶ ψυχάς, ἃς ὑπὸ λιμοῦ καμεῖν οὐκ εἴασας, τηρή-
σεις ταῖς σαυτοῦ δωρεαῖς, ὡς θαυμαστὸν ἅμα καὶ
μέγα δοῦναί τε ψυχὰς ἡμῖν καὶ παρασχεῖν οι ὧν
αὗται μενοῦσιν ἀπορουμένοις. οἶμαί τε τὸν θεόν,
αἰτίαν παρασκευάσαι βουλόμενον εἰς ἐπίδειξιν τοῦ
κατὰ τὴν ἀρετὴν περιόντος, ἡμᾶς εἰς τοῦτο περι-
στῆσαι συμφορᾶς, ἵνα καὶ τῶν εἰς αὑτὸν ἀδικη-
μάτων συγγινώσκων φανῇς τοῖς ἐπταικόσιν, ἀλλὰ
μὴ πρὸς μόνους τοὺς κατ᾽ ἀλλὴην πρόφασιν δεο-
μένους ἐπικουρίας φιλάνθρωπος. δοκοίης. ὡς μέγα
μὲν καὶ τὸ ποιῆσαί τινας εὖ καταστάντας εἰς
χρείαν, ἡγεμονικώτερον δὲ σῶσαι τοὺς ὑπὲρ τῶν
εἰς ἑαυτὸν τετολμημένων δίκην ὀφείλοντας" εἰ γὰρ
τὸ περὶ μικρῶν ζημιωμάτων ἀφεῖναι TOUS πλημ-
μελήσαντας ἔπαινον ἤνεγκε τοῖς ὑπεριδοῦσι, τό γε
περὶ τούτων ἀόργητον, ὑπὲρ ὧν τὸ ζῆν ὑπεύθυνον
τῇ κολάσει γίνεται τῶν ἠδικηκότων, θεοῦ φύσει
προσετέθη. καὶ ἔγωγε, εἰ μὴ πατὴρ ἡμῖν ἦν
πῶς" ἐπὶ παίδων ἀποβολῇ ταλαιπωρεῖ διὰ τῆς ἐπὶ
᾿Ιωσήπῳ λύπης" ἐπιδεδειγμένος, οὐκ ἂν τοῦ γε
καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἕνεκα περὶ τῆς σωτηρίας λόγους ἐποιη-
σάμην, εἰ μὴ ὅσον τῷ σῷ χαριζόμενος ἤθει σώζειν
αὐτῷ καλῶς ἔχον," καὶ τούτους οἱ λυπήσονται
τεθνηκότων οὐκ ἔχοντες παρείχομεν av αὑτοὺς
πεισομένους 6 τι καὶ θελήσειας: νῦν δ᾽, οὐ γὰρ
αὑτοὺς ἐλεοῦντες, εἰ καὶ νέοι καὶ μήπω τῶν κατὰ
τὸν βίον ἀπολελαυκότες τεθνηξόμεθα, τὸ δὲ τοῦ
1M Lat.: ὃς rell. * Dindorf: τελευτῆς codd.
3 edd.: ἔχοντι codd.
228

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 143-148

crudged that splendid beneficenee whieh thou hast
shown them: it is but the same favour aceorded in
another fashion; for thou wilt be saving those whom
thou hast nurtured to this end and preserving by
thy bounties souls whieh thou wouldest not suffer to
sueeumb to hunger, thus achieving the end, alike
wonderful and great, of both giving us our lives and
affording the means of their continuance in this our
distress. Nay, I believe that it was God’s good
pleasure to provide oeeasion for a display of virtue
in a surpassing form that has brought us to this
depth of misery, that so it might be seen that thou
pardonest offenders even the injuries done to thyself,
and it might not be thought that thy humanity is
reserved only for those who on other grounds stand
in need of suceour. For great though it be to benefit
the needy, yet more princely is it to save those who
have ineurred righteous penalty for erimes perpe-
trated upon oneself; for if the pardoning of trans-
eressors for light offenees redounds to the credit of
the indulgent judge, to refrain from wrath in the
ease of crimes which expose the eulprit’s life to his
vietim’s vengeance is an attribute of the nature of
God.

‘“ For my own part, had not our father let us see
by his grief for Joseph how deeply he feels the loss
of ehildren, I should never, on our own aeeount, have
made this plea for aequittal—save perehanee to
gratify thy natural and honourable instinet for
elemeney—and having none to mourn our loss we
should have surrendered ourselves to suffer whatso-
ever penalty might seem good to thee. But now, it
is from no pity for ourselves, young though we be
and to die ere we have yet enjoyed what life has to

229

149

150

152

153

JOSEPHUS

πατρὸς λογιζόμενοι καὶ τὸ γῆρας οἰκτείροντες τὸ
ἐκείνου ταύτας σοι τὰς δεήσεις προσφέρομεν καὶ
παραιτούμεθα ψυχὰς τὰς αὑτῶν, as σοι TO ἡμέ-
τερον. κακούργημα πρὸς τιμωρίαν παρέδωκεν.
ὃς οὔτε πονηρὸς αὐτὸς οὔτε τοιούτους ἐσομένους
ἐγέννησεν, ἀλλὰ χρηστὸς ὧν καὶ πειραθῆναι
τοιούτων οὐχὶ δίκαιος καὶ νῦν μὲν ἀποδημούντων
ταῖς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν φροντίσι κακοπαθεῖ, πυθόμενος
δὲ ἀπολωλότας καὶ τὴν αἰτίαν οὐχ ὑπομενεῖ ἀλλὰ
διὰ ταύτην πολὺ μᾶλλον τὸν βίον καταλείψει,"
καὶ τὸ ἀδοξον αὐτὸν τῆς ἡμετέρας καταστροφῆς
φθήσεται διαχρησάμενον καὶ κακὴν αὐτῷ ποιήσει
τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ζῆν ἀπαλλαγήν, πρὶν εἰς ἄλλους
φοιτῆσαι τὰ Kall’ ἡμᾶς σπεύσαντος αὑτὸν εἰς
ἀναισθησίαν μεταγαγεῖν. γενόμενος οὖν ἐν τούτῳ
τὸν λογισμόν," εἰ καὶ ἡ κακία σε παροξύνει νῦν
ἡ ἡμετέρα, TO ΚΟΥ αὐτῆς δίκαιον χάρισαι τῷ
πατρὶ καὶ ,δυνηθήτω πλέον ὁ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον ἔλεος
τῆς ἡμετέρας πονηρίας, καὶ γῆρας ἐν ἐρημίᾳ
ιωσόμενον καὶ τεθνη ᾿όμενον ἡμῶν ἀπολομένων"
αἴδεσαι, τῷ πατέρων ὀνόματι ταύτην χαριζόμενος
τὴν δωρεάν. ἐν γὰρ τούτῳ καὶ τὸν σὲ φύσαντα
τιμᾷς καὶ σαυτῷ δίδως, ἀπολαύων μὲν ἤδη τῆς
προσηγορίας, ἀπαθὴς δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ φυλαχθησόμενος
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦ πάντων πατρός, εἰς ὃν κατὰ
κοινωνίαν καὶ αὐτὸς τοῦ ὀνόματος εὐσεβεῖν δόξεις
τοῦ ἡμετέρου πατρὸς οἶκτον λαβὼν ἐφ᾽ οἷς πείσεται
τῶν παίδων στερούμενος. σὸν οὖν, ἃ παρέσχεν
ς « ς 4 ~ 3 μὲ 3 3 ,ὔ > 7
ἡμῖν ὁ θεὸς ταῦτ ἔχοντ ἐξουσίαν ἀφελέσθαι,
δοῦναι καὶ μηδὲν ἐκείνου διενεγκεῖν τῇ χάριτι"
τῆς γὰρ ἐπαμφότερον δυνάμεως τετυχηκότα καλὸν
1 Lat.: καταλείπει, οἷσ,, codd.
230

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 148 153

give; it is from consideration for our father and coni-
passion for his old age that we present this petition
to thee and plead for our lives, which our misdeed
has delivered into thine avenging hands. He is no
knave, nor did he beget sons like to be knavish : no,
he is an honest man, undeserving of sueh trials ; at
this moment in our absenee he is tortured with
anxiety for us, and if he learns of our ruin and the
cause of it, he will endure no more: that news far
more than all will speed his departure, the ignominy
of our end will preeipitate his own and make his exit
from this world miserable, for ere our story reaches
other ears he will have hastened to render himself
insensible. Bear, then, these considerations in mind,
and, however mueh our wrong-doing provokes thee
now, graciously give up to our father that retribu-
tion whieh justice demands, and let pity for him out-
weigh our crime: respect the old age of one who
mice live and die in solitude tn losing us, and grant
this boon in the name of fytherhoad. For in this
name thou wilt alike be doing honour to thy sire
and granting a favour to thy ole seeing that thou
already rejoicest in that title and wilt be preserved
in unimpaired possession of it by God, who is the
Father of all; sinee, in virtue of that name that
thou thyself sharest with Hii, it will be deemed an
act of piety towards [im to take pity on our father
and the sufferings that he will endure if bereaved of
his ehildren. W hile, then, thou hast authority to
take from us that which God has granted us, thy part
‘ather is to give and in no whit to come behind Him
in charity ; for it beseems the possessor of such two-

ἘΠ. 51 τη hae ΕΙΣ (=? ἐν τούτῳ τοῦ λογισμοῦ).
3. cdd.: ἀπολουμένων codd.

231

154

156

157

JOSEPHUS

ταύτην ἐν Tots ἀγαθοῖς ἐπιδείκνυσθαι, καὶ παρὸν
καὶ ἀπολλύειν τῆς μὲν κατὰ τοῦτο ἐξουσίας ὡς
μηδ᾽ ὑπαρχούσης ἐπιλανθάνεσθαι, μόνον δ᾽ ἐπι-
τετράφθαι τὸ σώζειν ὑπολαμβάνειν, καὶ ὅσῳ τις
πλείοσι τοῦτο παρέξει μᾶλλον αὑτῷ φαίνεσθαι
διδόντα. σὺ δὲ πάντας ἡμᾶς σώσεις τἀδελφῷ
συγγνοὺς ὑπὲρ ὧν ἠτύχηκεν: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἡμῖν
βιώσιμα τούτου κολασθέντος, οἷς γε πρὸς τὸν
πατέρα μὴ ἔξεστιν ἀνασωθῆναι μόνοις, ἀλλ᾽ ἐνθά-
ε δεῖ sha τούτῳ τῆς αὐτῆς καταστροφῆς
τοῦ βίου. i δεησόμεθά σου, στρατηγέ, κατα-
κρίναντος τὸν , ἀδελφὸν ἡ ἡμῶν drroBavely συγκολάσαι
καὶ ἡμᾶς ὡς τοῦ ἀδικήματος κεκοινωνηκότας" οὐ
γὰρ ἀξιώσομεν ἡμεῖς ὡς ἐπὶ λύπῃ τεθνηκότος
αὑτοὺς ἀνελεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ὁμοίως αὐτῷ πονηροὶ
γεγονότες οὕτως ἀποθανεῖν. καὶ ὅτι μὲν καὶ νέος
ὧν ἥμαρτε καὶ μήπω τὸ φρονεῖν ἐρηρεισμένος καὶ
ὡς ἀνθρώπινον τοῖς τοιούτοις συγγνώμην νέμειν,
σοὶ καταλιπὼν παύομαι περαιτέρω λέγειν, ἵν᾽ εἰ
μὲν κατακρίνειας ἡμῶν, πὰ, BY λεχθέντα δόξῃ
βεβλαφέναι πρὸς τὸ σκυθρωπότερον ἡμᾶς, εἰ

ἀπολύσειας, κἀκεῖνα τῇ σαυτοῦ χρηστότητι συνιδὼν
ἀπεψηφίσθαι νομισθῇς, οὐ σώσας μόνον ἡμᾶς ἀλλὰ
καὶ δι᾿ οὗ δικαιότεροι μᾶλλον φανούμεθα τυχεῖν
χαριζόμενος καὶ πλέον ἡμῶν αὐτῶν ὑπὲρ τῆς

158 ἡμετέρας νοήσας σωτηρίας. εἴτ᾽ οὖν κτείνειν

αὐτὸν θέλεις, ἐμὲ τιμωρησάμενος ἀντὶ τούτου τῷ
πατρὶ τοῦτον ἀπόπεμψον, εἴτε καὶ κατέχειν σοι
δοκεῖ δοῦλον, ἐγὼ πρὸς τὰς χρείας σοι ὑπηρετι-
κώτερος, ἀμείνων ὡς ὁρᾷς πρὸς ἑκάτερον τῶν

A ες» 29 , \ = , ς ,
159 παθῶν VTapXWV. lovdas μεν OUV πάντα ὕπομένξειν

e \ “~ 3 “- f ¢e f ν᾽ ef
ὑπὲρ τῆς τἀδελφοῦ σωτηρίας ἡδέως ἔχων ῥίπτει
990

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 153-159

fold power to display it in acts of generosity, and,
though at liberty to destroy, to forget his rights in
this regard as though they existed not, and to believe
that he is only empowered to save, and that the more
numerous the persons to whom he extends this
favour the greater the distinction that he confers
upon himself. But thou wilt be the saviour of us all
in pardoning our brother his unfortunate error ; for
life to us would be intolerable were he punished,
since we cannot return in safety to our father alone,
but must stay here to share his fate. And we shall
entreat thee, my lord, shouldest thou condemn our
brother to death, to punish us along with him as
accomplices in the erime ; for we shall claim, not in
grief for his death to make away with ourselves,
but as equally guilty with him to die in like manner
“That the culprit is a youth whose judgment is
not yet firm, and that it is human in such cases to
accord indulgenee, I leave to thee and forbear to
say more ; in order that, shouldest thou condemn us,
it may be my omissions which may appear to have
brought this severer injury upon us, and, shouldest
thou absolve, our acquittal may be attributed to thy
gracious and enlightened grasp of those further argu-
ments ; for thou wilt not only have saved us, but
have presented us with what will show us to have
been even more deserving of success and taken more
thought than ourselves for our salvation. If,then,thou
wouldest slay him, punish me in his stead and send
him back to his father, or, if it please thee to detain
him as a slave, I am more serviceable for thy offices,
being, as thou seest, better fitted for either fate.”
Thereupon Judas, glad to endure anything to save
his brother, flung himself at Joseph’s feet, striving

233

160

161

JOSEPHUS

πρὸ τῶν ᾿Ιωσήπου ποδῶν ἑαυτόν, εἴ πως ἐκμαλαάξειε
τὴν ὀργὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ Katampaiverey ἀγωνιζόμενος,
προύπεσον δὲ καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ πάντες δακρύοντες
καὶ παραδιδόντες ἑαυτοὺς ὑπὲρ τῆς Βενιαμὶν
ψυχῆς ἀπολουμένους.

(9) Ὃ δὲ ᾿Ιώσηπος ἐλεγχόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ πάθους
καὶ μηκέτι δυνάμενος THY “Τῆς ὀργῆς φέρειν
ὑπόκρισιν κελεύει μὲν ἀπελθεῖν τοὺς παρόντας,
ἵνα μόνοις αὑτὸν τοῖς ἀδελφοῖς ποιήσῃ φανερόν,
ἀναχωρησάντων δὲ ποιεῖ γνώριμον αὑτὸν τοῖς
ἀδελφοῖς καί φησι: ῶ τῆς μὲν ἀρετῆς ὑμᾶς καὶ
τῆς εὐνοίας τῆς περὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν ἡμῶν ἐπαινῶ
καὶ κρείττονας ἢ προσεδόκων ἐκ τῶν περὶ "ἐμὲ
βεβουλευμένων εὑρίσκω, ταῦτα πάντα ποιήσας
ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ὑμετέρας φιλαδελφίας" φύσει δὲ
οὐδὲ περὶ ἐμὲ νομίζω πονηροὺς γεγονέναι, θεοῦ
de’ βουλήσει τήν τε νῦν πραγματευομένου τῶν
ἀγαθῶν ἀπόλαυσιν καὶ τὴν ἐς ὕστερον, ἂν εὐμενὴς

102 ἡμῖν παραμείνῃ. πατρός τε οὖν σωτηρίαν ἐγνωκὼς

164

50} > ~ \ , ¢e ~ ς om \
οὐδ᾽ ἐλπισθεῖσαν καὶ τοιούτους ὑμᾶς ὁρῶν περὶ
4 > 4 9O9 - > > A ~ ¢ ~ wv
τὸν ἀδελφὸν οὐδ᾽ ὧν εἰς ἐμὲ δοκεῖτε ἁμαρτεῖν ἔτι

~ % ~
μνημονεύω, παύσομαι δὲ τῆς Em αὐτοῖς μισο-
’ ~ ~ ~
πονηρίας Kal ws συναιτίοις τῶν τῷ θεῷ βεβου-
λευμένων εἰς τὰ παρόντα χάριν ἔχειν ὁμολογῶ.
e ~ ’ὔ Ἁ 3 \ , > 4
ὑμᾶς τε βούλομαι καὶ αὐτοὺς λήθην ἐκείνων
Fd [2 “-- ~ f > / >
λαβόντας ἥδεσθαι μᾶλλον, τῆς τότε ἀβουλίας εἰς
τοιοῦτον ἐπελθούσης τέλος, 7 δυσφορεῖν αἰσχυνο-
μένους ἐπὶ τοῖς ἡμαρτημένοις. μὴ οὖν δόξῃ λυπεῖν
ὑμᾶς τὸ Κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ ψῆφον ἐνεγκεῖν πονηρὰν καὶ ἡ
em αὐτῇ μετάνοια τῷ γε μὴ προχωρῆσαι τὰ
βεβουλευμένα. χαίροντες οὖν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐκ θεοῦ
γεγενημένοις ἄπιτε ταῦτα δηλώσοντες τῷ πατρί,
234

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 159-164

by any means to mollify and appease his wrath ; and
all the brethren fell down before him, weeping and
offering themselves as victims to save the life of
Benjamin.

(9) Joseph, now betrayed by his emotion and un- Joseph
able longer to maintain that simulation of wrath, Beaty
bade those present retire, in order to reveal himself Ge». xlv. 1.
to his brethren alone. Then, the rest having with-
drawn, he made himself known to his brethren and
said: “I commend you for your virtue and that
affection for our brother and find you better men
than I had expeeted from your plots against me ; for
all this that I have done was to test your brotherly
love. Nor yet, I think, was it through your own
nature that ye did me ill, but by the will of God,
working out that happiness that we now enjoy
and that shall be ours hereafter, if He continue to
be graeious to us. Having, then, learnt beyond all
hope that my father lives, and seeing you thus
devoted to our brother, I remember no more those
sins against me of whieh ye think yourselves guilty ;

I shall eease to bear you malice for them as the
culprits ; and as assistants in bringing God's purposes
to the present issue I tender you my thanks. And
for your part, I would have you too forget the past
and rejoiee that that old imprudenee has resulted in
such an end, rather than be afflicted with shame for
your faults. Let it not appear, then, that ye are
grieved by a wieked sentenee passed upon me and
by remorse thereat, seeing that your designs did not
suceeed. Go, therefore, rejoieing at what God has
wrought, to tell these things to our father, lest haply
‘Le ferell,

235

JOSEPHUS

Ἁ A ~ ¢€ Q ¢€ ~ 4 3 λ θ A
μὴ καὶ Tats ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν φροντίσιν avadwlets
~ ‘
ζημιώσῃ μου τὸ κάλλιστον τῆς εὐδαιμονίας, πρὶν
3 δ 3 “a A 3 A 4 ζω ~
εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθεῖν τὴν ἐμὴν καὶ μεταλαβεῖν τῶν
105 παρόντων ἀποθανών. αὐτὸν δὲ τοῦτον καὶ γυναῖκας
ὑμετέρας καὶ [ta] τέκνα καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν συγγένειαν
ε “- > ᾿ 3 7 / 3 4 ‘
ὑμῶν ἀναλαβόντες ἐνθάδε μετοικίζεσθε: οὐδὲ yap
> ~ ~ ~ ~
ἀποδήμους εἶναι det τῶν ἀγαθῶν τῶν ἡμετέρων
A 3 A ’ bd A ~ -
τοὺς ἐμοὶ φιλτάτους ἄλλως τε Kat τοῦ λιμοῦ
~ ~ 3
166 λοιπὴν ἔτι πενταετίαν ΠΕΡΙ ΠΟΛ ΉΤΩΣῚ 7 ΤΟΥΤ'
δ᾽
εἰπὼν ᾿Ιώσηπος περιβάλλει τοὺς ἀδελφούς: οἱ
ἐν δάκρυσιν ἦσαν καὶ λύπῃ τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ βεβου-
λευμένων τιμωρίας τ᾽ οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ἀπολιπεῖν
3 ~ ὯΝ
ἐδόκει τεὔγνωμον τἀδελφοῦ. καὶ τότε μὲν ἦσαν
3 3 ,ὔ A 3 3 7 [χὰ A \
167 ev εὐωχίᾳ: βασιλεὺς δ᾽ ἀκούσας ἥκοντας πρὸς TOV
| 7 , Ἁ τὸ λ 4 ω / \
ὥσηπον τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς ἥσθη τε μεγάλως Kat
« 3 3 ~ ~ al
ws em οἰκείῳ διατεθεὶς ἀγαθῷ παρεῖχεν αὐτοῖς
¢ 7 4
ἁμάξας σίτου πλήρεις Kal χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον
3 / “-
ἀποκομίζειν τῷ πατρί. λαβόντες δὲ πλείω παρὰ
3 ~ 4 Α ~ \ / 4 A 3 A
τἀδελφοῦ τὰ μὲν τῷ πατρὶ φέρειν τὰ δὲ αὐτοὶ
δωρεὰς ἔχειν ἕκαστος ἰδίας, πλειόνων ἠξιωμένου
Βενιαμὶν παρ᾽ αὐτούς, ἀπήεσαν.
108 (vil. 1) (Qs δ᾽ ἀφικομένων τῶν παίδων ᾿Ιάκωβος
τὰ περὶ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἔμαθεν, ὅτι μὴ μόνον εἴη
4 ? \ 779 @ i ay
TOV θάνατον διαπεφευγὼς ἐφ᾽ ᾧ πενθῶν διῆγεν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ ζῇ μετὰ λαμπρᾶς εὐδαιμονίας βασιλεῖ
συνδιέπων τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὴν ἅπασαν σχεδὸν
169 ἐγκεχειρισμένος αὐτῆς ἐπιμέλειαν, ἄπιστον μὲν
οὐδὲν ἐδόκει τῶν ἠγγελμένων λογιζόμενος τοῦ
θεοῦ τὴν μεγαλουργίαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὖ-
νοιαν, εἰ καὶ τῷ μεταξὺ χρόνῳ διέλιπεν, ὥρμητο
δ᾽ εὐθὺς πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον.

236

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 164-169

he be consumed with brooding over you and rob me
of the best of my felicity, by dying ere he come into
my sight and partake of our present bliss. Do ye
bring hink him and your wives and children and all
your πε ούτε. and migrate hither ; for those whom
I cherish most must not be exiled from the pros-
perity that is ours, above all when the famine has
still five years to continue.”’ Having spoken thus
Joseph embraced his brethren. But they were
plunged in tears and grief tor those designs upon
him and found no lack of chastisement in this for-
bearance of their brother. They then resorted to
festivity. But the king, hearing that Joseph’s
brethren were come to hina was highly delighted,
and, moved as though some fortune had befallen
himself, offered them wagons laden with corn, and
gold and silver, to carry to their father. Then, after
receiving further presents from their brother, some
to take to their father, others for each to keep as
his own, Benjamin being favoured with more than
the rest, they went on their way.

(vii. 1) Now when on the arrival of his sons Jacob
learnt the story of Joseph, how that he had not only
escaped that death which he had mourned so long,
but was living in splendid fortune, sharing with the
king the gov ernment of Egypt and having well-nigh
the whole charge of it in his hands, he Foul deem
none of these reports ineredible,? w hen he reflected
on God's mighty power and His benevolence towards
him, albeit for a while suspended ; and he straight-
way sped forth to go to Joseph.

* Josephus omits, or deliberately contradicts, the mention
of his first incredulity: ὁ his heart fainted, for he believed
them ποῖ: Gen. xlv. 26

VOL. IV I 937

Gen, xlv. 14

Jacob
departs
for Egypt,

ἴδ. 25,

170

17]

112

117.

11

JOSEPHUS

(2) ‘Os δὲ κατέσχεν ἐπὶ τὸ Ὅρκιον φρέαρ,
θύσας αὐτόθι τῷ θεῷ καὶ φοβούμενος διὰ τὴν
εὐδαιμονίαν τὴν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ τῶν παίδων ἐμῴφιλο-
χωρησάντων τῇ οἰκήσει τῇ ἐν αὐτῇ, μὴ οὐκέτ᾽
εἰς τὴν Χαναναίαν οἱ ἔγγονοι μετελθόντες κατά-
σχωσιν αὐτήν, ὡς ὁ θεὸς Hv ὑπεσχημένος, ἅμα τε

μὴ δίχα θεοῦ βουλήσεως γενομένης τῆς εἰς At-
γύπτον ἀφόδου" διαφθαρῇ τὸ γένος αὐτοῦ, πρὸς
δὲ τούτοις δεδιώς, μὴ προεξέλθῃ τοῦ βίου πρὶν εἰς
ὄψιν ᾿Ιωσήπου παραγενέσθαι, καταφέρεται στρέφων
ἐν ἑαυτῷ τοῦτον τὸν λογισμὸν εἰς ὕπνον.

(3) πιστὰς δὲ ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ καὶ δὶς ὀνομαστὶ
καλέσας πυνθανομένῳ τίς ἐστιν, “᾿ ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δίκαιον,
εἶπεν, “ ᾿Ιακώβῳ θεὸν ἀγνοεῖσθαι τὸν ἀεὶ παρα-
στάτην καὶ βοηθὸν προγόνοις τε τοῖς σοῖς καὶ
μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς σοὶ γενόμενον. στερουμένῳ τε γάρ
σοι τῆς ἀρχῆς ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ταύτην ἐγὼ παρ-
έσχον, καὶ κατ᾽ ἐμὴν εὔνοιαν εἰς τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν
μόνος σταλεὶς γάμων τε ἀγαθῶν ἔτυχες καὶ παί-
δων ἐπαγόμενος πλῆθος καὶ χρημάτων ἐνόστησας.
παρέμεινέ τέ σοι γενεὰ πᾶσα προνοίᾳ τῇ ἐμῇ, καὶ
ὃν ἀπολωλέναι τῶν υἱῶν ἐδόκεις ᾿Ιώσηπον [τοῦτον]
εἰς ἀπόλαυσιν μειζόνων ἀγαθῶν ἤγαγον καὶ τῆς
Αἰγύπτου κύριον, ὡς ὀλίγῳ διαφέρειν τοῦ βα-

ze: , " ὔὕ [72 “~ ς “~ ᾽
σιλέως, ἐποίησα. Kw TE νυν ὁδοῦ TE TAUTYS

ἡγεμὼν ἐσόμενος καὶ βίου σου τελευτὴν ἐν ταῖς

᾿Ιωσήπου χερσὶ γενησομένην -προδηλῶν καὶ μα-

κρὸν αἰῶνα τῶν σῶν ἐγγόνων ἐν ἡγεμονίᾳ καὶ δόξῃ

καταγγέλλων καταστήσων τε αὐτοὺς εἰς τὴν γῆν
3)

ἣν ὑπέσχημαι.
1 ἐφόδου ROL (Lat. adventus),

238

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 11. 170-175

(2) Halting at the Well of the Oath? he there His vision
offered gacrifice to God: ; and fearing that by reason ote”
of the prosperity prevalent in Egy pt his sons would Gen. xlvi. 1.
become so greatly cnamoured of settling there, that
their descendants would never more return to Canaan
to take possession of it, as God had promised ; and
furthermore that having taken this departure into
Kgypt without God’s sanetion his race might be
annihilated ; yet terrified withal that he might quit
this life before setting eyes on Joseph—these were
the thoughts which he was revolving in his mind
when he sank to sleep.

(3) Then God appeared to him and called him
twiee by name, and when Jacob asked who he was,
“Nay,” He said, “it were not right that Jacob
should be ignorant of God, who has ever been a
protector and helper alike to thy forefathers and
afterward to thee. For when thou wast like to be
deprived of the prineedom by thy father, it was I
who gave it thee; through my favour was it that,
when sent all alone to Mesopotamia, thon wast
blessed in wedlock and brought with thee an abun-
dance of children and of riches on thy return. And
if that progeny has all been preserved to thee, it is
through my providence : ay, that son of thine whom
thou thoughtest to have lost, even Joseph, him have
I led to yet greater felicity, and made him lord of
Egypt, hardly differing from its king. And now am
I come to be thy guide upon this Journey and to
foreshew to thee that thou wilt end thy days in
Joseph’s arms, to announce a long era of dominion
and glory for thy posterity, and that 1 will establish
them in the land which I have promised.”

4 Beer-sheba.

239

170

177

178

180

JOSEPHUS

(4) Τούτῳ θαρρήσας τῷ ὀνείρατι προθυμότερον
εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον σὺν τοῖς υἱοῖς καὶ παισὶν τοῖς
τούτων ἀπηλλάττετο. ἦσαν δ᾽ οἱ πάντες; ἐβδο-
μήκοντα. τὰ μὲν οὖν ὀνόματα δηλῶσαι τούτων

2 3 , A / A \ ’
οὐκ ἐδοκίμαζον καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν δυσκολίαν
αὐτῶν: ἵνα μέντοι παραστήσω τοῖς οὐχ ὑπολαμ-

7 ¢ ~ 3 ~ , 3 3 3
βάνουσιν ἡμᾶς ἐκ τῆς Μεσοποταμίας ἀλλ Atyur-
τίους εἶναι, ἀναγκαῖον ἡγησάμην μνησθῆναι τῶν
ὀνομάτων. ᾿Ιακώβου μὲν οὖν παῖδες ἢ ἦσαν δώδεκα:
τούτων ᾿Ιώσηπος ἤδη προαφῖκτο' τοὺς οὖν μετ᾽
αὐτὸν καὶ τοὺς ἐκ τούτων γεγονότας δηλώσομεν.
‘PouvByAov μὲν ἦσαν παῖδες τέσσαρες, ᾿Ανώχης
Φαλοὺς ᾿Εσσαρὼν Χάρμισος: Συμεῶνος δ᾽ €&,
᾿Ιούμηλος ᾿Ιάμεινος ΠΠούθοδος ᾿Ιαχῖνος Σ όαρος Σα-
αρᾶς: τρεῖς δὲ Λευὶ γεγόνασιν υἱοί, Ἐολγόμης
ΙΚάαθος Mapdipos: ᾿Ιούδᾳ δὲ παῖδες ἦσαν τρεῖς,
Σάλας Φάρεσος *EleXeds, νἱωνοὶ δὲ δύο γεγονότες
᾿] / 3 \ \ oo” > ,
ἐκ Φαρέσου, ᾿ἕσρὼν καὶ “Apovpos. ᾿Ισακχάρου
δὲ τέσσαρες, Θούλας Φρουρᾶς Ἴωβος Σαμάρων.
τρεῖς δὲ “αβουλὼν ἦγεν υἱούς, Σάραδον Ἤλωνα
᾿Ιάνηλον. τοῦτο μὲν τὸ ἐκ Λείας γένος" καὶ αὐτῇ
συνανήει. καὶ θυγάτηρ αὐτῆς Δεῖνα. τρεῖς οὗτοι
καὶ τριάκοντα. “ΡῬαχήλας δὲ παῖδες ἦσαν δύο:
τούτων ᾿Ιωσήπῳ μὲν γεγόνεισαν υἱοὶ Μανασσῆς

καὶ ᾿Εφραίμης. Βενιαμεῖ δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ δέκα,
1 πέντε καὶ RO (after Lxx).

4 So the Hebrew text of Genesis: Lxx, including further
descendants born in Egypt, raises the total to 75.

> Josephus, like Strabo and other Hellenistic writers, com-
monly omits lists of uncouth names contained in his sources :
see Cadbury, Making of Luke-Acts, p. 124 with note.

¢ So xx (some mss.): Heb. Pallu.

4 Bibl. Hezron (‘Acpav). ¢ Carmi. 7 Jemuel.

240

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 176-180

(4) Eneouraged by this dream, Jacob with greater
ardour departed for Egypt along with his sons and
his sons’ children : there were in all seventy % of them.
I was inclined not to recount their names, mainly on
account of their difheulty; however, to confute
those persons who imagine us to be not of Meso-
potamian origin but Egyptians, I have thought it
necessary to mention them.? Well, Jacob had twelve
sons, of whom Joseph had already departed in ad-
vance : we proceed, then, to enumerate those who
followed him and their descendants. Rubel had four
sons, Anoch(es), Phalus,¢ Essaron,¢ Charmis(os) ὁ ;
Symeon_ six, yume OS) oon Pouthod(os),’
Jachin(os), Soar(os),” Saar(as) ?; Levi had three sons,
Golgom(es),? Kaath(os),* Marair(os) 1; Judas three
sons, Salas,” Phares(os),” Kzele(os),? and two grand-
sons, born of Phares, Esron? and Amour(os) ¢ ;
Issachar had four, Thoulas,” Phrouras,’ Job(os),
Samaron* while Zabulon brought with him three,
Sarad(os),“ Elon, Janel(os).”. Such was the progeny
of Leah, who was also accompanied by her daughter
Dinah — in all thirty-three souls. Rachel had two
sons: to the one, Joseph, were born Manasses and
Ephraim ; to the other, Benjamin, ten sons, Bol(os),”

9 Ohad (Αὠδ). h Zohar (Σαάρ).

ἐ ΘΉ δι]. 2 Gershon.
¥ So txx Kaaé: Heb. Kohath.

' Nlerari. ™ Shelah (Σηλώμ).

"θα πε: Heb ὀΐω.
° Zerah (λαρά) : Josephus here properly omits the two
sons, Er and One who died in Canaan (Gen. ΙΝ 12),

> Ifezron. 4 Hamiul (legounn).

γ ‘Tola (Θωλα). 86 Puvah (Povd).

¢ Shimron ( αμβράν). 4 OeTca

* Jahleel (Αλοήλ or land). ” Bela (Badd)

241

The seventy
descendants
of Jacob.

Gen. xlvi. δ.

18]

181

JOSEPHUS

BodAos Βάκχαρις ᾿Ασαβῆλος ΤΙ ήλας Νεεμάνης “Ins
"Apws I Νομφθὴς ᾿Οππαῖς “A podos..” οὗτοι τέσ-
σαρες καὶ δέκα πρὸς τοῖς πρότερον κατειλεγ-
μένοις εἰς ἑπτὰ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα γίνονται τὸν
ἀριθμόν. καὶ τὸ μὲν δ δον γένος τῷ ᾿Ιακώβῳ
τοῦτο ἦν, ἐκ Baddas δὲ αὐτῷ γίνονται τῆς Ῥαχή-
λας θεραπαινίδος Aavos καὶ Νεφθαλίς, ᾧ τέσ-
Ὁ a > , “- 7
σαρες εἵποντο παῖδες, ᾿Ελίηλος Lotus Σάρης τε
1 πο ; Α A > ,
καὶ Σέλλιμος, Δάνῳ δὲ povoyeves ἣν παιδίον
Οὖσις. τούτων προσγινομένων τοῖς προειρημένοις
πεντήκοντα καὶ τεσσάρων πληροῦσιν ἀριθμόν.
Tdadns δὲ καὶ ᾿Ασῆρος ἐκ LeAdas μὲν ἦσαν, ἦν
Λείας δὲ αὕτη θεραπαινίς, παῖδας δ᾽ ἐπήγοντο
Ladys μὲν ἕπτά, Δοφωνίαν Ody Lobvw ZaBpwva
[εἰρήνην ᾿Πρω δεν ᾿Λριήλην, ᾿Ασήρῳ δὲ ἦν θυγάτηρ
καὶ ἄρσενες ἀριθμὸν ἕξ, οἷς ὀνόματα ᾿Ιώμνης ᾿σού-
σιος ᾿Ηϊούβης Βάρης ᾿Αβαρός τε καὶ Μελχίηλος.
τούτων ἑκκαίδεκα ὄντων καὶ προστιθεμένων τοῖς
πεντήκοντα τέσσαρσιν ὁ προειρημένος ἀριθμὸς πλη-
ροῦται μὴ συγκαταλεγέντος αὐτοῖς ᾿Ιακώβου.
ie \ . 31 7 , 2 \
(5) Maéawv δὲ ᾿Ιώσηπος mapaywopevov® τὸν
/ ‘ ‘ A > A φ ᾿ 3
πατέρα, καὶ γὰρ προλαβὼν ᾿Ιούδας ὁ ἀδελφὸς
ἐδήλωσεν αὐτῷ τὴν ἀφιξιν, ἀπαντησόμενος ἔξεισι
A > e 4 4 ᾽ ~ 4 e 3
καὶ Kal’ Πρώων πόλιν αὐτῷ συνέβαλεν. ὁ ὃ

1 Napodos codd, 2 RO: παραγενόμενον rell.

@ Becher (Boxwp with variants). > Ashbel.

¢ Gera; Josephus follows the Hebrew in reckoning him
and the five following persons as sons (not, as in Lxx,
grandsons) of Benjamin.

4 So Lxx (some mss.) : Heb, Naaman. ¢ ἘΠῚ (Ayyeis).

! Rosh. 9 Muppim (Mayqeiv). δ Huppim (Ogiuiv).

‘ Ard (Apdd); txx makes him a great-grandson of Ben-

jamin. 4 Jahzee} (Ἰασιήλ with variants).

242

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IJ. 180-184

Baeehar(is),2 Asabel(os),? Gélas,° Neeman(es),? Iés,° Gen. xlvi
Arés,f Nomphthes,? Oppais,” Arod(os).* These four- *
teen, added to the previous list, amount to a total
of forty-seven. Sueh was the offspring of Jaeob born
in wedloek. He had moreover by Balla, the hand-
maid of Raehel, Dan and Nephthali(s): the latter
was accompanied by four children, Eliél(os),? Gounis,
Sares,* and Sellim(os)!; Dan had but one infant,
Ousis.™ These, added to the foregoing, make up a
total of fifty-four. Gad and Asér were sons of Zel-
pha, the handmaid of Leah: Gad brought with him
seven sons, Zophoénias,” Ougis,° Sounis,? Zabron,?
Irénés, Eréidés, Arieles 7 ; Asér had one daughter §
and six sons, whose names were JOmnes;,' Isousi(os), "
Kioubes,” Bares,“ Abar(os),* and Melehiél(os).”
Adding these sixteen to the fifty-four, we obtain
the sum total afore-mentioned, Jaeob not being
ineluded.

(5) Joseph had learnt of the approaeh of his father, Jacob in
for his brother Judas had gone on before to announee ΠΡ
his eoming ; and he went out to meet him and joined
him at Heroopolis.? Jaeob from joy, so unlooked-for

---

υ. 16

* Jezer (Ἰ(σ)σαάρ)Π. ᾿ Shillem (Σελλήμ some mss. of Lxx).
™ Hushim ( Ασόμ). " Ziphion (Σαφών).

° Haggi (Ayyeis). » Shuni (Σαυνίς).

σ Τύχθοη (Θασοβάν). * Eri, Arodi, Areli.

* Named Serah in Genesis. ¢ Imnah (Texva).

* Ishvah. τ Ishvi (Teova). "Ὁ Beriah (Bapia).
® Heber (Xo8wp); he and the next are in Genesis grand-

sons of Aser. ν So pxx: Heb. Malchiel.

= Josephus takes over this name from the txx: the
Hebrew text mentions " the land of Goshen." Ileroopolis
has been identified as the Egyptian Pithom (Fx. i. 11), and
Goshen, in whieh it lay, as the region extending from the
eastern arm of the Delta to the Valley of Suez and the Salt
Lakes.

243

oe

180

157

188

JOSEPHUS

ὑπὸ τῆς χαρᾶς ἀπροσδοκήτου τε καὶ μεγάλης
γενομένης μικροῦ δεῖν ἐξέλιπεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνεζωπύρησεν
αὐτὸν ᾿Ιώσηπος οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς μὲν κρατῆσαι δυνηθεὶς
es μὴ ταὐτὸ παθεῖν ὑφ᾽ ἡδονῆς, οὐ μέντοι τὸν
τὸν τρόπον τῷ πατρὶ γενόμενος ἥττων τοῦ
θους. ἔπειτα τὸν μὲν ἠρέμα κελεύσας ὁδεύειν
αὐτὸς ὲ παραλαβὼν πέντε τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἠπείγετο
πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα φράσων αὐτῷ παραγενόμενον
μετὰ τοῦ γένους τὸν ᾿Ιάκωβον. ὁ δὲ τοῦτο χαίρων
ἤκουσε καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιώσηπον ἐκέλευσεν αὐτῷ λέγειν
τίνι βίῳ τερπόμενοι διατελοῦσιν, ὡς αὐτοῖς τοῦτον
ἐπιτρέψειε διάγειν. ὁ δὲ ποιμένας αὐτοὺς ἀγαθοὺς
ἔλεγε καὶ μηδενὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἢ τούτῳ μόνῳ προσ-
ανέχειν, τοῦ τε μὴ διαζευγνυμένους ἀλλ᾽ ἐν
ταὐτῷ τυγχάνοντας ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τοῦ πατρὸς
προνοούμενος τοῦ τε τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις εἶναι προσ-
φιλεῖς μηδὲν πράττοντας τῶν αὐτῶν ἐκείνοις"
Αἰγυπτίοις γὰρ ἀπειρημένον ἦν περὶ νομὰς ἀνα-
στρέφεσθαι.

(6) Tot δ᾽ ᾿Ιακώβου παραγενομένου πρὸς τὸν
βασιλέα καὶ ἀσπαζομένου τε καὶ κατευχομένου
περὶ τῆς βασιλείας αὐτῷ ὁ Φαραώθης ἐπυνθάνετο,
πόσον ἤδη βεβιωκὼς εἴη χρόνον. τοῦ δ᾽ ἑκατὸν
ἔτη καὶ τριάκοντα γεγονέναι φήσαντος ἐθαύμασε
τοῦ μήκους τῆς ζωῆς τὸν ᾿Ιάκωβον. εἰπόντος δ᾽
ὡς ἥττονα τῶν προγόνων εἴη βεβιωκὼς ἔτη συν-
ἐχώρησεν αὐτῷ ζῆν μετὰ τῶν τέκνων ἐν Ἡλίου
πόλει: ἐν ἐκείνη γὰρ καὶ οἱ ποιμένες αὐτοῦ τὰς
νομὰς εἶχον.

« After Gen. xlvi. 54.“ for every shepherd is an abomina-
tion unto the Egyptians." ** While there is evidence that

244

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 184-188

and so great, was like to die. but Joseph revived
him; he too was not master enough of himself to
resist the same emotion of delight, but was not, like
his father, overcome by it. Then, bidding his father
journey gently on, he with five of his brethren sped
to the king to tell him of Jacob’s arrival with his
family. The king rejoiced at the news and bade
Joseph tell him w hat kind of life it was their pleasure
to pursue, so that he might permit them to follow
the same. Joseph replied that they were good
shepherds and devoted themselves to no other calling
save that, being anxious both that they should not
be separated but, living together, should look after
their father, and also that they should ingratiate
themselves with the Egyptians by not following any
of their pursuits, for the E gyptians were forbidden
to occupy themselves with pasturage.?

(6) When Jacob came into the king’s presence and
had saluted him and offered his felicitations for his
reigu,? Pharaothes asked him how long he had lived.
He. replied that he was one hundred and thirty years
old, whereat the king marvelled at his great age.
To that he answered that his years were fe er than
those of his forefathers; the king then permitted
him to live with bis children in Heliopolis. ¢ for it was
there that his own shepherds had their pasturage.?

swine-herds and cow-herds were looked down on by the
Egyptians, the statement that shepherds were held in special
abhorrence has not been confirmed ᾿᾿ (Skinner).

Or τὸ ἘΓῺ

¢ Gen, xlvii. 11, ‘in the land of Rameses Heliopolis
or On lay near the south end of the Delta, cast of the Pelusiac
branch of the Nile.

4° This addition of Josephus appears, as it stands, a little
inconsistent with the last words of the previous paragraph.

VOL. 1¥ 1? O45

29

Jacob before
Pharaoh.
Gen. xivii, 7.

189

190

19]

192

19

«

JOSEPHUS

(7) Ὃ δὲ λιμὸς τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἐπετείνετο Kal
τὸ δεινὸν ἀπορώτερον ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς
ἐγίνετο μήτε τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἱτὴν γῆν] ἐπάρδοντος,
οὐ γὰρ ηὔξανε, μήτε ὕοντος τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιάν τε
μηδεμίαν αὐτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀγνοίας, πεποιημένων. καὶ
τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου τὸν σῖτον ἐπὶ χρήμασιν αὐτοῖς διδόν-
τος, ὡς" ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἐπέλιπε, τῶν βοσκημάτων
ἐωνοῦντο τὸν σῖτον καὶ τῶν ἀνδραπόδων: οἷς δὲ
καὶ γῆς τις ἦν μοῖρα ταύτην" παρεχώρουν ἐπὶ
τιμῇ τροφῆς. οὕτως τε τοῦ βασιλέως πάσης
αὐτῶν τῆς περιουσίας κυρίου γεγενημένου, μετ-
ῳκίσθησαν ἄλλος ἀλλαχοῦ," ὅπως βεβαία γένηται
τῷ βασιλεῖ τῆς χώρας τούτων ἡ kro, πλὴν τῶν
ἱερέων: τούτοις γὰρ ἔμενεν ἡ χώρα αὐτῶν. ἐδού-
λου T αὐτῶν οὐ τὰ σώματα μόνον τὸ δεινὸν ἀλλὰ
καὶ τὰς διανοίας, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν εἰς ἀσχήμονα τῆς
τροφῆς εὐπορίαν αὐτοὺς κατηνάγκαζε. ᾿λωφήσαν-
τος δὲ τοῦ κακοῦ καὶ τοῦ τε ποταμοῦ τῆς γῆς
ἐπιβάντος καὶ “ταύτης τοὺς “καρποὺς ἀφθόνως
ἐκφερούσης, ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος εἰς ἑκάστην παραγενό-
μενος πόλιν καὶ συλλέγων ἐν αὐταῖς τὸ πλῆθος
τήν τε γῆν αὐτοῖς, ἣν ἐκείνων παραχωρούντων
βασιλεὺς ἔχειν ἠδύνατο καὶ καρποῦσθαι μόνος,
εἰς ἅπαν ἐχαρίζετο καὶ κτῆμα ἴδιον ἡγουμένους
φιλεργεῖν παρεκάλει τὴν πέμπτην τῶν καρπῶν τῷ
βασιλεῖ τελοῦντας ὑπὲρ τῆς χώρας, ἣν δίδωσιν
αὐτοῖς οὖσαν αὐτοῦ. τοὺς δὲ παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας κυρίους
Τῆς γῆς καθισταμένους χαρά τε ἐλάμβανε καὶ
ὑφίσταντο τὰ προστάγματα. καὶ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ
τό τε ἀξίωμα παρὰ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις αὐτοῦ μεῖζον

1 So Lat.: + δὲ eodd. 2 ταύτης E Zon.
3 RO: ἀλλαχόσε rell.

240

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 189-193

(7) But the famine was now tightening its hold New law of
: 2 land tenure

upon the Egyptians and the scourge reducing them jn geypt.
to ever increasing straits: the river no more watered G2" XIV.
the land, for it had ceased to rise, nor did God send ὦ
rain,? and they in their ignorance had taken no pre-
cautions. Joseph still granted them corn for their
money, and, when money failed, they bought the
eorn with their flocks and their slaves; any who
moreover had a parcel of ground surrendered it to
purchase food. And thus it befell that the king
became owner of all their substance, and they were
transported from place to place, in order to assure
to the king the possession of their territory, save
only the priests, for these kept their domains. Further-
inore, this scourge enslaved not only their bodies but
their minds ἢ and drove them thereafter to degrading
means of subsistence. But when the evil abated and
the river overflowed the land and the land yielded
its fruits in abundance, Joseph repaired to each city
and, convening the inhabitants, bestowed upon them
in perpetuity the land which they had eeded to the
king and which he might have held and reserved for
his sole benefit; this he exhorted them to regard
as their own property and to cultivate assiduously,
while paying the fifth of the produce to the king in
return for the ground which he had given them,
being really his. And they, thus unexpectedly be-
come proprietors of the soil, were delighted and under-
took to comply with these injunctions. By these
means Joseph increased at once his own reputation

4 This remark, as Reland observed, ignores the fact that
Egypt is practically a rainless country.

9 paged on Thue. ii. G1 δουλοῖ yap φρόνημα τὸ αἰφνίδιον

κτὰ. (Pericles on the plague of Athens); a favourite phrase
of Josephus or his assistant; cf. tii. 56, xix. 42.

247

194

195

196

197

JOSEPHUS

᾿Ιώσηπος ἀπεργάζεται; πλείω τε τὴν εὐνοιαν τῷ

βασιλεῖ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν, ὃ τε τοῦ τελεῖν τὴν πέμπτην
ce y ey binge

τῶν καρπῶν νόμος ἔμεινε καὶ μέχρι τῶν ὕστερον

βασιλέων.

(vill. 1) ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ ἑπτακαιδέκατον ἔτος ἐν
Αἰγύπτῳ διατρίψας καὶ νόσῳ χρησάμενος παρ-
ὄντων αὐτῷ τῶν υἱῶν ἀπέθανεν, ἐπευξάμενος τοῖς
μὲν κτῆσιν ἀγαθῶν καὶ προειπὼν αὐτοῖς κατὰ
προφητείαν, πῶς μέλλει τῶν ἐκ τῆς γενεᾶς αὐτῶν
ἕκαστος κατοικεῖν τὴν Navavatay, δ᾽ δὴ καὶ πολ-
λοῖς ὕστερον χρόνοις ἐγένετο, ᾿Ιωσήπου δ᾽ ἐγκώ-
μιον διεξελθών, ὅτι μὴ μνησικακήσειε τοῖς ἀδελ-
φοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ τούτου πλέον χρηστὸς εἰς αὐτοὺς
ἐγένετο δωρησάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀγαθοῖς, οἷς οὐδὲ
εὐεργέτας τινὲς ἠμείψαντο, προσέταξε τοῖς ἰδίοις
παισίν, ἵνα τοὺς ᾿Ιωσήπου παῖδας “Edpaiuny καὶ
Μανασσῆν εἰς τὸν αὐτῶν ἀριθμὸν προσῶνται δι-
αἱρούμενοι μετ᾽ αὐτῶν τὴν Xavavaiav, περὶ ὧν
ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν. ἠξίου μέντοι καὶ ταφῆς ἐν
Νεβρῶνι τυγχάνειν: τελευτᾷ δὲ βιοὺς ἔτη τὰ πάν-
τα τριῶν δέοντα πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, μηδενὸς
μὲν τῶν προγόνων ἀπολειφθεὶς ἐπ᾽ εὐσεβείᾳ τοῦ
θεοῦ, τυχὼν δὲ ἀμοιβῆς ἧς δίκαιον ἦν τοὺς οὕτως
ἀγαθοὺς γεγονότας. ᾿Ιώσηπος δὲ συγχωρήσαντος
αὐτῷ τοῦ βασιλέως τὸν τοῦ πατρὸς νεκρὸν εἰς
Νεβρῶνα κομίσας ἐκεῖ θάπτει πολυτελῶς. τῶν δ᾽
ἀδελφῶν οὐ βουλομένων αὐτῷ συνυποστρέφειν,
δέος γὰρ αὐτοὺς εἶχε μὴ τεθνηκότος αὐτοῖς τοῦ
πατρὸς ,τιμωρήσαιτο τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπιβουλῆς,
οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντος ᾧ χαρίζοιτο τὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς μετριό-
τητα, πείθει μηδὲν ὑφορᾶσθαι μηδ᾽ ἔχειν αὐτὸν
δι᾿ ὑποψίας, ἀγαγὼν δὲ μεθ᾽ αὑτοῦ κτῆσιν πολλὴν
2-45

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 193-197

with the Egyptians and their loyalty to the king.
The Jaw imposing payment of the fifth of the produce
remained in force under the later kings.

(viii. 1) After passing seventeen years in Egypt,
Jaeob fell sick and died. His sons were present at
his end, and he offered prayers that they might
attain to felicity and foretold to them in prophetic
words how each of their descendants was destined
to find a habitation in Canaan, as in fact long after
eame to pass. Upon Joseph he lavished praises, for
that he had borne no malice against his brethren,
nay, more than that, had been generous to them in
loading them with presents such as some would not
have given even to requite their benefactors ; and
he charged his own sons to reckon among their num-
ber Joseph’s sons, Ephraim and Manasses, and to
let them share in the division of Canaan—of which
events we shall speak hereafter. Furthermore he
desired to be buried at Hebron. So he died, having
lived in all but three years short of o1.c hundred and
fifty, having come behind none of his forefathers in
piety tow ards God and having met with the recom-
pense which such virtue deserved, Joseph, with the
sanction of the king, conveyed his father’s corpse to
Hicbron and there gave it sumptuous burial. His
brethren thereafter were loth to return with him,
fearing that, now their father was dead. he would
avenge himself for that plot upon his life, seeing that
there was no longer any to thank him for showing
forbearanee towards them; but he persuaded them
to have no misgivings nor to regard hint with sus-
picion, and, taking them with him, he gr gs them

1 + καὶ ἘΠΕῚ
2. 1,αἴ. τοῦτο codd.

“240

Gen. xlvil.
26,

Death and
burial of
Jacob.

Lb 25, χΙν ΠῚ
1 ΧΙ ΧΟ 1.

hie MINN 98,

1}. 1. 4,

198

100

200

201

202

JOSEPHUS

> ~
ἐχαρίσατο καὶ πάσῃ περὶ αὐτοὺς σπουδῇ χρώ-
μενος οὐκ ἀπέλιπε.
(2) ελευτᾷ δὲ καὶ οὗτος ἔτη βιώσας ἑκατὸν
A
καὶ δέκα θαυμάσιος τὴν ἀρετὴν γενόμενος Kal
~ ~ A \ >
λογισμῷ πάντα διοικῶν καὶ τὴν ἐξουσίαν ταμιευό-
μενος, ὃ δὴ καὶ τῆς τοιαύτης εὐδαιμονίας αἴτιον
> ~ \ ~ A? 4 3 7 cf \
αὐτῷ παρὰ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἀλλαχόθεν ἥκοντι καὶ
μετὰ τοιαύτης κακοπραγίας, μεθ' ἧς προειρήκαμεν,
ὑπῆρχε. τελευτῶσι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ
ἊΝ
ζήσαντες εὐδαιμόνως ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου. καὶ
τούτων μὲν τὰ σώματα κομίσαντες μετὰ χρόνον
of ἀπόγονοι [καὶ οἱ παῖδες] ἔθαψαν ἐν Νεβρῶνι,
> a (ἐ ty
τὰ δὲ ᾿Ιωσήπου ὀστᾶ ὕστερον, ὅτε μετανέστησαν
3 ~ > ’ὔ [4 ᾿Ξ θι ~ 3 ‘ + 7
ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου οἱ ᾿βραῖοι, εἰς τὴν Χαναναίαν
‘ A 9 f
ἐκόμισαν: οὕτως yap αὐτοὺς ὁ ᾿Ιώσηπος ἐξώρκισε.
Bee ;
τούτων οὖν ἕκαστος WS ἔσχε καὶ τίσι πόνοις ἐκρά-
~ Yr a ~
τησαν τῆς Navavatas σημανῶ προδιηγησάμενος
Ἁ > 7F > aA \ ” 3 7
τὴν αἰτίαν du’ ἣν τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐξέλιπον.

. ῃ , με . ε ͵ ι

(ix. 1) Αἰγυπτίοις τρυφεροῖς καὶ ῥᾳθύμοις πρὸς
πόνους οὖσι καὶ τῶν τε ἄλλων ἡδονῶν ἥττοσι καὶ
δὴ καὶ τῆς κατὰ φιλοκέρδειαν συνέβη δεινῶς πρὸς

\ re / a \ , a >
τοὺς ‘EBpatous διατεθῆναι κατὰ φθόνον τῆς εὐ-
δαιμονίας. ὁρῶντες γὰρ τὸ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν γένος
ἀκμάζον καὶ δι’ ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὸ πονεῖν

> he , ΄, » ͵ ᾿
εὐφυΐαν πλήθει χρημάτων ἤδη λαμπρούς, καθ
αὑτῶν αὔξεσθαι τούτους ὑπελάμβανον, ὧν ᾿ὰ ἦσαν
[εὖ] ὑπὸ ᾿Ιωσήπου͵ τετυχηκότες διὰ χρόνου μῆκος
λήθην λαβόντες καὶ τῆς βασιλείας εἰς ἄλλον οἶκον

1 om. KE Lat.
250

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 197-202

great possessions and never ceased to hold them in
highest regard.

(2) Then he too died, at the age of one hundred
and ten years, a man of admirable virtue, who
directed all affairs by the dictates of reason and
made but sparing use of his authority ; to which
fact he owed that great prosperity of his among the
igyptians, albeit he had come as a stranger and in
such pitiful circumstances as we have previously de-
scribed. His brethren also died after sojourning
happily in Egypt. Their bodies were earried some
time afterwards by their descendants [and their sons]
to Hebron and buried there.* But as for Joseph’s
bones, it was only later, when the Hebrews migrated
from Egypt, that they conveyed them to Canaan, in
accordance with the oath which Joseph had laid upon
them. How it fared with each of them and by what
efforts they conquered Canaan I shall recount, after
first relating the reason for which they left Egypt.

(ix. 1) The Egyptians, being a voluptuous people
and slack to labour, slaves to pleasure in general and
to a love of lucre in particular, eventually became
bitterly disposed towards the Hebrews through
envy of their prosperity. For seeing the race of
the Israelites flourishing and that their virtues and
aptitude for labour had already gained them the
distinction of abundant wealth, they believed that
their growth in power was to their own detriment.
Those benefits which they had received from
Joseph being through lapse of time forgotten, and
the kingdom having now passed to another dynasty,

¢ Not mentioned in the Old Testament narrative, but cf
Acts vii. 16.

2°)

Death of
Joseph.
Gen..L. 28.

Ex. i. 6.

Gen, }, 25.

Oppression
of the
Israelites.
ἰὐχε lec Os

203

202

205

206

JOSEPHUS

μετεληλυθυίας δεινῶς ἐνύβριζόν τε Tots ᾿Ισραηλίταις
καὶ ταλαιπωρίας αὐτοῖς ποικίλας ἐπενόουν. τόν
τε γὰρ ποταμὸν εἰς διώρυχας αὐτοῖς πολλὰς προσ-
ἔταξαν "διατεμεῖν τείχη τε οἰκοδομῆσαι ταῖς πόλεσι
καὶ χώματα, ὅπως ἂν εἴργοι τὸν ποταμὸν μὴ
λιμνάζειν [ἕως ἐκείνων 7" ἐπεκβαίνοντα, πυραμίδας
τε ἀνοικοδομοῦντες ἐξετρύχουν ἡμῶν τὸ γένος, ὡς
τέχνας τε παντοίας ἀναδιδάσκεσθαι καὶ τοῖς πόνοις
γενέσθαι συνήθεις. καὶ τετρακοσίων μὲν ἐτῶν
χρόνον διήνυσαν ταῖς ταλαιπωρίαις" ἀντεφιλονίκουν
γὰρ οἱ μὲν Λίγύπτιοι τοῖς πόνοις ἐξαπολέσαι τοὺς
᾿Ισραηλίτας θέλοντες, οἱ δ᾽ ἀεὶ κρείττους φαίνεσθαι
τῶν ἐπιταγμάτων.

(2) "Ev τούτοις δ᾽ ὄντων αὐτῶν τοῖς πράγμασιν
αἰτία τοῦ μᾶλλον σπουδάσαι περὶ τὸν ἀφανισμὸν
τοῦ γένους ἡμῶν τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις προσεγένετο
τοιαύτη" τῶν ᾿ἱερογραμματέων. τις, καὶ γάρ εἰσι
δεινοὶ περὶ τῶν μελλόντων τὴν ἀλήθειαν εἰπεῖν,
ἀγγέλλει τῷ βασιλεῖ τεχθήσεσθαί τινα κατ᾽
ἐκεῖνον τὸν καιρὸν τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις, ὃ ὃς ταπεινώσει
μὲν τὴν Αἰγυπτίων ἡγεμονίαν, αὐξήσει δὲ τοὺς
᾿Ισραηλίτας τραφεὶς ἀρετῇ τε πάντας ὑπερβαλεῖ
καὶ δόξαν ἀείμνηστον κτήσεται. δέίσας δ᾽ ὁ
βασιλεὺς κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἐκείνου κελεύει πᾶν
τὸ γεννηθὲν ἄρσεν ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν εἰς τὸν
ποταμὸν ῥιπτοῦντας διαφθείρειν, παραφυλάσσειν
τε τὰς ὠδῖνας τῶν Ἑβραίων γυναικῶν καὶ τοὺς
τοκετοὺς αὐτῶν παρατηρεῖν τὰς Αἰγυπτίων μαίας:

1om. ROE Lat.
~@ Amplification of Seripturc, whic h specifies only the
building of ‘‘ store cities, Pithom and Raamses,” Ex, i
> A round number, found also in Gen. xv. 13, but in-

consistent with other statements of Josephus. In Ex. xii. 40,
Zoe

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 202-206

they grossly maltreated the Israelites and devised
for them all manner of hardships. Thus they ordered
them to divide the river into numerous eanals, to build
ramparts for the cities and dikes to hold the waters of
the river and to prevent them from forming marshes
when they overflowed its banks ; and with tie rearing
of pyramid after pyramid they exhausted our race,?
whieh was thus apprenticed to all manner of erafts
and beeame inured to toil. For full four hundred
years ὃ they endured these hardships : it was indeed
a contest between them, the Egyptians striving to
kill off the Israelites with drudgery, and these ever
to show themselves superior to their tasks.

(2) While they were in this plight, a further
incident had the effect of stimulating the Egyptians
yet nore to exterminate our race. One of the sacred
scribes °—persons with considerable skill in aceurately
predieting the future—aunounced to the king that
there would be born to the Israelites at that time
one who would abase the sovereignty of the Egyptians
and exalt ihe Israclites, were he reared to man-
hood, and would surpass all men in virtue and win
everlasting renown. Alarmed thereat, the king, on
this sage’s adviee, ordered that every male ἘΞ
born to the Israelites should be destroyed by being
east into the river, and that the lahours of Hebrew
women with child should be observed and wateh
kept for their delivery by the Egyptian midwives :

where the sojourn in Kgypt is reckoned as 690. vears,
Josephus, following the _xx, includes in that period the
previous sojourn in Canaan and reduces the stay in Egypt
by one-half (to 215 years).
¢ Kygyptian priests, keepers and interpreters of the sacred
records. A Rabbinic allusion to a similar prediction of the
Egyptian astrologers is quoted by Weill.
253

Egyptian
prediction
of birth

of Moses:
orders to
destroy the
Israelite
infants.

Cf. Ex, i. 15.

JOSEPHUS

207 ὑπὸ yap τούτων αὐτὰς ἐκέλευε μαιοῦσθαι, at διὰ
συγγένειαν ἔμελλον μὴ παραβήσεσθαι τὴν τοῦ
βασιλέως βούλησιν" τοὺς μέντοι καταφρονήσαντας
τοῦ προστάγματος καὶ σώζειν λάθρα τολμήσαντας
τὸ τεχθὲν αὐτοῖς ἀναιρεῖσθαι σὺν τῇ γενεᾷ προσ-

208 ἐταξεν. δεινὸν οὖν τοῖς ὑπομένουσι τὸ πάθος,
ov! καθὸ παίδων ἀπεστεροῦντο καὶ γονεῖς ὄντες
αὐτοὶ πρὸς τὴν ἀπώλειαν ὑπούργουν τῶν γεννω-
μένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ ἡ ἐπίνοια τῆς τοῦ γένους αὐτῶν
ἐπιλείψεως, φθειρομένων μὲν τῶν τικτομένων,
αὐτῶν δὲ διαλυθησομένων, χαλεπὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ

209 δυσπαραμύθητον ἐποίει τὴν συμφοράν. καὶ οἱ
μὲν ἦσαν ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κακῷ" κρατήσειε δ᾽ ἂν
οὐδεὶς τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμης οὐδὲ μυρίας τέχνας

\ 4
ἐπὶ τούτῳ μηχανησάμενος" ὅ τε γὰρ παῖς, ὃν
προεῖπεν ὁ ἱερογραμματεύς, τρέφεται λαθὼν τὴν
τοῦ βασιλέως φυλακὴν καὶ ἀληθὴς ἐπὶ τοῖς ἐξ
αὐτοῦ γενησομένοις ὁ προειπὼν εὑρέθη. γίνεται
δ᾽ οὕτως.

210 (8) ᾿Αμαράμης τῶν εὖ γεγονότων παρὰ τοῖς
Ὡβραίοις, ὡς δεδιὼς ὑπὲρ τοῦ παντὸς ἔθνους, μὴ
σπάνει τῆς ἐπιτραφησομένης νεότητος ἐπιλείπῃ,
καὶ χαλεπῶς ἐφ᾽ αὑτῷ φέρων, ἐκύει γὰρ αὐτῷ τὸ

211 γύναιον, ἐν ἀμηχάνοις ἦν, καὶ πρὸς ἱκετείαν. τοῦ
θεοῦ τρέπεται παρακαλῶν οἶκτον ἤδη τινὰ λαβεῖν
αὐτὸν ἀνθρώπων μηδὲν τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν θρησκείας
παραβεβηκότων δοῦναί 7 ἀπαλλαγὴν αὐτοῖς ὧν
παρ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐκακοπάθουν τὸν καιρὸν καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽

212 ἀπωλείᾳ τοῦ γένους αὐτῶν ἐλπίδος. ὁ δὲ θεὸς
ἐλεήσας αὐτὸν καὶ πρὸς τὴν ἱκεσίαν ἐπικλασθεὶς

1 non tantum Lat,

254

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 207-212

for this office was, by his orders, to be performed by
women who, as compatriots of the king, were not
likely to transgress his will®: those who notwith-
standing ΤΕ this decree and ventured stealthily
to save their offspring he ordered to be put to death
along with their progeny. Terrible then was the
ealamity confronting the victims: not only were
they to be bereft of their children, not only must
the parents themselves be accessories to the destruc-
tion of their offspring, but the design of extinguishing
their race by the massacre of the infants and their
own approaching dissolution rendered their lot cruel
and ineconsolable. Such was their miserable situation 3
but no man can defeat the will of God, whatever
countless devices he may contrive to that end. For
this child, whose birth the sacred seribe had foretold,
was reared, eluding the king’s vigilance, and the
prophet’s words concerning all that was to be wrought
through him proved true; and this is how it happened.
(3) “Amaram(es), ὃ a Hebrew of noble birth, fearing
that the whole race would be extinguished through
lack of the sueceeding genet ration, and seriously
anxious on his own account because his wife was with
child, was in grievous perplexity. He accordingly
had recourse to prayer to God, beseeching Him to
take some pity at length on men who had in no wise
transgressed in their worship of Him, and to grant
them deliverance from the tribulations of the present
time and from the prospect of the extermination of
their race. And God had compassion on him and,
moved by his supplication, appeared to him in his
¢ Contrary to Ex. i. 15 ff., which states that the orders
were given to the Hebrew midwives.
’ The name Amram, omitted in Ex, ii. 1, is mentioned
later (vi. 20).
2590

God's
prediction
to Amram.

213

214

JOSEPHUS

ἐφίσταται κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους αὐτῷ Kal μήτε
ἀπογινώσκειν αὐτὸν περὶ τῶν μελλόντων παρ-
εκάλει τήν τε εὐσέβειαν αὐτῶν ἔλεγε διὰ μνήμης
ἔχειν καὶ τὴν ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἀμοιβὴν ἀεὶ παρέξειν,
ἤδη μὲν καὶ τοῖς προγόνοις αὐτῶν δωρησάμενος
τὸ are αἱ τοσοῦτον ,πλῆθος αὐτοὺς ἐξ ὀλίγων:
κα “Ἄβραμον μὲν μόνον ἐκ τῆς Mecomorajias
εἰς τὴν Ναναναίαν παραγενόμενον εὐδαιμονῆσαι
τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τῆς γυναικὸς αὐτῷ πρὸς γονὴν
ἀκάρπως ἐχούσης πρότερον, ἔπειτα κατὰ τὴν
αὐτοῦ βούλησιν ἀγαθῆς πρὸς τοῦτο γενομένης,
τεκνῶσαι παῖδας καὶ καταλιπεῖν μὲν ᾿Ισμαήλῳ
καὶ τοῖς ἐξ αὐτοῦ τὴν ᾿Αράβων χώραν, τοῖς ὃ
ἐκ ἰἱνλατούρας τὴν Τρωγλοδῦτιν, ᾿Ισάκῳ δὲ τὴν
Χαναναίαν. “᾿ ὅσα τε πολεμῶν κατὰ τὴν ἐμήν,
φησί, 7 συμμαχίαν ἠνδραγάθησε κἂν ἀσεβεῖς
εἶναι δόξαιτε' μὴ διὰ μνήμης ἔχοντες. _ laxwBov
δὲ καὶ τοῖς οὐχ ὁμοφύλοις γνώριμον εἶναι συμ-
βέβηκεν ἐπί τε μεγέθει τῆς εὐδαιμονίας μεθ᾽ ἧς
ἐβίωσε καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὐτοῦ κατέλιπεν, οὗ μετὰ
ἑβδομήκοντα τῶν πάντων εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀφικομέ-
νου ὑπὲρ ἑξήκοντά που μυριάδες" ἤδη ,“γεγόνατε.
νῦν δ᾽ ἐμὲ τοῦ κοινῇ συμφέροντος ὑμῶν lore
προνοούμενον. καὶ τῆς σῆς εὐκλείας: ὁ παῖς γὰρ
οὗτος, οὗ τὴν γένεσιν Αἰγύπτιοι δεδιότες κατ-
έκριναν ἀπολλύναι τὰ ἐξ ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν τικτόμενα,
σὸς ἔσται, καὶ λήσεται μὲν τοὺς ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ παρα-

216 ᾿Ξ ἐς, τραφεὶς δὲ παραδόξως τὸ μὲν

Ἑβραίων γένος τῆς παρ᾿ Αἰγυπτίοις ἀνάγκης
ἀπολύσει, μνήμης δὲ ἐφ ὅσον μενεῖ χρόνον τὰ
1 edd.: δόξητε καὶ codd.

2 μυριάδας ἔν.

250

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 212-216

sleep,? exhorted him not to despair of the future, and
told him that He had their piety in remembrance
and would ever give them its due recompense, even
as He had already granted their forefathers to grow
from a few souls into so great a multitude. He
reealled how Abraham, departing alone from Meso-
potamia on his journey to Canaan, had in every way
been blessed and above all how his wife, once barren,
had thereafter, thanks to His will, been rendered
tertile; how he had begotten sons and had bequeathed
to Ishmael and his deseendants the land of Arabia,
to his children by Katura Troglodytis,? to Isaae
Canaan. “ Aye,” He said, “ and all that prowess
that he displayed in war under my auspices,’ ye
would indeed be deemed impious not to hold in
remembrance. Jacob too became famous even among
an alien people for the height of that prosperity
to whieh he attained in his reine and which he
left to his ehildren ; with but seventy souls in all he
arrived in Egypt, and already ye are become upwards
of six hundred theusand.4. And now be it known to
vou that 1 am watching over the eommon welfare

of you all and thine own renown. This child, whose
birth has filled the Egyptians with such dread that
they have condemned to destruetion all the offspring
of the Israelites, shall indeed be thine; he shall
eseape those who are watching to destroy him, and,

reared in marvellous wise, he shall deliver the Hebrew
race from their bondage in Egypt, and be remem-

Aviram’s dream, an amplification of the Biblical
narrative, is mentioned in the oldest Rabbinic cominentary
on KE Sxoclus, known as Mechilta (Weill).

aa Pees ioe ¢ In the resene of Lot.
“The traditional exaggerated figure of the adult males
who left Egypt (Ex. xi. 37, Numb. xi. 21).

25°]

217

919

290

JOSEPHUS

σύμπαντα τεύξεται παρ᾽ ἀνθρώποις οὐχ “Ἑβραίοις
μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ "παρὰ τοῖς ἀλλοφύλοις, ἐμοῦ τοῦτο
χαριζομένου σοΐ τε καὶ τοῖς ἐκ σοῦ γενησομένοις.
ἔσται δ᾽ αὐτῷ καὶ ὁ ἀδελφὸς τοιοῦτος, ὥστε τὴν
ἐμὴν ἕξειν ἱερωσύνην αὐτόν τε καὶ τοὺς ἐγγόνους
αὐτοῦ διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου.

(4) Ταῦτα τῆς ὄψεως αὐτῷ “δηλωσάσης περι-
ἐγερθεὶς" δ ᾿Αμαράμης ἐδήλου Τῇ poe: γυνὴ
δ᾽ ἦν αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὸ δέος ἔτι μεῖζον ὃ ιὰ τὴν τοῦ

Α
ὀνείρου πρόρρησιν αὐτοῖς συνίστατο: οὐ γὰρ ὡς
περὶ παιδὸς μόνον εὐλαβεῖς ἦσαν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὡς
ἐπὶ μεγέθει τοσαύτης εὐδαιμονίας ἐσομένου. τοῖς
μέντοι προκατηγγελμένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πίστιν ὁ
τοκετὸς τῆς γυναικὸς παρεῖχε λαθούσης τοὺς
φύλακας διὰ τὴν τῶν ὠδίνων ἐπιείκειαν καὶ τῷ μὴ
βιαίας αὐτῇ προσπεσεῖν τὰς ἀλγηδόνας. καὶ τρεῖς
μὲν μῆνας παρ᾽ αὑτοῖς τρέφουσι λανθάνοντες"
ἔπειτα δὲ δείσας ᾿Αμαράμης, μὴ κατάφωρος
γένηται καὶ πεσὼν ὑπὸ τὴν τοῦ βασιλέως ὀργὴν
αὐτός τε ἀπόληται" μετὰ τοῦ παιδίου καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ
τὴν ἐπαγγελίαν ἀφανίσειεν, ἔγνω μᾶλλον ἐπὶ
τούτῳ ποιήσασθαι τὴν τοῦ παιδὸς σωτηρίαν καὶ
πρόνοιαν ἢ τῷ λήσεσθαι πεπιστευκώς, τοῦτο δ᾽
ἦν ἄδηλον, ἐναποκινδυνεύειν οὐ τῷ παιδὶ μόνον
κρυφαίως τρεφομένῳ ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτῷ: τὸν δὲ θεὸν
ἡγεῖτο πᾶσαν ἐκποριεῖν ἀσφάλειαν ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν
ψευδὲς γενέσθαι τῶν εἰρημένων. ταῦτα κρίναντες
μηχανῶνται πλέγμα βίβλινον, ἐμφερὲς τῇ κατα
σκευῇ κοιτίδι, μεγέθους αὐτὸ ποιήσαντες αὖ-
τάρκους εἰς τὸ μετ᾽ εὐρυχωρίας ἐναποκεῖσθαι τὸ

1 περιχαρὴς ἐγερθεὶς RO,
2 ἀπολεῖται codd.

258

JEWISH - ANTIQUITIES, [1..216=220

bered, so long as the universe shall endure, not ὃν
Hebrews alone but even by alien nations ; that favour
do I bestow upon thee and upon thy posterity.
Furthermore, he shall have a brother so blessed as
to hold my priesthood, he and his descendants,
throughout all ages.”’

(4) These things revealed to him in vision, Amaram
on awaking disclosed to Jochabel(e),? his wife; and
their fears were only the more intensified by the
prediction in the dream. For it was not merely for
a child that they were anxious, but for that high
felicity for which he was destined. However, their
belief in the promises of God was confirmed by the
manner of the woman’s delivery, since she escaped
the vigilance of the watch, thanks to the gentleness
of her travail, which spared her any violent throes.®
For three months they reared the child in secret ;
and then Amaram, fearing that he would be detected
and, incurring the king’s wrath, would perish himself
along with the young child and thus bring God’s
promise to nought, resolved to commit the salvation
and protection of the child to Him, rather than to
trust to the uncertain chance of concealment and
thereby endanger not only the child, clandestinely
reared, but himself also; assured that God would
provide complete security that nothing should be
falsified of that which He had spoken. Having so
determined, they constructed a basket of papyrus
reeds, fashioned in the form of a cradle, spacious
enough to give the infant ample room for repose ;

4 Bibl. Jochebed (txx ᾿Ιωχαβέδ) Ex. vi. 20; the final
consonant in the form above comes from confusion of the
Greek letters Δ and A and is perhaps attributable to later

scribes.
ὑ Amplification, with Rabbinic parallel (Weill).

259

Birth of
Moses: his
ex posure on
the Nile.

EBX, ii..2;

221

222

to
te
Go

225

JOSEPHUS

βρέφος, ἔπειτα χρίσαντες ἀσφάλτῳ, τῷ yap
ὕδατι τὴν διὰ τῶν πλεγμάτων ἀποφράττειν εἴσοδον
ἡ ἄσφαλτος πέφυκεν, ἐντιθέασι τὸ παιδίον καὶ
κατὰ τοῦ ποταμοῦ βαλόντες εἴασαν ἐπὶ τῷ θεῷ

Α , 3 ~ 4 \ \ ς \
τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῦ. Kal TO μὲν ὁ ποταμὸς
παραλαβὼν ἔφερε, διαριάμη. δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀδελφὴ
κελευσθεῖσα ὑπὸ τῆς μητρὸς ἀντιπαρεξήει φερό-
ΠΝ ὅποι χωρήσει ὀψομένη τὸ πλέγμα. ἔνθα

ὶ διέδειξεν ὁ θεὸς μηδὲν μὲν τὴν ἀνθρωπίνην
Tee πᾶν δ᾽ 6 τι καὶ βουληθείη πράττειν αὐτὸ'
τέλους ἀγαθοῦ τυγχάνον, καὶ διαμαρτάνοντας μὲν
τοὺς ὑπὲρ οἰκείας ἀσφαλείας ἄλλων κατακρίνοντας
ὄλεθρον καὶ πολλῇ περὶ τοῦτο“ χρησαμένους
σπουδῇ, σωζομένους δ᾽ ἐκ παραδόξου καὶ σχεδὸν
ἐκ μέσου τῶν κακῶν εὑρισκομένους τὴν εὐπραγίαν
τοὺς κινδυνεύοντας TH TOU θεοῦ γνώμῃ. τοιοῦτον
δέ τι καὶ περὶ τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον γενόμενον ἐμφανίζει
τὴν ἰσχὺν τοῦ θεοῦ.

(5) Θέρμουθις ἦν θυγάτηρ τοῦ βασιλέως. αὕτη
παίζουσα παρὰ τὰς ἢόνας τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ pepo:
μενον ὑπὸ τοῦ ῥεύματος θεασαμένη τὸ πλέγμα
κολυμβητὰς ἐπιπέμπει κελεύσασα τὴν κοιτίδα
πρὸς αὑτὴν ἐκκομίσαι. παραγενομένων δὲ τῶν
ἐπὶ τούτῳ σταλέντων μετὰ τῆς κοιτίδος ἰδοῦσα
τὸ παιδίον ὑπερηγάπησε μεγέθους τε ἕνεκα καὶ
κάλλους" τοσαύτῃ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς περὶ Mwvojy ἐχρή-
σατο σπουδῇ, ὡς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν τῶν ψηφισαμένων διὰ
τὴν αὐτοῦ γένεσιν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν ἐκ τοῦ
“Ἑβραίων γένους ἀπώλειαν ποιῆσαι τροφῆς καὶ

1 αὐτὸς (ipse) Lat.
2 Bekker: τούτου (τούτους) codd.
“ Miriam (Lxx ΔΙαριάμ) Ex. xv. 20.
200

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT, 221-225

then, having daubed it with bitumen, that substance
serving to prevent the water from penetrating through
the wicker-w ork, they placed the young child within
and, launching it on the river, committed his salvation
to God. The river received its charge and bore it
on, while Mariam(e),? the sister of the child, at her
mother’s bidding, kept pace with it along the bank
to see whither the basket would go. Then once
again did God plainly show that human intelligence is
nothing worth, but that all that He wills to accomplish
reaches its perfect end, and that they who, to save
themselves, condemn others to destruction utterly
fail, whatever diligence they may employ, while
those are saved by a miracle and attain success almost
from the very jaws of disaster, who hazard all by
divine decree. Even so did the fate that befell this
child display the power of God.

(5) The king had a daughter, Thermuthis.° Playing
by the river bank and spying the basket being borne
down the stream, she sent off some swimmers © with
orders to bring that cot to her. When these returned
from their errand with the cot, she, at sight of the
little child, was enchanted at its size and beauty ;
for such was the tender care which God showed
for Moses, that the very persons who by reason
of his birth had decreed the destruction of all
children of Hebrew parentage were made to con-

> Unnamed in Scripture, this princess bore various names
in tradition. ‘That in the text recurs in the Book of Jubilees
(xlvii. 5, “ Tharmuth ”’), a Jewish work of c. 100 B.c. with
which Josephus elsewhere agrees. Syncellus (i. 227, quoted
by Charles) adds a second, θέρμουθις ἡ καὶ Papin (alias Isis).
Artapanus (2nd cent. B.c., ap. Eus. Praep, Ev, ix. 27) calls
her Merris ; the Talmud, ‘after 1 Chron. iv. 18, Bithiah.
¢ Ex, ii, δ “ her handmaid ” (LXX THY ἅβραν).
261

His rescue
by the
princess.
Cf Ἐχ. A. 3,

227

228

290

JOSEPHUS

ἐπιμελείας ἀξιωθῆναι. κελεύει τε γύναιον ἡ Op
μουθις ἀχθῆναι παρέξον θηλὴν τῷ παιδίῳ. μὴ
προσεμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ τὴν θηλὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἀποστρα-
φέντος καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐπὶ πολλῶν ποιήσαντος γυναικῶν,
ἡ Μαριάμη παρατυγχάνουσα τοῖς γινομένοις οὐχ
ὥστε ἐκ παρασκευῆς δοκεῖν ἀλλὰ κατὰ θεωρίαν,

‘paTnv, εἶπεν, “ὦ βασίλισσα, ταύτας ἐπὶ
τροφῇ τοῦ παιδὸς μετακαλῇ τὰς γυναῖκας, αἵ
μηδὲν πρὸς αὐτὸ συγγενὲς ἔχουσιν. εἰ μέντοι
τινὰ τῶν “Ἑβραΐδων γυναικῶν ἀχθῆναι ποιήσειας,
τάχα ἂν προσοῖτο θηλὴν ὁμοφύλου." | δόξασαν δὲ
λέγειν εὖ κελεύει τοῦτ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐκπορίσαι καὶ τῶν
γαλουχουσῶν τινὰ μεταθεῖν. ἡ δὲ τοιαύτης ἐξ-
ουσίας λαβομένη παρῆν ἄγουσα τὴν μητέρα μηδενὶ
γινωσκομένην. καὶ τὸ παιδίον ἀσμενίσαν πως
προσφύεται τῇ θηλῇ, καὶ δεηθείσης τε τῆς βασι-
λίδος πιστεύεται τὴν τροφὴν τοῦ παιδίου πρὸς τὸ
Rave

(6) Kan’ αὐτῶν τὴν ἐπίκλησιν ταύτην τῶν συμ-
βεβηκότων ἔθετο εἰς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐμπεσόντι" τὸ
γὰρ ὕδωρ μῶν Αἰγύπτιοι καλοῦσιν, ἐσῆς δὲ τοὺς"
σωθέντας" συνθέντες οὖν ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τὴν προσ-
ηγορίαν αὐτῷ ταύτην τίθενται. καὶ ἦν ὁμολογου-
μένως κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόρρησιν φρονήματός
τε μεγέθει καὶ πόνων καταφρονήσει ᾿Εβραίων
ἄριστος. ἽἍβραμος γὰρ αὐτῷ πατὴρ ἔβδομος"
᾿Αμαράμου γὰρ αὐτὸς ἦν παῖς τοῦ [Ι(αάθου,
Καάθου δὲ πατὴρ Λευὶς ὁ τοῦ ᾿Ιακώβου, ὃς

1 RO: μετελθεῖν rell.
2 Niese suspects a lacuna.
3 Lat., Eustath.: + ἐξ ὕδατος codd.

α Josephus rejects the Biblical Hebrew etymology (Ex. ii.
262

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 225-229

descend to nourish and tend him. And so Thermuthis
ordered a woman to be brought to suckle the infant.
But when, instead of taking the breast, it spurned
it, and then repeated this action with several women,
Mariam, who had come upon the scene, apparently
without design and from mere curiosity, said, “ It
is lost labour. my royal lady, to summon to feed
the child these women who have no ties of kinship
with it. Wert thou now to have one of the Hebrew
women fetched, maybe it would take the breast of
one of its own race.” Her advice seemed sound, and
the princess bade her do this service herself and run
for a foster-mother. Availing herself of such per-
mission, the girl returned bringing the mother, whom
no one knew. Thereupon the infant, gleefully as it
were, fastened upon the breast, and, by request of
the princess, the mother was permanently entrusted
with its nurture.

(6) It was indeed from this very incident that the
princess gave him the name recalling his immersion
in the river, for the Egyptians call water méu and
those who are saved esés7; so they conferred on
him this name compounded of both words. And all
agree that, in accordance with the prediction of
God, for grandeur of intellect and contempt of toils
he was the noblest Hebrew of them all. [He was the
seventh from Abraham, being the son of Amaram,
who was the son of Caath, whose father was Levi,

10, ** heeause I drew him out of the water,’ Heb. mashah,
‘draw out”) for one professedly Egyptian. The first half
of his interpretation reeurs in Ap, i. 286, and in Philo, De vit.
Mos. i. 4, § 17 τὸ γὰρ ὕδωρ pov ὀνομάζουσιν Αἰγύπτιοι. But
“the Coptic etymology, mo ‘ water’ and wse ‘ rescued,’”’
“which fora time obtained general currency,” is now in turn
abandoned (ne. Bibl. art. Moses).

263

His name
and beauty.
Cf, Ex, ii. 10.

JOSEPHUS

ἦν ᾿Ισάκῳ γενόμενος, “Αβράμον δὲ οὗτος ἦν.

290 σύνεσις δὲ οὐ κατὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἐφύετ᾽ αὐτῷ τοῦ

δὲ ταύτης μέτρου πολὺ κρείττων, καὶ πρεσβυτέραν
διεδείκνυεν ταύτης τὴν περιουσίαν ev' ταῖς παιδιαῖς,
καὶ μειζόνων τῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς γενησομένων ἐπ-
αγγελίαν εἶχε τὰ τότε πραττόμενα. καὶ τριετεῖ μὲν
αὐτῷ γεγενημένῳ θαυμαστὸν ὁ θεὸς τὸ τῆς
ἡλικίας ἐξῆρεν ἀνάστημα, πρὸς δὲ κάλλος οὐδεὶς
ἀφιλότιμος ἦν οὕτως, ὡς Μωυσῆν θεασάμενος μὴ
ἐκπλαγῆναι τῆς εὐμορφίας, πολλοῖς τε συνέβαινε
καθ᾽ ὁδὸν φερομένῳ συντυγχάνουσιν ἐπιστρέφε-
σθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τῆς ὄψεως τοῦ παιδός, ἀφιέναι δὲ τὰ
σπουδαζόμενα καὶ τῇ θεωρίᾳ προσευσχολεῖν αὐτοῦ"
καὶ γὰρ 7 χάρις ἡ παιδικὴ πολλὴ καὶ ἄκρατος περὶ
αὐτὸν οὖσα κατεῖχε τοὺς ὁρῶντας.

(7 ) ‘Ovra δ᾽ αὐτὸν τοιοῦτον ἡ Θέρμουθις παῖδα
ποιεῖται γονῆς γνησίας οὐ μεμοιραμένη, καί ποτε
κομίσασα τὸν Μωυσῆν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα ἐπεδείκνυε
τοῦτον καὶ ὡς φροντίσειε διαδοχῆς, εἰ καὶ βουλήσει
θεοῦ μὴ τύχοι παιδὸς γνησίου, πρὸς αὐτὸν" ἔλεγεν,
ἀναθρεψαμένη παῖδα μορφῇ τε θεῖον καὶ φρονή-
ματι γενναῖον, θαυμασίως δὲ αὐτὸν καὶ παρὰ τῆς
τοῦ ποταμοῦ λαβοῦσα χάριτος ἢ ἐμαυτῆς μὲν
ἡγησάμην. παῖδα ποιήσασθαι, τῆς δὲ σῆς βασιλείας

233 διάδοχον.᾿᾿ ταῦτα λέγουσα Tals TOU πατρὸς χερσὶν

1 Read perhaps κἀν. 2 + τε codd.

* The sentence, condemned by some editors as an in-
terruption of the narrative, may be a postscript of the
author. The statement, in accordance with Scripture, that
Moses was in the fourth generation from Jacob, conflicts
with the 400 years’ stay in Egypt (§ 204).

> Or“ ave’; cf. and contrast Lk. ii. 52.

204

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 229-233

the son of Jacob, who was the son of Isaac, the son
of Abraham.]|* His growth in understanding was not
in line with his growth in stature? but far outran
the measure of his years: its maturer excellence
was displayed in his very games, and his actions then
gave promise of the greater deeds to be wrought by
him on reaching manhood. When he was three years
old, God gave wondrous increase to his stature ; and
none was so indifferent to beauty as not, on seeing
Moses, to be amazed at his comeliness. And it
often happened that persons meeting him as he was
borne along the highway turned, attracted by the
child’s appearance, and neglected their serious affairs
to gaze at leisure upon him: indeed childish charm
so perfect and pure as his held the beholders spell-
bound.¢

(7) Such was the child whom Thermuthis adopted
as her son,? being blessed with no offspring of her
own. Now one day she brought Moses to her father
and showed him to him, and told him how she had
been mindful for the succession, were it God’s will to
grant her no child of her own, by bringing up a boy
of divine beauty and generous spirit, and by what a
miracle she had received him of the river’s bounty,
“and methought,” she said, “* to make bim my child

o
and heir to thy kingdom.” With these words she

¢ S. Stephen’s phrase, ἣν ἀστεῖος τῴ θεῷ (Acts vii. 20),
is the only Biblical allusion to the child’s beauty, attested
by Rabbinical tradition. Cf. the Midrash on Ex. ii. 10
(ed, Wiinsehe), “ Pharaoh’s daughter . . . let him no more
leave the king’s palace ; because he was beautiful all wished
to see him, and whoever saw him could not turn away
from him,”

4 Ex. ii. 10; the rest of this section and the chapter
following it are amplification of the Scripture narrative.

The infant
Moses and
Pharaoh.

JOSEPHUS

3 ,ὔ Α
ἐντίθησι τὸ βρέφος, ὁ δὲ λαβὼν καὶ προσστερνισά-
43
μενος κατὰ φιλοφρόνησιν χάριν τῆς θυγατρὸς
ἐπιτίθησιν αὐτῷ τὸ διάδημα: καταφέρει δ᾽ ὁ
Μωυσῆς εἰς τὴν γῆν περιελόμενος αὐτὸ κατὰ
234 νηπιότητα δῆθεν ἐπέβαινέ τε αὐτῷ τοῖς ποσί. καὶ
~ » > 4 2." ~ / 7
τοῦτο ἔδοξεν οἰωνὸν ἐπὶ τῇ βασιλείᾳ φέρειν.
θεασάμενος δ᾽ ὁ ἱερογραμματεὺς ὁ καὶ τὴν γένεσιν
αὐτοῦ προειπὼν ἐπὶ ταπεινώσει “τῆς Αἰγυπτίων
ἀρχῆς ἐσομένην “ὥρμησεν ἀποκτεῖναι, καὶ δεινὸν
235 ἀνακραγών, οὗτος, εἶπε, “ βασιλεῦ, ὁ παῖς
> - Δ 3 “
ἐκεῖνος, ὃν κτείνασιν ἡμῖν ἐδήλωσεν ὁ ὁ θεὸς ἀφόβοις
εἶναι, μαρτυρεῖ τῇ προαγορεύσει «διὰ» τοῦ γεγονό-
> ¢
TOS ἐπιβεβηκὼς ἡγεμονίᾳ τῇ σῇ καὶ πατῶν τὸ
διάδημα. τοῦτον οὖν ἀνελὼν Αἰγυπτίοις μὲν τὸ
ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δέος ἄνες, “Ἑβραίοις δὲ τὴν ἐλπίδα τοῦ
236 δι᾿ αὐτὸν θάρσους ἀφελοῦ.᾽᾿ φθάνει δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡ
Θέρμουθις ἐξαρπάσασα, καὶ πρὸς τὸν φόνον ὀκνη-
ρὸς ἦν ὁ βασιλεὺς, τοιοῦτον αὐτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ παρα-
σκευάσαντος, ᾧ πρόνοια τῆς Μωυσέος σωτηρίας
ἦν. ἐτρέφετο οὖν πολλῆς ἐπιμελείας τυγχάνων,
καὶ τοῖς μὲν Ἕβραίοις ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ παρῆν ἐλπὶς" περὶ
237 τῶν ὅλων, δι΄ ὑποψίας δ᾽ εἶχον Αἰγύπτιοι τὴν
ἀνατροφὴν αὐτοῦ: μηδενὸς δ᾽ ὄντος φανεροῦ, δι᾽
ὃν" κἂν ἀπέκτεινεν αὐτὸν δ βασιλεὺς [μηδὲν ὄντα |*
ἢ συγγενοῦς" διὰ τῆς εἰσποιήσεως ἢ τῶν ἄλλων
,,δβ' ; ον 9 , ἃς > , >
τινός, ᾧ πλέον ὑπὲρ ὠφελείας τῆς Αἰγυπτίων ἐκ
1 ins. Ernesti. 2 ROE: εὐέλπισιν εἶναι rell.
3 RO: ὃ rell.
4 μηδὲ ὄντος O: the words have perhaps come in from the
previous line.
6 μηδὲν, . . ovyyevous] v.l. 7) μηδὲν ὄντα καὶ συγγενῆ.
BOLTS

206

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ITI. 233-237

laid the babe in her father’s arms ; and he took and
clasped him affectionately to his breast and, to please
his daughter, placed his diadem upon his head. But
Moses tore it off and flung it to the ground, in mere
childishness, and trampled it underfoot *; and this
was taken as an omen of evil import to the kingdom.
At that spectacle the sacred scribe who had foretold
that this ehild’s birth would lead to the abasement
of the Egyptian empire rushed forward to kill him
with a fearful shout: “ This,” he cried, “Ὁ king,
this is that child whom God declared that we must
kill to allay our terrors ; he bears out the prediction
by that act of insulting thy dominion and trampling
the diadem under foot. Kill him then and at one
stroke relieve the Egyptians of their fear of him and
deprive the Hebrews of the courageous hopes that
he inspires.” But Thermuthis was too quick for him
and snatched the child away ; the king too delayed
to slay him, from a hesitation induced by God, whose
providence watched over Moses’ life. He was
accordingly educated with the utmost care, the
Hebrews resting the highest hopes upon him for
their future, while the Egyptians viewed his up-
bringing with misgiving. However, since even if
the king slew him, there was no one else in sight,
whether relative by adoption or any other, in whom
they could put more confidence to act in the interest

¢ The Midrash on Ex. ii, 10 already quoted gives the
legend in another form, ‘‘ Pharaoh kissed and embraced
him and took him to his breast, and he [Moses] took the
crown from VPharaoh’s head and set it upon his own, as he
was once to do, when grown to manhvood.”” Another Midrash,
Tanchuma quoted by Weill, agrees with Josephus, except
that the child seizes the crown trom the king's head.

207

238

239

240

949

JOSEPHUS

τοῦ προειδέναι τὰ μέλλοντα θαρρεῖν παρῆν, ἀπ-
εἰχοντο τῆς ἀναιρέσεως αὐτοῦ.

(x. 1) Μωυσῆς μὲν [οὖν] τῷ προειρημένῳ τρόπῳ
γεννηθείς τε καὶ τραφεὶς καὶ παρελθὼν. εἰς ἡλικίαν
φανερὰν τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις. τὴν ἀρετὴν ἐποίησε καὶ
τὸ ἐπὶ ταπεινώσει μὲν τῇ ἐκείνων, ἐπ᾿ αὐξήσει δὲ

τῶν Ἑβραίων γεγονέναι τοιαύτης ἀφορμῆς λαβό-
μενος" Αἰθίοπες, πρόσοικοι δ᾽ εἰσὶ τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις,
ἐμβαλόντες εἰς χώραν αὐτῶν ἔφερον καὶ ἦγον τὰ
τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. οἱ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς στρατεύουσιν ἐπ
αὐτοὺς ἀμυνούμενοι" τῆς “καταφρονήσεως, καὶ τῇ
μάχῃ ᾿Κρατηθέντες οἱ μὲν αὐτῶν ἔπεσον οἱ δ᾽
αἰσχρῶς εἰς τὴν οἰκείαν διεσώθησαν φυγόντες.
ἐπηκολούθησαν δὲ διώκοντες Αἰθίοπες Καὶ, μαλα-
κίας ὑπολαβόντες τὸ μὴ κρατεῖν ἁπάσης τῆς
Αἰγύπτου, τῆς χώρας ἐπὶ πλεῖον “ἥπτοντο καὶ
γευσάμενοι τῶν ἀγαθῶν οὐκέτ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπείχοντο"
ὡς δὲ τὰ γειτνιῶντα μέρη πρῶτον αὐτοῖς ἐπ-
ἐρχομένων οὐκ ἐτόλμων ἀντιστρατεύειν, προύβησαν
ἄχρι Μέμφεως καὶ τῆς θαλάσσης οὐδεμιᾶς τῶν
πόλεων ἀντισχεῖν δυνηθείσης. τῷ δὲ κακῷ πιε-
ζομενοι πρὸς χρησμοὺς Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ μαντείας
τρέπονται" συμβουλεύσαντος δ᾽ αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ
συμμάχῳ χρήσασθαι τῷ ‘EBpaiw κελεύει ὁ βασι-
evs τὴν θυγατέρα παρασχεῖν τὸν “Μωυσῆν στρα-

5 τηγὸν αὐτῷ γενησόμενον. ἡ δὲ ὅρκους ποιησα-

11 αἴ. : ἀμυνόμενοι codd.

α Text corrupt and meaning obscure. I take it to mean
that there was no other heir apparent. With the reading
δι᾿ ὃ (for δι᾿ ὃν) and other changes found in the ‘* inferior ἡ
type of mss., we might translate (with Weill) “‘ But since
there was no apparent motive why he should be killed

268

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, HH. 237-242

of the Egyptians through his foreknowledge of the
future,” they refrained foi slaying him.

(x. 1) Moses then, born and brought up in the
manner already deseribed, on coming of age gave
the Egyptians signal proof of his eric and Pilar he
was born for their humiliation and for the advanee-
ment of the Hebrews; here is the occasion which
he seized.2 The Ethiopians, who are neighbours of
the Egyptians, invaded their territory and pillaged
their possessions ; the Egyptians in indignation made
a eampaign against them to avenge the affront and,
being beaten in battle, some fell and the rest in-
gloriously eseaped to their own land by flight. But
the Ethiopians followed in hot pursuit, and, deeming
it feebleness not to subdue the whole of Egypt, they
assailed the country far and wide and, having tasted
of its riches, refused to relinquish their hold; and,
sinee the neighbouring districts exposed to their
first incursions did not venture to oppose them, they
advaneed as far as Memphis and to the sea, none of
the cities being able to withstand them. Oppressed
by this ealamity, the Egyptians had recourse to
oraeles and divinations ; and when counsel came to
them from God to take the Hebrew for their ally,
the king bade his daughter give up Moses to serve

9 o
as his general. And she, after her father had sworn

whether by the king, whose relative he was by adoption, or
by any other who had greater hardihood in the interests,” ete.
> The following legend, an invention of the Jewish colony
αἱ Alexandria, doubtless grew out of the obscure allnsion
in Numb. xii. 1 to the δ Cushite woman’? whom Moses
‘**had married”; the existence of this Ethiopian wife called
for explanation. A collateral form of the legend appears in
Artapanus (2nd eent. u.c., ap. Ens. Praep, Ee. ix. 27, 432 ἃ):
the narrative of Josephus is more detailed and cannot be
derived dircetly from Artapanus.
VOL: IV K YOY

Ethiopian
invasion of
Egypt:
Moses
selected as
general of
Egyptiau
army.

243

244

245

to
Cc

JOSEPHUS

μένῳ, ὥστε μηδὲν διαθεῖναι κακόν, παραδίδωσιν
ἀντὶ μεγάλης μὲν εὐεργεσίας κρίνουσα τὴν συμ-
μαχίαν, κακίζουσα δὲ τοὺς ἱερέας, εἰ κτεῖναι προ-
αγορεύσαντες αὐτὸν ὡς πολέμιον οὐκ ἠδοῦντο νῦν
χρήζοντες αὐτοῦ τῆς “ἐπικουρίας.

(9) Μωυσῆς δὲ ὑπό τε τῆς Θερμούθιδος παρα-
κληθεὶς καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ βασιλέως ἡδέως. προσδέχεται
τὸ ἔργον" ἔχαιρον δ᾽ οἱ ἱερογραμματεῖς ἀμφοτέρων
τῶν ἐθνῶν, Αἰγυπτίων μὲν ὡς τούς τε πολεμίους
τῇ ἐκείνου κρατήσοντες ἀρετῇ καὶ τὸν Μωυσῆν
Lev} ταὐτῷ δόλῳ κατεργασόμενοι, οἱ δὲ τῶν
“Ἑβραίων ὡς φυγεῖν αὐτοῖς ἐσομένου τοὺς Αἰγυ-
πτίους διὰ τὸ Μωυσῆν αὐτοῖς στρατηγεῖν. ὁ δὲ
φθάσας πρὶν ἢ καὶ πυθέσθαι τοὺς πολεμίους τὴν
ἔφοδον αὐτοῦ τὸν στρατὸν ἀναλαβὼν ἦγεν, οὐ διὰ
τοῦ ποταμοῦ ποιησάμενος τὴν ἐλασίαν ἀλλὰ διὰ
γῆς. ἔνθα τῆς αὐτοῦ συνέσεως θαυμαστὴν ἐπίδειξιν
ἐποιήσατο" τῆς γὰρ γῆς οὔσης χαλεπῆς ὁδευθῆναι
διὰ πλῆθος ἑρπετῶν, παμφορωτάτη γάρ ἐστι τού-
των, ὡς καὶ τὰ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις οὐκ ὄντα μόνη τρέφειν
δυνάμει τε καὶ κακίᾳ καὶ τῷ τῆς ὄψεως ἀσυνήθει
διαφέροντα, τινὰ δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐστι καὶ πετεινὰ ὡς
λανθάνοντα μὲν ἀπὸ γῆς κακουργεῖν καὶ μὴ προ-
ἰδομένους ἀδικεῖν ὑπερπετῆ γενόμενα, νοεῖ πρὸς
ἀσφάλειαν καὶ ἀβλαβῆ πορείαν τοῦ στρατεύματος
στρατήγημα θαυμαστόν' πλέγματα γὰρ ἐμφερῆ
κιβωτοῖς ἐκ βίβλου; κατασκευάσας καὶ πληρώσας
ἴβεων ἐκόμιζε. πολεμιώτατον δ᾽ ἐστὶν ὄφεσι τοῦτο
τὸ ζῷον: φεύγουσί τε γὰρ ἐπερχομένας καὶ ἀφ-
ιστάμενοι καθάπερ ὑπ᾽ ἐλάφων ἁρπαζόμενοι κατα-

1 RO: om, rell. 2 βύβλον Dindorf.
270

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 242-246

to do him no injury, surrendered him, judging that
great benefit would come of such an alliance, while
reproaching the knavish priests who, after having
spoken of putting him to death as an enemy, were
now not ashamed to crave his succour.

(2) Moses, thus summoned both by Thermuthis
and by the king,” gladly aecepted the task, to the
delight of the sacred scribes of both nations ; ἴον
the Egyptians hoped through his valour both to
defeat their foes and at the same time to make
away with Moses by guile, while the Hebrew
hierarchy foresaw the possibility of escape from the
Egyptians with Moses as their general. He there-
upon, to surprise the enemy before they had even
learnt of his approach, mustered and marched off his
army, taking the route not by way of the river but
through the interior. There he gave a wonderful
proof of his sagacity. For the route is rendered
difficult for a march by reason of a multitude of
serpents, which the region produces in abundant
varieties, insomuch that there are some found no-
where else and bred here alone, remarkable for their
power, their malignity, and their strange aspect ;
and among them are some which are actually winged,
so that they can attack one from their hiding-place
in the ground or inflict unforeseen injury by rising
into the air. Moses, then, to provide security and
an innocuous passage for his troops, devised a
marvellous stratagem: he had baskets, resembling
chests,’ made of the bark of papyrus, and took these
with him full of ibises. Now this animal is the
serpents’ deadliest enemy: they flee before its onset
and in making off are caught, just as they are by

4 Called Chenephres by Artapanus, ὩΣ Orr ark see
201

His
victorious
campaign,

Desert
march and
circumven-
tion of the
serpeuts.

247

244

250

JOSEPHUS

πίνονται" χειροήθεις δ᾽ εἰσὶν at ἰβεις καὶ πρὸς μόνον
τὸ τῶν ὀῴφεων γένος ἄγριοι. καὶ περὶ μὲν. τούτων
παρίημι νῦν γράφειν οὐκ ἀγνοούντων τῶν ‘EX-
~ ’ Ἁ δὴν > 3 ~
λήνων τῆς ἰβιδος τὸ εἶδος. ὡς οὖν εἰς τὴν γῆν
’ >
ἐνέβαλε τὴν. θηριοτρόφον, ταύταις ἀπεμάχετο τὴν
τῶν ἑρπετῶν φύσιν ἐπαφεὶς αὐτοῖς καὶ προ-
> a
πολεμούσαις γρώμενος. τοῦτον οὖν ὁδεύσας τὸν
τρόπον οὐδὲ προμαθοῦσι παρῆν τοῖς Αἰθίοψι, καὶ
συμβαλὼν αὐτοῖς κρατεῖ τῇ μάχῃ καὶ τῶν ἐλπ tour,
ἃς εἶχον ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους, ἀφαιρεῖται τάς τε
πόλεις αὐτῶν ἐπήει καταστρεφόμενος, καὶ φόνος
Ἁ ~ > é > A ~
πολὺς τῶν Αἰθιόπων ἐπράττετο. Kat τῆς διὰ
~ ’ ’ λ ~ >
λ]ωυσῆν εὐπραγίας γευσάμενον τὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων
- 7 e
στράτευμα πονεῖν οὐκ ἔκαμνεν, ὡς περὶ avopa-
~ \ ~
ποδισμοῦ καὶ παντελοῦς ἀναστάσεως τὸν κίνδυνον
5 α 527 \ , , >
εἶναι tots Αἰθίοψι: Kat τέλος συνελαθέντες εἰς
Ψ > “- : ᾿]
Σαβὰν πόλιν βασίλειον οὖσαν τῆς Αἰθιοπίας, ἣν
ο 7 2 ’ὔ > ’ 90 ~
ὕστερον Καμβύσης Mepony ἐπωνόμασεν ἀδελφῆς
" - > ~ >
ἰδίας τοῦτο καλουμένης, ἐπολιορκοῦντο. ἦν δὲ
δυσπολιόρκητον σφόδρα τὸ χωρίον τοῦ τε Νείλου
περιέχοντος αὐτὴν. καὶ κυκλουμένου ποταμῶν τε
ἄλλων ᾿Αστάπου καὶ ᾿Ασταβόρα δύσμαχον τοῖς
, ‘ cA
πειρωμένοις διαβαίνειν TO ῥεῦμα ποιούντων: ἡ
’ \ > e 2 ἀν Ὡς ;
γὰρ πόλις ἐντὸς οὖσα ὡς νῆσος οἰκεῖται τείχους
~ ~ 3 A
τε αὐτῇ καρτεροῦ περιηγμένου καὶ πρὸς μὲν
4} was tempted to read ὑπ ἐλαῴφςκροτέρρων “ by their
nimbler adversaries’: but no emendation is needed. Bochart,
Hierozoicon, i. 885 f. (1675), quotes an array of classical
allusions to serpent-eating stags, who, according to one
scholiast, derived their very name ἔλαφος from the habit:
εἴρηται δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἐλεῖν τὰς ὄφεις, οἱονεὶ EXoMis Tis wv! See
Mairs Oppian ΠΟ νη tic 233, Hal. 33. 289.7

δ All that Artapanus tells us is that the war lasted ten
years and that on account of the size of his army Moses

272

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. II. 246-250

stags,? and swallowed up. The ibis is otherwise a
tame creature and ferocious only to the serpent
tribe; but I refrain from further words on this
subject, for Greeks are not unacquainted with the
nature of the ibis. When, therefore, he entered the
infested region, he by means of these birds beat off
the vermin. letting them loose upon them and using
these auxiliaries to elear the ground.? Having thus
accomplished the march, he came wholly unexpected
upon the Ethiopians. joined battle with them and
defeated them, crushing their eherished hopes of
mastering the Egyptians, and then proceeded to
attack fad overthrow their eities, great earnage of
the Ethiopians ensuing. After tasting of this success
which Moses had brought them, the ‘Egy ptian army
showed such indefatigable energy that the Ethiopians
were menaced with servitude and complete extirpa-
tion. In the end they were all driven into Saba, the
capital of the Ethiopian realm, which Cambyses later
ealled Meroe after the name of his sister,“ and were
there besieged. But the place offered extreme ob-
stacles to a besieger, for the Nile enelosed it in a eirele
and other rivers, the Astapus? and the Astabaras,?
added to the difficulty of the attack for any who
attempted to eross the current. The eity which lies
within in faet resembles an island: strong walls
encompass it and as a bulwark against its enemies

built a city, called Hermopolis, in which he consecrated the
ibis because it slays the creatures that injure men (xai τὴν
isi ἐν αὐτῇ καθιερῶσαι διὰ τὸ ταύτην τὰ βλάπτοντα ζῴα τοὺς
ἀνθρώπους ἀναιρεῖν).

¢ Who died there: according to another account, she was
his wife (Strabo, xvil. 5. 190).

4 Vhe Bahr-el-Azrek or Blue Nile.

¢ A minor tributary; Tucazz/ is the name given to it in
Smith’s Diet. of Greek and Roman Geography.

JOSEPHUS

τοὺς πολεμίους πρόβλημα τοὺς ποταμοὺς ἔχουσα

χώματά τε μεγάλα μεταξὺ τοῦ τείχους, ὥστε ἀν-

επίκλυστον εἶναι βιαιότερον ὑπὸ πληθώρας" φερο-
; ᾿ Δ :

μένων, ἅπερ καὶ τοῖς περαιωσαμένοις τοὺς ποτα-

μοὺς ἄπορον ἐποίει τῆς πόλεως τὴν ἅλωσιν.

251 φέροντι τοίνυν ἀηδῶς τῷ Μωυσεῖ τὴν τοῦ στρατεύ-
ματος ἀργίαν, εἰς χεῖρας γὰρ οὐκ ἐτόλμων ἀπαντᾶν

252 οἱ πολέμιοι, συνέτυχέ τι τοιοῦτον. Θάρβις θυγά-
typ ἦν τοῦ Αἰθιόπων βασιλέως. αὕτη τὸν Mwvaojv
πλησίον τοῖς τείχεσι προσάγοντα τὴν στρατιὰν καὶ
μαχόμενον γενναίως ἀποσκοποῦσα καὶ τῆς ἐπινοίας
τῶν ἐγχειρήσεων θαυμάζουσα, καὶ τοῖς τε Αἰψυπ-
τίοις αἴτιον ἀπεγνωκόσιν ἤδη ΤῊΣ ἐλευθερίαν τῆς
εὐπραγίας ὑπολαμβάνουσα καὶ τοῖς Αἰθίοψιν αὐ-
χοῦσιν ἐπὶ τοῖς Kat αὐτῶν κατωρθωμένοις τοῦ
περὶ τῶν ἐσχάτων κινδύνου, εἰς ἔρωτα δεινὸν
ὥὦλισθεν αὐτοῦ καὶ περιόντος τοῦ πάθους πέμπει
πρὸς αὐτὸν τῶν οἰκετῶν τοὺς πιστοτάτους δια-

253 λεγομένη περὶ γάμου. προσδεξαμένου δὲ τὸν λόγον
ἐπὶ τῷ παραδοῦναι. τὴν πόλιν καὶ ποιησαμένου
πίστεις ἐνόρκους ἢ μὴν ἄξεσθαι γυναῖκα καὶ
κρατήσαντα τῆς πόλεως μὴ παραβήσεσθαι τὰς συν-
θήκας, φθάνει τὸ ἔργον τοὺς λόγους. καὶ μετὰ τὴν
ἀναίρεσιν τῶν Αἰθιόπων εὐχαριστήσας τῷ θεῷ
συνετέλει τὸν γάμον διωυσῆς καὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους
ἀπήγαγεν εἰς τ ἑαυτῶν.

254 (ΧΙ. 1) Ot δ᾽ ἐξ ὧν ἐσώζοντο ὑπὸ Μωυσέος
μῖσος ἐκ τούτων πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀνελάμβανον καὶ
θερμότερον ἅπτεσθαι τῶν κατ᾽ αὐτοῦ βουλευμάτων
ἠξίουν, ὑπονοοῦντες μὲν μὴ διὰ τὴν εὐπραγίαν
νεωτερίσειε κατὰ τὴν Αἴγυπτον, διδάσκοντες δὲ

255 τὸν βασιλέα περὶ τῆς σφαγῆς. ὁ δὲ καὶ καθ᾽
274:

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 11, 250-255

it has the rivers, besides great dikes within the
ramparts to protect it from inundation when the
foree of the swollen streams is unusually violent ;
and it is these whieh made the eapture of the town
so difficult even to those who had crossed the rivers.
Moses, then, was chafing at the inaetion of his army,
for the enemy would not venture upon an engagement,
when he met with the following adventure. Tharbis,
the daughter of the king of the Ethiopians, watching
Moses bringing his troops elose beneath the ramparts
and fighting valiantly, marvelled at the ingenuity of
his manoeuvres and, understanding that it was to
him that the Egyptians, who but now despaired of
their independence, owed all their suecess, and
through him that the Ethiopians, so boastful of their
feats against them, were reduced to the last straits,
fell madly in love with him ; and under the mastery
of this passion she sent to him the most trusty of her
menials to make him an offer of marriage. He
aecepted the proposal on condition that she would
surrender the town, pledged himself by oath verily
to take her to wife and, once master of the town,
not to violate the pact, whereupon aetion outstripped
parley. After chastisement of the Ethiopians, Moses
rendered thanks to God, celebrated the nuptials, and
led the Egyptians back to their own land.

(xi. 1) But the Egyptians, thus saved by Moses,
eoneeived from their very deliveranee a hatred for
him and thought good to pursue with greater ardour
their plots upon his life, suspeeting that he would
take advantage of his suecess to revolutionize Egypt,
and suggesting to the king that he should be put to
death. He on his own part was harbouring thoughts

1 ROE: πλημμύρας τοὶ],
ΟἿ Ὁ

Moses
marries

the Ethiop-
ian princess.

Flight of
Moses to
Madian.

Cf. Ex. ii. 15.

JOSEPHUS

αὑτὸν μὲν εἶχε THY τοῦ πράγματος ἐπίνοιαν ὑπό TE
φθόνου τῆς Μίωυσέος στρατηγίας καὶ ὑπὸ δέους
ταπεινώσεως, ἐπειχθεὶς δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερογραμμα-
τέων οἷός τε ἦν ἐγχειρεῖν τῇ Μωυσέος ἀναιρέσει.

256 φθάσας δὲ τὴν ἐπιβουλὴν καταμαθεῖν λαθὼν
ὑπέξεισι: καὶ τῶν ὁδῶν φυλαττομένων ποιεῖται
διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου τὸν δρασμὸν καὶ ὅθεν ἦν ὑπόνοια
μὴ λαβεῖν τοὺς ἐχθρούς, ἀπορός τε ὧν τροφῆς

257 ἀπηλλάττετο τῇ καρτερίᾳ καταφρονῶν, εἴς τε
πόλιν δαδιανὴν ἀφικόμενος πρὸς μὲν τῇ ᾿ρυθρᾷ
θαλάσσῃ κειμένην ἐπώνυμον δ᾽ ἑνὸς τῶν “ABpapw
γενομένων ἐκ Ϊκατούρας υἱῶν, καθεσθεὶς ἐπί τινος
φρέατος ἐκ τοῦ κόπου καὶ τῆς ταλαιπωρίας ἠρέμει
μεσημβρίας οὔσης οὐ πόρρω τῆς πόλεως. ἐνταῦθ᾽
αὐτῷ συνέβη καὶ πρᾶξις ἐκ διαίτης τῶν αὐτόθι
συστήσασα τὴν ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον
ἀφορμὴν παρασχοῦσα.

258 (2) Τῶν γὰρ χωρίων δυσύδρων ὄντων προκατ-
ελάμβανον οἱ ποιμένες το φρέατα, ὅπως μὴ προ-
εξαναλωμένου τοῦ ὕδατος ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων σπανίζοι
ποτοῦ τὰ θρέμματα. παραγίνονται οὖν ἐπὶ τὸ
φρέαρ € ἑπτὰ παρθένοι ἀδελφαί, “Ραγουήλου θυγατέ-
pes ἱερέως καὶ πολλῆς ἠξιωμένου τιμῆς παρὰ τοῖς

259 ε ἐπιχωρίοις, at τῶν τοῦ πατρὸς ποιμνίων ἐπι-
μελούμεναι, διὰ τὸ ταύτην ὑπουργίαν εἶναι καὶ
γυναιξὶν ἐ ἐπιχώριον παρὰ τοῖς Τρωγλοδύταις, φθάσα-
σαι τὸ aT ERS ἐκ τοῦ φρέατος ἀνέσπασαν ὕδωρ

καὶ ὅθεν. , ἐχθρούς om. Lat.

@ Josephus omits the Biblical motive for Pharaoh’s wrath,
viz. the murder of an Egyptian by Moses.

® Such seems to be the meaning : ὅθεν τεἐκεῖσε ὅθεν.

¢ Ex. ii. 15, ** the land of Midian” (Lxx Μαδιάμ). Ptolemy
and Arabic geographers mention a place Modiava, Madyan,

276

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 255-259

of so doing, alike from envy of Moses’ generalship
and from fear of seeing himself abased, and so, when
instigated by the hierarchy, was prepared to lend
i hand in the murder of Moses.¢ Their victim,
however, informed betimes of the plot, secretly
escaped, and, since the roads were guarded, directed
his flight across the desert and to where he had no
fear of being caught by his foes®; he left without
provisions, proudly confident of his powers of en-
durance. On reaching the town of Madian(e),¢
situated by the Red Sea and named after one of
Abraham’s sons by Katura,? he sat down on the brink
of a well and there rested after his toil and hardships,
at midday, not far from the town. Here he was
destined to play a part, arising out of the customs
of the inhabitants, which exhibited his merits and
proved the opening of better fortune.

(2) For, those regions being scant of water, the
shepherds used to make a first claim on the wells,
for tear that, the water being exhausted by others
betorehand, there should be nothing for their flocks
to drink. Now there came to this well seven sisters,
virgin daughters of Raguel,¢ a priest held in high
veneration by the people of the country ; they were
in charge of their father’s flocks, for this fumetion is
customarily undertaken by women also among the
Troglodytes,f and, arriving first, they drew for the

on the east of the Gulf of Akabah, opposite the southern
extremity of the Sinaitic peninsula (Driver ἐδ loc.) ; but, if the
traditional identification of Sinai is correct, the context re-
quires a place on the west of the gulf.

SCCM -N SV 2,

€ So uxx (Ix. ii. 18), Ieb. Reuel, alias Jethro.

1“ Cave-dwellers ” inhabiting the region on either shore
of the Red Sea (4. i. 239, ii. 213).

VOL. 1V K 2 id

Moses at
the well.
Ex. ii. 16

JOSEPHUS

τοῖς ποιμνίοις εἰς δεξαμενάς, al πρὸς ἐκδοχὴν τοῦ

260 ὕδατος ἐ ἐγεγόνεισαν. ἐπιστάντων δὲ ποιμένων ταῖς
παρθένοις, ὥστ᾽ αὐτοὶ τοῦ ὕδατος κρατεῖν, Mwv-
σῆς δεινὸν ἡγησάμενος εἶναι περιιδεῖν ἀδικου-
μένας τὰς κόρας καὶ τὴν βίαν τὴν τῶν ἀν-
δρῶν ἐᾶσαι κρείττονα γενέσθαι τοῦ τῶν παρθένων
δικαίου, τοὺς μὲν εἶρξε πλεονεκτεῖν ἐθέλοντας,

961 ταῖς δὲ παρέσχε τὴν πρέπουσαν' βοήθειαν. αἱ δ᾽
εὐεργετηθεῖσαι παρῆσαν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τήν τε
ὕβριν τῶν ποιμένων αὐτῷ διηγούμεναι καὶ τὴν
ἐπικουρίαν τοῦ ξένου, παρεκάλουν τε μὴ ματαίαν
αὐτῷ γενέσθαι τὴν εὐποιίαν μηδ᾽ ἀμοιβῆς ὑστεροῦ-
σαν. ὁ δὲ τάς τε παῖδας ἀπεδέξατο τῆς περὶ τὸν
εὐεργετηκότα σπουδῆς καὶ τὸν Mavojy εἰς ὄψιι
ἐκέλευεν. ἄγειν αὐτῷ τευξόμενον χάριτος δικαίας.

262 ὡς δ᾽ ἧκε, τὴν τε τῶν θυγατέρων αὐτῷ ἀπ-
ἐσήμαινε μαρτυρίαν ἐπὶ τῇ βοηθείᾳ καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς
αὐτὸν θαυμάζων οὐκ εἰς ἀναισθήτους εὐεργεσιῶν
καταθέσθαι τὴν ἐπικουρίαν ἔλεγεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἱκανοὺς
ἐκτῖσαι χάριν καὶ τῷ μεγέθει τῆς ἀμοιβῆς ὑπερ-

263 βαλεῖν τὸ μέτρον τῆς εὐποιίας. ποιεῖται δ᾽ αὐτὸν
υἱὸν καὶ μίαν τῶν θυγατέρων πρὸς γάμον δίδωσι
τῶν τε θρεμμάτων, ἐν τούτοις γὰρ ἡ πᾶσα κτῆσις
τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν τοῖς βαρβάροις, ἀποδείκνυσιν
ἐπιμελητὴν καὶ δεσπότην.

5064 (xil. 1) Kat Μωυσῆς μὲν τοιούτων τυχὼν τῶν
παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιεθεγλαίου,Σ τοῦτο γὰρ ἦν ἐπίκλημα τῷ
“Ραγουήλῳ, διῆγεν αὐτόθι ποιμαίνων τὰ βοσκή-
ματα. χρόνῳ δ᾽ ὕστερον νέμων ἐπὶ τὸ δΣιναῖον

1 ROE: δέουσαν rell.

2 RM: ᾿Ιοθογλαίον O: Getheglech Lat.: ᾿Ιεθόρου (᾿1υθόρου)
rell.

278

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 259-264

well sufficient waver for their flocks into troughs con-
structed to receive it. But when shepherds appearing
set upon the young women, in order to appropriate
the water for themselves, Moses, deeming it mon-
strous to overlook this injury to the girls and to suffer
these men’s violence to triumph over the maidens’
rights. beat off the arrogant intruders, and afforded
the others opportune aid. And they, after this
beneficent act. went to their father, and, reeount-
ing the shepherds’ insolence and the sueeour which
the stranger had lent them, besought him not to
let such charity go for nought or unrewarded. The
father commended his children for their zeal for
their benefactor and bade them bring Moses to his
presence to receive the gratitude that was his due.
On his arrival, he told him of his daughters’ testimony
to the help which he had rendered, and, expressing
admiration for his gallantry, added that he had not
bestowed this service npon those who had no sense
of gratitude, but on persons well able to requite a
favour, indeed to outdo by the amplitude of the
reward the measure of the benefit. He therewith
adopted him as his son, gave him one of his daughters
in marriage, and appointed him keeper and master
of his flocks, for in those consisted of yore all the
wealth of the barbarian races.

(xii. 1) So Moses, having received these benefits
from IJetheglaeus?—such was the surname of
Raguel—abode there feeding the cattle. And some
while afterward he led the floeks to graze on the
mount ealled Sinai ; it is the highest of the mountains

* So the sss. followed by Niese; but the form may be
a mere conglomerate of the names ᾿Ιόθορος and ᾿Ραγούηλος.

279

Moses at

e the burning

bush.
Ex, iii, 1,

266

268

JOSEPHUS

5 καλούμενον ὄρος ἄγει τὰ ποίμνια" τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶν

ὑψηλότατον τῶν ταύτῃ ὁρῶν καὶ πρὸς νομὰς
ἄριστον, ἀγαθῆς φυομένης πόας καὶ διὰ τὸ
δόξαν ἔχειν ἐνδιατρίβειν αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν οὐ κατα-
νεμηθείσης πρότερον, οὐ τολμώντων ἐμβατεύε. ν εἰς
αὐτὸ τῶν ποιμένων: ἔνθα δὴ καὶ τέρας αὐτῷ
συντυγχάνει θαυμάσιον. πῦρ γὰρ θάμνου βάτον
νεμόμενον τὴν περὶ αὐτὸν χλόην τό τε ἄνθος αὐτοῦ
παρῆλθεν ἀβλαβὲς καὶ τῶν ἐγκάρπων κλάδων
οὐδὲν ἠφάνισε καὶ ταῦτα τῆς φλογὸς πολλῆς καὶ
ὀξυτάτης ὑπαρχούσης. ὁ δὲ καὶ αὐτὴν μὲν ἔδεισε
τὴν ὄψιν παράδοξον γενομένην, κατεπλάγη δ᾽ ἔτι
μᾶλλον φωνὴν τοῦ πυρὸς ἀφέντος καὶ ὀνομαστὶ
καλέσαντος αὐτὸν καὶ ποιησαμένου λόγους, οἷς
τό τε θάρσος αὐτοῦ τολμήσαντος παρελθεῖν εἰς
χωρίον, εἰς ὃ μηδεὶς ἀνθρώπων πρότερον ἀφῖκτο
διὰ τὸ εἶναι θεῖον, ἐσήμαινε καὶ συνεβούλευε τῆς
φλογὸς" πορρωτάτω χωρεῖν καὶ ἀρκεῖσθαι μὲν οἷς
ἑώρακεν ἀγαθὸν ὄντα καὶ μ άλων ἀνδρῶν ἔ ἔγγονον,
πολυπραγμονεῖν δὲ μηδέν᾽ τούτοις περισσότερον
προηγόρευέν τε τὴν ἐσομένην αὐτῷ δόξαν καὶ
τιμὴν παρ᾽ ἀνθρώπων τοῦ θεοῦ συμπαρόντος, καὶ
αρροῦντα ἐκέλευεν εἰς Ty Λἴγυπτον ἀπιέναι στρα-
τηγὸν καὶ ἡγεμόνα τῆς ᾿Ββραίων πληθύος ἐσό-
μενον καὶ τῆς ὕβρεως τῆς ἐκεῖ τοὺς συγγενεῖς
ἀπαλλάξοντα" “᾿ καὶ γὰρ γῆν οἰκήσουσι, φησί,
᾿ ταύτην εὐδαίμονα, ἣν. "ABpapos ᾧκησεν ὁ
ὑμέτερος πρόγονος καὶ τῶν πάντων ἀπολαύσουσιν
ἀγαθῶν, εἰς ταῦτα σοῦ καὶ τῆς σῆς συνέσεως av-
τοῖς ἡγουμένης. ἐξαγαγόντα μέντοι τοὺς ‘EBpat-
ous ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου θυσίας ἐκέλευε χαριστηρίους
1 + os SP.
250

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 265 -269

in this region and the best for pasturage, for it
produces excellent turf and, owing to a belief that
the Deity sojourned there, had not hitherto been
cropped, the shepherds not venturing to invade it.
Here it was that he witnessed an amazing prodigy :
a fire was ablaze on a bramble-bush, vet had left
its vesture of green and its bloom intact, nor had
one of its fruit-laden branehes been consumed, albeit
the flame was great and exceeding fieree. Moses
was terrified at this strange spectacle, but was
amazed yet more when this fire found a tongue,
ealled him by name, and communed with him,
signifying to him his hardihood in venturing to
approach a spot whither no man had _ penetrated
before by reason of its divinity, and admonishing
him to withdraw as far as might be froin the flame,
to be content with what he, as a man of virtue sprung
from illustrious ancestors, had seen, but to pry no
further. The voice furthermore predicted the glory
and honour that he would win from men, under
God’s auspiees, and bade him courageously return
to Egypt, to aet as commander and leader of the
Hebrew hosts, and to deliver his kinsmen from the
outrage that they there endured. “ lor indeed,”
eontinued the voice,“ they shall inhabit this favoured
land wherein Abraham dwelt, the forefather of your
race, and shall enjov all its blessings, and it is thou,
aye and thy sagacity, that shall conduct them
thither.” Ilowbeit He eharged him. after he had
brought the Hebrews out of Egypt, to come to that

28

JOSEPHUS

ἀφικόμενον εἰς ἐκεῖνον ἐκτελέσαι τὸν τόπον. τοσαῦτα
μὲν ἐκ τοῦ πυρὸς θεοκλυτεῖται.

270 (9) Δωυσῆς 5 ἐκπεπληγμένος οἷς τ᾽ εἶδε καὶ
πολὺ μᾶλλον. οἷς ἤκουσε, “᾿ δυνάμει μὲν ἀπιστεῖν,"
ἔφη, ᾿᾿τῇ σῇ, δέσποτα, ἣν αὐτός τε θρησκεύω καὶ
προγόνοις οἶδα φανερὰν γενομένην, μανιωδέστερον

97] ἢ κατὰ ΤῊ. ἐμαυτοῦ φρόνησιν ἡγοῦμαι. πλὴν
ἀπορῶ, πῶς ἂν ἰδιώτης ἀνὴρ καὶ μηδεμιᾶς ἰσχύος
εὐπορῶν ἢ πείσω λόγοις TOUS οἰκείους ἀφέντας
ἣν ἄρτι κατοικοῦσι γῆν ἕπεσθαί μοι πρὸς ἣν αὐτὸς
ἡγοῦμαι, ἢ κἂν ἐκεῖνοι πεισθῶσι, πῶς ἂν βιασαίμην
Φαραώθην ἐπιτρέψαι τὴν ἔξοδον τούτοις, ὧν τοῖς
πόνοις καὶ τοῖς ἔργοις τὴν οἰκείαν αὔξουσιν
εὐδαιμονίαν.᾽᾽

272° (3) δὲ θεὸς αὐτῷ περὶ πάντων συνεβούλευε
θαρρεῖν ὑπισχνούμενος αὐτὸς παρέσεσθαι καὶ οὗ
μὲν ἂν δέῃ λόγων, πειθὼ παρέξειν, οὗ δ᾽ ἂν ἔργων,
ἰσχὺν “χορηγήσειν, ἐκέλευέ τε τὴν “βακτηρίαν ἐπὶ
τὴν γῆν ἀφέντα πίστιν ὧν ὑπισχνεῖται λαμβάνειν.
καὶ ποιήσαντος δράκων εἷρπε καὶ συνειλούμενος
σπειρηδὸν ὡς διώκουσιν ἐπ᾿ ἀμύνῃ τὴν κεφαλὴν

273 ἐπανέτεινεν: εἶτα πάλιν βάκτρον ἦν. μετὰ τοῦτο
δὲ καθεῖναι τὴν δεξιὰν εἰς τὸν κόλπον προσέταξεν"
ὑπακούσας δὲ λευκὴν καὶ τιτάνῳ τὴν χρόαν ὁμοίαν
προεκόμισεν" εἶτ᾽ εἰς τὸ σύνηθες κατέστη. κελευ-
σθεὶς δὲ καὶ τοῦ πλησίον ὕδατος λαβὼν ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν

97. ἐκχέαι ὁρᾷ τὴν χρόαν αἱματώδη γενομένην. θαυ-
μάζοντα δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτοις θαρρεῖν παρεκελεύετο καὶ
βοηθὸν εἰδέναι μέγιστον αὐτῷ συνεσόμενον καὶ
σημείοις πρὸς τὸ πιστεύεσθαι παρὰ πᾶσι χρῆσθαι,
“ὅτι ἘἘΠ ΠΣ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πάντα κατὰ τὰς ἐμὰς

τ ἃ Ex, iv. 0, “ leprous, as (white as) snow.”

282

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 269-274

spot and there offer sacrifices of thanksgiving. Such
were the divine oraeles that issued from the fire.

(2) Moses, in consternation at that which he had He shrinks
éeen aad mueli more at that which he had heard, ἤθει ΤῊ
replied : “Τὸ mistrust, O Lord, thy power, which 1 Ex. iii. 0

ξ : (cj, ἰν. 10),
venerate myself and know to have been manifested to
iny forefathers, were madness too gross, I trow, for
my mind to coneeive. Yetam lata loss to know how
I. a mere commoner, blest with no strength, eould
either find words to persuade my people to quit that
land that they now inhabit and follow me to that
whereunto I would lead them, or even should they
be persuaded, how I should constrain Pharaothes to
permit the exodus of those to whose toils and tasks
his subjeets look to swell their own prosperity.”

(S) But God exhorted him to have perfect con- but is F
fidenee. promising Himself to assist him and, when κοῖς
words were needed, to lend persuasion, when action E*-1v. 1.
was ealled for, to furnish strength ; and He bade him
cast his staff to the ground and to have faith in His
promises. Moses did so, and, lo, there was a serpent
crawling and coiling itself in spiral fashion and rearing
its head as in defenee against assailants ; then once
more it beeame a stick. Next He bade him put his
right hand into his bosom: he obeyed and drew it
forth white, of a colour resembling ehalk 7; then it
resumed its ordinary aspect. Receiving a further
command to take of the water of a neighbouring
brook and pour it on the ground, he beheld: it tur ae
to the colour of blood. And while he marvelled at
these wonders, God exhorted him to be of good
courage, to be assured that His mighty aid would be
ever with him, and to use miraeles to convinee all men
(said He) “ that thou art sent by me and doest all at

283

ts
=~]

ῶ-

am i

@-
—_

6

~J

JOSEPHUS

ἐντολὰς ποιεῖς. κελεύω δὲ μηδὲν ἔτι μελλήσαντα
σπεύδειν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ νυκτὸς καὶ ἡμέρας
ἐπειγόμενον καὶ μὴ τρίβοντα τὸν χρόνον πλείω
ποιεῖν τοῦτον ᾿Ββραίοις ἐ ἐν δουλείᾳ κακοπαθοῦσι.᾽᾿

f 1) ΔΙωυσῆς δ᾽ οὐκ ἔχων ἀπιστεῖν ots ἐπηγγέλλετο
τὸ θεῖον θεατ τῆς γε τοιούτων βεβαιωμάτων καὶ
ἀκροατὴς γενόμενος, εὐξάμενος αὐτῷ καὶ πειρα-
θῆναι ταύτης τῆς δυνάμεως. ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δεηθεὶς"
ἠἡντιβόλει μηδὲ ὀνόματος αὐτῷ γνῶσιν τοῦ ἰδίου
φθονῆσαι, φωνῆς δ᾽ αὐτῷ μετεσχηκότι καὶ ὄψεως
ἔτι καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν εἰπεῖν, ἵνα θύων ἐξ
ὀνόματος αὐτὸν παρεῖναι τοῖς ἱεροῖς" παρακαλῇ.
καὶ ὁ θεὸς αὐτῷ σημαίνει τὴν αὑτοῦ προσηγορίαν
οὐ πρότερον εἰς ἀνθρώπους παρελθοῦσαν, περὶ ἧς
οὔ foe θεμιτὸν εἰπεῖν. Mavoet μέντοι τὰ σημεῖα
ταῦτα οὐ τότε μόνον, διὰ παντὸς δε ὁπότε δεηθείη
συνετύγχανεν" ἐξ ὧν ἁπάντων πλέον περὶ τῆς
ἀληθείας τῷ πυρὶ νέμων. καὶ τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ
παραστάτην ἕξειν πιστεύων τούς τε οἰκείους
σώσειν ἤλπιζε καὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους κακοῖς
περιβαλεῖν.

(Χ1]. 1) Kat πυθόμενος τὸν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων
τεθνάναι βασιλέα Φαραώθην, ἐφ᾽ οὗπερ αὐτὸς
ἔφυγε, δεῖται Ραγουήλου. συγχωρῆσαι κατὰ ὠφέ-
λειαν αὐτῷ τῶν συγγενῶν εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἐλθεῖν,
καὶ παραλαβὼν τὴν Σαπφώραν ἣ ἣν γεγαμήκει, τοῦ
“Ῥαγονήλου θυγατέρα, καὶ τοὺς ἐξ αὐτῆς παῖδας

1 δοθείσης SPLA. > ME: ἱερείοις rell. 3 σώζειν codd.

¢ The ineffable tetragrammaton, viz. the four consonants
JIIVH, which only the high priest was permitted to pro-
nounce. To safeguard and hallow the Name, the surrogate

254

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 274-277

my command. And I bid thee without more delay
make speed to Egypt, pressing forward by night and
day, and by no dallying to prolong the time for the
Hebrews, now suffering in servitude.’

(+) Moses, unable to doubt the promises of the Revelation
Deity, after having seen and heard such confirmation [te
of them, prayed “and entreated that he miclit: he, ex ts.
vouchsafed this power in Egypt; he also besought
Him not to deny him the knowledge of His name, ie.
since he had been granted speech with Him and

vision of Him, further to tell him how He should be
addressed, so that, when sacrificing, he might invoke
Him by name to be present at the ected rites. Then
God revealed to him His name, which ere then had
not come to men’s ears, and of which I am forbidden
to speak.2 Moreover, Moses found those miracles at
his serviee not on that oeeasion only but at all times
whensoever there was need of them ; from all which
tokens he eame to trust more firmly in the oraele from
the fire, to believe that God would be his gracious
protector, and to hope to be able to deliver his people
and to bring disaster upon the Egyptians.

Cxiinb) Accordingly ,on learning that the king of Moses
Evypt, the Phiaraothes wader wham le had fled the ον
country. was dead, he besought Raguel to permit hing Ex. 16.18.
for the welfare of his countrymen ἐσ ὃ ta Πα ΡῈ:
and, taking with him Sapphora, > his ike daughter of
Raguel, and the children whom he had by her, Gérsos

Adonai (1xx Κύριος) was employed, and JIEVH in Hebrew
Mss. was written with the vowels of the latter, to Has
‘Read Adonai’; bence, through later neglect of the in-
tention of the scribes, arose the form Jehovah, which ὌΝ
acquired a sacredness of its own, but in its origin is a
hybrid.

® Bibl. Zipporah (txx Σεπφωώρα).

285

JOSEPHUS

Γῆρσον καὶ ᾿Βλεάζαρον ὦ ὥρμησεν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον"

278 τῶν δ᾽ ὀνομάτων τούτων [ἤρσος μὲν σημαίνει
κατὰ “EBpaiwy διάλεκτον, ὅτι εἰς ξένην γῆν,
᾿Βλεάζαρος δὲ συμμάχῳ τῷ πατρῴῳ θεῷ χρησά-

279 μενον αὐτὸν Αἰγυπτίους διαφυγεῖν. γενομένῳ δ᾽
αὐτῷ πλησίον τῶν ὅρων ὁ ἀδελφὸς ᾿᾽᾿Δαρὼν
ὑπήντησε τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος, πρὸς ὃν ἀπο-
σημαίνει τὰ ἐν τῷ ὄρει συντυχόντα καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ
τὰς ἐντολάς. προϊοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὑπηντίαζον
“Ἑβραίων ot ἀξιολογώτατοι τὴν παρουσίαν αὐτοῦ

280 μεμαθηκότες, οἷς Mavoijs τὰ σημεῖα διηγούμενος
ἐπεὶ πιθανὸς οὐκ ἦν παρέσχεν αὐτῶν τὴν ὄψιν. οἱ
δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐκπλήξεως τῶν παρὰ δόξαν αὐτοῖς ὁρω-
μένων ἀνεθάρσουν καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἦσαν
εὐέλπιδες, ὡς θεοῦ προνοουμένου τῆς ἀσφαλείας
αὐτῶν.

281] (9) "Eze δὲ καταπειθεῖς εἶχεν ἤδη τοὺς ‘EBpaious
[Ὁ] Μωυσῆς καὶ οἷς ἂν κελεύσῃ τούτοις ἀκολου-
θήσειν ὁμολογοῦντας καὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίας ἐρῶντας,
παραγίνεται πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα τὴν ἡγεμονίαν

282 νεωστὶ παρειληφότα, καὶ ὅσα τε ὠφελήσειεν
Αἰγυπτίους ὑπὸ Αἰθιόπων καταφρονουμένους καὶ
διαρπαζομένης αὐτῶν τῆς χώρας ἐδήλου, στρατηγίᾳ
καὶ πόνοις χρησάμενος ὡς περὶ οἰκείων, ὅτι δέ"
κινδυνεύσειεν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀμοιβὰς οὐ

283 δικαίας κομιζόμενος ἀνεδίδασκεν, τά τε κατὰ τὸ

1/1, ὅτι δὴ, ὅτι re: Should perhaps be transposed before
στρατηγίᾳ with Lat. ‘Set quia militia.”

¢ Bibl. Gershom (Τ᾽ ηρσάμ).

> Josephus takes over this etymology from Ex. ii. 22
(xviii. 3), “* For he said, I have been a sojourner (Heb. gér)
in a strange land.” The Biblical writer interpreted the name

286

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 277-283

and Eleazar, he hastened thither. Of these two
names, the one, Gérsos,* means in the Hebrew tongue Ex. ii. 22,
that he had come to “ a foreign land” ’; the other, ον sae
Eleazar,¢ that it was with the assistance of the God of

his fathers that he had escaped froin the Egyptians.

On approaching the frontier he was met, at God's iv. 27.
bidding, by his brother Aaron, to whom he revealed

what had befallen him on the mount and the eom-
mandments of God. And they, as they proeeeded on

their way, were met by the most distinguished of the
Hebrews, who had learnt of his coming ἃ : Moses,
failing to convinee these by a mere deseription of the
miracles, performed them before their eyes. Amazed

at this astonishing spectacle, they took courage and

were in hopes that all would go well, since God was

caring for their safety.

(2) "Now that he was assured of the allegianee of the Moses before
Hebrews, of their agreement to follow his orders, and §,2389"
of their love of liberty, Moses betook himself to the
king, reeently promoted to the throne, and repre-
sented to him what serviees he had rendered to the
Egyptians, when they were humiliated and their
eountry was ravaged by the Ethiopians, giving him to
know how he had eommanded and laboured and im-
perilled himself for the troops, as for his own people,
and how for these serviees he had received from them
no dune reward. Furthermore, what had befallen him

6 ‘9

as gér sham, δ“ a sojourner there’; according to a sounder
etymology (from the verb gdrash) it would mean “expulsion”
(Driver).

€ Bibl. hae ΖΟΓ (so τ.χχ), from “Ll (God) and ezer (help):
Ex. xviii. 4, “ For (he said) the God of my father was my
help and delivered me from the sword of Pharaoh.”

4 In Ex. iv. 29 the elders of Israel are called together by
Moses and Aaron.

287

2st

JOSEPHUS

~ ” 3 ~ ’ Ἁ ‘ ~ -
Σιναῖον ορος AUTW συντύυχοντα και τὰς Τοὺῦ θεοῦ

φωνὰς καὶ τὰ πρὸς πίστιν ὧν οὗτος αὐτῷ προοσ-
τάξειεν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δειχθέντα σημεῖα καθ᾽ ἕκαστον
ἐξετίθετο, παρεκάλει τε μὴ ἀπιστοῦντα τούτοις
ἐμποδὼν ἵστασθαι τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμῃ.

(3) Νλευάσαντος δὲ τοῦ βασιλέως διωυσῆς ἐ ἔργῳ
παρεῖχεν. αὐτῷ βλέπειν τὰ σημεῖα τὰ κατὰ τὸ
Σιναῖον ὄρος γενόμενα" ὁ δ᾽ ἀγανακτήσας πονηρὸν
μὲν αὐτὸν ἀπεκάλει καὶ πρότερον φυγόντα τὴν
παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις δουλείαν καὶ νῦν ἐξ ἀπάτης αὐτοῦ
τὴν age Ew πεποιημένον καὶ τερατουργίαις καὶ

A

᾽
285 μαγείαις καταπλῆξαι" ἐπικεχειρηκότα. καὶ ταῦθ
\

286

287

ἅμα λέγων κελεύει τοὺς ἱερεῖς τὰς αὐτὰς ὄψεις
αὐτῷ παρασχεῖν ὁρᾶν, ὡς Αἰγυπτίων σοφῶν ὄντων
καὶ περὶ τὴν τούτων ἐπιστήμην, καὶ ὅτι μὴ
μόνος αὐτὸς ἔμπειρος ὧν εἰς θεὸν δύναται τὸ ἐν
αὐτῇ παράδοξον ἀναφέρων πιθανὸς ὡς παρ᾽" α-
παιδεύτοις ὑπάρχειν. καὶ μεθεμένων ἐκείνων τὰς
βακτηρίας δράκοντες ἦσαν. Δίωυσῆς δ᾽ οὐ κατα-
πλαγείς, “᾿ οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς μέν,᾽᾿ εἶπεν, “᾿ ὦ βασιλεῦ,
τῆς Αἰγυπτίων σοφίας καταφρονῶ, τοσῷδε μέντοι
κρείττονα τὰ ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πραττόμενα τῆς τούτων
μαγείας καὶ τέχνης φημί, ὅσῳ τὰ θεῖα τῶν ἀνθρω-
πίνων διαφέρει. δείξω δὲ οὐ κατὰ γοητείαν καὶ
πλάνην THs ἀληθοῦς δόξης τἀμά, κατὰ δὲ θεοῦ
πρόνοιαν καὶ δύναμιν pawopeva.” καὶ ταῦτ᾽
εἰπὼν μεθίησιν ἐ ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς τὴν βακτηρίαν κελεύσας
αὐτὴν εἰς ὀφιν μεταβαλεῖν' 7 δ᾽ ἐπείθετο Kai Tas

τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βακτηρίας, αἵ δράκοντες ἐδόκουν,

1 καταπλήξειν codd. 2 ws map] ὥσπερ RO.

ee

4 The ‘*‘ magicians ”’ or rather ‘‘ sacred scribes” of Ix.
Vile 11.

258

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 283-287

on Mount Sinai, the utterances of God and the
miraculous signs whieh He had shown him to inspire
eonfidence in His injunetions, all this he rehearsed in
detail and besought him by no ineredulity to obstruet
God’s purpose.

(9) When the king mocked, Moses eaused him
to see with his own eyes the signs that had been
wrought on the mount of Sinai. But the king was
wroth and dubbed him a eriminal, who had onee
eseaped from servitude in Egypt and had now effeeted
his return by fraud and was trying to impose on
him by juggleries and magie. With these words he
ordered the priests? to give him an exhibition of
the same speetacles, and show that the Egyptians
were skilled in these arts also, and that Moses could
not, by posing as the only expert and pretending
that he owed his marvellous gifts to God, expeet
them, as simpletons, to believe him.’ The priests
thereupon dropped their staves, which beeame
pythons. But Moses, nothing daunted, said, “ In-
deed. O king, I too disdain not the eunning of the
eyptians, but I assert that the deeds w rought by me
ee surpass their magie and their art as things divine
are remote from what is human. And [| ἐπ show
that it is from no witeheraft or deception of true
judgement, but from God's providenee and power
that my miracles proceed.” With that he dropped
his staff to earth, bidding it be transformed into a
serpent. It obeyed and, making the cireuit of the
Keyptians’ staves, which looked like pythons, de-

® There seems no reason, with Reinach and Dindorf, to
reject this clause (beginning “and that Moses . . .'), though
the text may be a little confused: the language betrays the
hand of an assistant.

25Y

Moses

and the
Magicians.
BX τὰν Te:

288

00

90]

292

JOSEPHUS

περιιοῦσα κατήσθιε μέχρι πάσας ἀνήλωσεν" εἶτ᾽
εἰς τὸ αὑτῆς σχῆμα μεταπεσοῦσαν κομίζεται
Mwvoys.

(2) “Ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς οὐδὲν τούτῳ μᾶλλον πραχθέντι
καταπλήττεται, προσοργισθεὶς δὲ καὶ μηδὲν αὐτῷ
προχωρήσειν εἰπὼν ἐκ τῆς κατ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων σοφίας
καὶ δεινότητος κελεύει τὸν ἐπὶ τῶν “βραίων
τεταγμένον μηδεμίαν αὐτοῖς ἄνεσιν παρέχειν τοῦ
πονεῖν, ἀλλὰ πλείοσι τῶν πρότερον κακοῖς αὐτοὺς
καταναγκάζειν. ὁ δὲ ἄχυρον αὐτοῖς παρέχων εἰς
Τὴν, πλινθείαν “πρότερον οὐκέτι παρεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽
ἡμέρας μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔργοις ταλαιπωρεῖν. ἐποίει,
νυκτὸς δὲ συνάγειν. τὸ ἄχυρον. καὶ τοῦ δεινοῦ
διπλασίονος ὄντος αὐτοῖς ἐν αἰτίαις Μωυσῆν εἶχον,
ὡς τῶν ἔργων αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς ταλαιπωρίας δι᾽
ἐκεῖνον χαλεπωτέρας γεγενημένης. 6 δ᾽ οὔτε
πρὸς τὰς τοῦ βασιλέως ἀπειλὰς ἐ ἔκαμνεν οὔτε πρὸς
τὰς τῶν Ἑβραίων μέμψεις ἐνεδίδου, τήν τε ψυχὴν
παραστησάμενος πρὸς ἑκάτερον ἐπὶ τῷ πονεῖν καὶ
τοῖς οἰκείοις ἐκπορίζειν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ὑπῆρχε.
καὶ παραγενόμενος πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα ἔπειθεν
αὐτὸν ἀπολύειν τοὺς ‘EBpaious ἐπὶ τὸ Σιναῖον ὄρος
ἐκεῖ θύσοντας τῷ θεῷ, τοῦτο γὰρ αὐτὸν κεκελευ-
κέναι, καὶ μηδὲν ἀντιπράττειν οἷς ἐκεῖνος βούλεται,
τὴν δ᾽ εὐμένειαν αὐτοῦ περὶ παντὸς ποιούμενον
συγχωρεῖν αὐτοῖς τὴν ἔξοδον, μὴ καὶ λάθῃ τούτων
κωλυτὴς γενόμενος αὑτὸν αἰτιάσασθαι πάσχων ὅσα
παθεῖν εἰκὸς τὸν ἀντιπράττοντα θεοῦ προστάγμασι:
τοῖς γὰρ χόλον ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς κινήσασι θεῖον ἐξ
ἁπάντων φύεσθαι τὰ δεινὰ καὶ οὔτε γῆ τούτοις
οὔτε ἀὴρ φίλος οὔτε γοναὶ τέκνων κατὰ φύσιν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐχθρὰ πάντα καὶ πολέμια. πειραθήσεσθαί
290

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 287-292

voured them until it had eonsumed them all ; then it
reverted to its own shape and was recovered by
Moses.

(4) Howbeit the king was no more dumbfounded
by this performance, but only indignant thereat, and,
telling Moses that it would profit him nothing to
pr actise his eunning and eraft upon the Egy ptians, he
ordered the overseer of the Hebrews to grant them no
relaxation from their labours, but to subjeet them to
hardships yet more oppressive than before. Accordingly
that officer, who had heretofore provided them with
straw for their briek-making, provided it no more, but
constrained them in the daytime to toil at their tasks
and at night to eollect the straw. Their afflietion
being thus doubled, they held Moses to aecount for
this inereased severity of their labours and _ pains.
But he, neither wavering before the king’s threats,
nor yielding to the recriminations of ihe Hebrews,
steeled his soul against both and devoted all his
efforts to procuring > his people's liberty. So he went
to the king and urged him to let the Hebrews go to
Mount Sinai to saerifiee there to God, for so He had
commanded, and in no wise to oppose His will, but
to esteem His gracious favour above all else and
permit them exit; lest haply, in hindering them, he
should unwittingly have but himself to blame for
suffering sueh a fate as was like to befall him who
opposed the commands of God; for to them that
rouse the divine ire dread calamities arise from all
around them: to them neither earth nor air is
friendly, to them no progeny is born after nature’s
laws, but all things are hostile and at enmity ; and

20]

Pharaoh’s
obstinacy
and farther
Oppression
of [srael,
EX: ν, ὃ.

ν. 1],

293

295

296

JOSEPHUS

τε τούτων Αἰγυπτίους ἔφασκε μετὰ Kal τοῦ τὸν
᾿Ῥβραίων λαὸν ἀπελθεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρας αὐτῶν
ἀκόντων ἐκείνων.

(xiv. 1) Tod δὲ βασιλέως ἐκφαυλίζοντος τοὺς
Mwvaéos λόγους καὶ μηδεμίαν ἐπιστροφὴν ἔτι
ποιουμένου πάθη Ὁ τὰ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους κατ-
ελάμβανεν, ὧν ἕκαστον ἐκθήσομαι διά τε τὸ μὴ
πρότερόν τισι συμβάντα τότε [τοῖς] Αἰγυπτίοις εἰς
πεῖραν ἐλθεῖν καὶ διὰ τὸ βούλεσθαι Μωυσῆν μηδὲν
ὧν προεῖπεν αὐτοῖς ψευσάμενον ἐπιδεῖξαι, καὶ ὅτι
συμφέρει τοῖς ἀγθρώποις μαθοῦσι φυλάττεσθαι
ταῦτα ποιεῖν, ἐφ᾽ οἷς μὴ δυσαρεστήσει' τὸ θεῖον
μηδ᾽ εἰς ὀργὴν τραπὲν" ἀμυνεῖται" τῆς ἀδικίας
αὐτούς. ὁ γὰρ ποταμὸς αὐτοῖς αἱματώδης θεοῦ
κελεύσαντος ἐρρύη πίνεσθαι μὴ δυνάμενος, καὶ
πηγὴν ἑτέραν ὑδάτων οὐκ ἔχουσιν οὐχὶ τὴν χρόαν
μόνον ἦν τοιοῦτος, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖς πειρωμένοις
ἀλγήματα καὶ πικρὰν ὀδύνην προσέφερεν. ἦν δὲ
τοιοῦτος μὲν Αἰγυπτίοις, “Ἑβραίοις δὲ γλυκὺς καὶ
TOT LOS Kal μηδὲν τοῦ κατὰ φύσιν παρηλλαγμένος.
πρὸς οὖν τὸ παράδοξον ἀμηχανήσας ὁ βασιλεὺς
καὶ δείσας περὶ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων συνεχώρει τοῖς
“Ἑβραίοις ἀπιέναι" καὶ τοῦ κακοῦ λωφήσαντος
πάλιν τὴν γνώμην μετέβαλεν οὐκ ἐπιτρέπων τὴν
ἄφοδον αὐτοῖς.

(2) Ὃ θεὸς δὲ ἀγνωμονοῦντος καὶ μετὰ τὴν
ἀπαλλαγὴν τῆς συμφορᾶς οὐκέτι σωφρονεῖν ἐθέ-
λοντος ἄλλην τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἐπιφέρει πληγήν"
βατράχων πλῆθος ἄπειρον τὴν “γῆν αὐτῶν ἐπ-
εβόσκετο, μεστὸς δὲ τούτων καὶ ὃ ποταμὸς ἦν,

1 O: δυσαρεστήσῃ rell. 2 ROE: περιτραπὲν ΤΕ]].
3 ἀμύνηται codd,
292

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 292-296

such trials, he afirmed, would the Egyptians undergo
and withal would see the people of the Hebrews quit
their country despite their will.

(xiv. 1). But, since the king disdained these words The plagues
of Moses and paid no more heed to them, dire plagues ἡ ον
descended upon the Egyptians. I shall recount them rated in full.
all,? first because no such plagues as the Egyptians
then experienced ever befell any nation before, next
from a desire to show that Moses in not one of
his predictions to them was mistaken, and further
because it behoves mankind to learn to restrict
themselves to such action as shall not offend the
Deity nor provoke Him in wrath to punish them for
their iniquities.

To begin with, their river, at God’s command, ran The blood-

with a blood-red stream, impossible to drink : other ΠΕ ἘΝ
source of water they had none, nor was it only the 15.
colour which rendered it so repugnant, but whoever
sought to drink of it was seized with tortures and
excruciating pain. Such were its effects upon the
“gyptians, but for the Hebrews it remained sweet
and drinkable and suffered no change from its natural
state. Perplexed, therefore, at ‘this prodigy and
apprehensive for the Egyptians, the king permitted
the Hebrews to depart ; and then, when the plague
abated, he again changed his mind and denied them
exit.

(2) But God, seeing that the graceless king after The frogs.
deliverance from this calamity was no longer willing ἘῺΝ
to be wise, brought another plague upon the
Egyptians. An endless multitude of frogs now
devoured their land, while the river was full of them,

@ τς omits one, the fifth.

293

299.4

300

301

JOSEPHUS

ws διαμωμένους τὸ ποτὸν τῷ τῶν ζῴων ἰχῶρι
κεκακωμένον λαμβάνειν ἐναποθνησκόντων καὶ συν-
διαφθειρομένων τῷ ὕδατι, 7 Te χώρα μεστὴ
κακῆς ἦν ἰλύος γεννωμένων τε καὶ ἀποθνησκόντων,
τάς τε κατ᾽ οἶκον αὐτῶν διαίτας ἠφάνιζον ἐν
βρωτοῖς εὑρισκόμενοι καὶ ποτοῖς καὶ ταῖς εὐναῖς
αὐτῶν ἐπιπολάζοντες, ὀσμή τε χαλεπὴ ἦν καὶ
δυσώδης ἀποθνησκόντων τῶν βατράχων καὶ ζών-

\ / eA \ ͵ ~
5, Τῶν Και διεφθαρμένων. ὑῖτὸο δὲ TOUTWVY TWY Ka-

κῶν ἐλαυνομένων τῶν Αἰγυπτίων τὸν Muvajv
> ; € ‘ vw ‘ eT ᾽
ἐκέλευσεν ὁ βασιλεὺς οἴχεσθαι τοὺς “EBpatous
λαβόντα, καὶ παραχρῆμα τοῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος ἠφάνιστ ο
τῶν βατράχων τὸ πλῆθος καὶ ἢ τε γῆ καὶ ὁ
ποταμὸς εἰς τὴν ἰδίαν φύσιν κατέστησαν. Φαραώ-
θης δὲ ἅμα τοῦ τε πάθους ἀπήλλακτο [ἡ γῆ" καὶ
τῆς αἰτίας ἐπελέληστο καὶ τοὺς “Ἑβραίους κατεῖχε,
καὶ ὥσπερ πλειόνων παθημάτων φύσεις βουλό-
μενος μαθεῖν οὐκέτ᾽ ἠφίει τοῖς περὶ τὸν διωυσῆν
ἐξιέναι, φόβῳ μᾶλλον ἢ φρονήσει ταύτην αὐτοῖς
ἐπιτρέπων.

(5) Πάλιν οὖν ἄλλου κακοῦ προσβολῇ μετῆει τὸ
θεῖον αὐτοῦ τὴν ἀπάτην" φθειρῶν γὰρ τοῖς Αἰγυπ-
, > 4 » é ~ ” >
τίοις ἐξήνθησεν ἄπειρόν τι πλῆθος ἔνδοθεν ava-
διδομένων, ὑφ᾽ ὧν κακοὶ κακῶς ἀπώλλυντο μήτε
λουτροῖς μὴτε χρίσεσι φαρμάκων διαφθεῖραι τὸ
γένος αὐτῶν δυνάμενοι. καὶ πρὸς τοῦτο τὸ δεινὸν
ὁ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς ταραχθεὶς καὶ δείσας
ὁμοῦ τὸν ὄλεθρον τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ τὴν αἰσχύνην δὲ
~ 3 a ᾽ ? € “ ς A J
τῆς ἀπωλείας λογισάμενος ἐξ ἡμίσους ὑπὸ φαυλό-

1 Probably a gloss.

@ Or “‘ scraped (the 5011). cf. ili, 10 διαμωμένοις τὴν ψάμμον.
The word is drawn from Thue. iv. 26, ‘‘ the soldiers were in

20 4.

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 296-301

insomuch that when they delved? they found their
drinking-water befouled with the juices of these
creatures dving and putrefying in it: the country
was saturated with their horrible slime as they bred
and died : all articles ὃ of the household they ruined,
being found in their meat and drink and swarming
over their beds: a stench, intolerable and foul, was
everywhere, of frogs dying, living, and dead. Seeing
the Egyptians harassed by these pests, the king bade
Moses ‘be gone and the Hebrews with him, and no
sooner had he said this than the mass of frogs dis-
appeared and land and river returned to their natural
state. But Pharaothes, on the instant that he was
quit of this plague, forgot the reason of it and re-
tained the Hebrews: aad. as though desirous to
learn the nature of further Ἰδέ το withdrew that
permission to the followers of Moses to depart, which
fear rather than wisdom had extorted from him.

(3) Again therefore the Deity sent a fresh plague
to punish him for his deceit. A vast multitude of
lice © broke out on the persons of the Egyptians,
issuing from their bodies, whereby the miserable
wretches miserably perished, neither lotions nor
ungnents availing them to destroy these vermin.
Ganfunnded by this scourge, dreading the destruetion
of his people, and withal reflecting on the ignominy of
such an end, the king of Egypt was forced to listen
to reason, though, in his depravity, still only in half

the habitof scraping away the shingle (δια μώμενοι τὸν κάχληκα)
and drinking any water which they could σοὶ ᾿ (Jowett):
the detail is taken over from the Biblical account of the first
plague, Ix. vii. 24. And all the Egyptians digged round
about the river for water to drink.”

Ὁ Or “stores,” “ comforts,” including food and dress.

¢ txx reads σκνῖφες ( =‘ gnats,” rather than “ἡ fleas’’).

295

The lice.
Ex, viii. 16.

302

003

304

305

JOSEPHUS

τητος ἠναγκάζετο σωφρονεῖν: τοῖς μὲν yap
Ἑβραίοις αὐτοῖς ἐδίδου τὴν ἄφοδον, καὶ πρὸς
τοῦτο λωφήσαντος τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας ὅμηρα τῆς
ὑποστροφῆς αὐτῶν καταλιπεῖν αὐτοὺς ἠξίου. προσ-
εξαγριαίνει δὴ τὸν θεὸν νομίσας ATAT HOEY αὐτοῦ
τὴν πρόνοιαν, ὥσπερ διωυσέος ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκείνου
τιμωροῦντος τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑπὲρ τῶν “Ἑβραίων:
θηρίων γὰρ παντοίων καὶ πολυτρόπων, ὧν εἰς
ὄψιν οὐδεὶς ἀπηντήκει πρότερον, τὴν χώραν αὐτῶν
ἐγέμισεν, ὑφ᾽ ὧν αὐτοί τε ἀπώλλυντο καὶ ἡ γῆ
τῆς ἐπιμελείας τῆς παρὰ τῶν γεωργῶν ἀπ-
εστερεῖτο, εἰ δέ τι καὶ διέφυγε τὴν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοις
ἀπώλειαν, νόσῳ τοῦτο καὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ὑπο-
μενόντων ἐδαπανᾶτο.

(4) Τοῦ δὲ Φαραώθου μηδ᾽ οὕτως εἴκοντος τοῖς
τοῦ θεοῦ βουλήμασιν, ἀλλὰ τὰς μὲν γυναῖκας
συναπαίρειν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀξιοῦντος καταλείπεσθαι
δὲ τοὺς παῖδας, οὐκ ἠπόρει τὸ θεῖον τὴν πονηρίαν
αὐτοῦ ποικίλοις κακοῖς καὶ μείζοσι τῶν προεν-
δεδημηκότων μετερχόμενον βασανίσαι: ἀλλὰ γὰρ
δεινῶς αὐτοῖς ἐξηλκοῦτο τὰ σώματα τῶν ἐντὸς
διαφθειρομένων, καὶ τὸ πολὺ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων
ὅ οὕτως ἀπώλλυτο. μη nO ὑπὸ ταύτης δὲ τῆς πληγῆς
σωφρονιζομένου τοῦ βασιλέως χάλαζα, μῆτε πρό-
τερον τοῦ κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἀέρος τοῦτο πεπονθότος
μήθ᾽ ὁμοία τῇ παρ᾽ ἄλλοις ἃ ὥρᾳ χειμῶνος κατιούσῃ,
μείζων δὲ τῆς παρὰ τοῖς τὰ βόρεια καὶ τὴν ἄρκτον

α Detail attached in Ex. x. 10 f. to a later plague.

> These “ beasts of every sort and kind ” are the equivalent
of the fourth plague in the Biblical narrative, the ‘* swarms
of flies” (Lxx the “ dog-fly,” cvyéuma) of Ex, viii. 21, The
single Heb. word translated “‘swarms-of-flies,” viz. ‘ard6,

290

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 302-305

measure ; for he offered egress to the Hebrews them-
selves, and when thereupon the plague ceased he
required themtoleave theirwives and children behind
as hostages for their return.? Thus he did but
exasperate God the more, in thinking to impose upon
His providence. as though it were Moses and not He
who was punishing Egypt on the Hebrews’ behalf ;

for He now sent wild beasts ὃ of ev ery species and
kind, the like of which no man had ever encountered
before. to infest their country, whereby the people
perished and the land was deprived of the care of its
labourers, while all that escaped their ravages was
wasted by disease even though the men stood their
ground.?

(+) Yet sinee even so Pharaothes would not yield
to the will of God, but, while permitting the wives to
accompany their husbands. required the children
to be lett behind.? the Deity lacked not the means to
pursue and torment the sinner with divers chastise-
ments vet mightier than those prevalent heretofore ;
for now their bodies were smitten with horrible ulcers
and their intestines wasted away, and the greater
part of the Egyptians perished thus. But when even
this plague failed to sober the king, hail. till then
unknown to the climate of Egypt. nor vet like that
which in other conntries falls in winter. but hail larger
than that known to the dwellers in northern, polar

«ς

might mean ἃ “ἡ micture”’ and is actually so rendered in the
Syriac and later Greek versions. Hence this menagerie of
Josephus. The fifth plague, the murrain on cattle (Ex. ix. 1),
he omits altogether,

¢ ie. the labourers in the fields. But the meaning is
doubtful : perhaps ** even though the population survived it.’

¢ Detail not in Scripture; in Ex. x. 10 f. wives and
children are to remain.

297

Wild beasts.
ΠΕ ΕΞ. ΤΠ.
ΙΝ

Uleers.
Bx ἰχ. 8.

Hail.
Hix. ix. 18.

306

307

308

309

310

JOSEPHUS

νεμομένοις, ἔαρος ἀκμάζοντος κατενεχθεῖσα τοὺς
καρποὺς αὐτῶν κατέκλασεν. ἔπειτα φῦλον ἀκρί-
δων ἐπινέμεται τὴν ὑπὸ τῆς χαλάζης μὴ κατα-
βλαβεῖσαν σποράν, ὥστε πρὸς τἀκριβὲς, πάσας
τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις τὰς ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς τῶν καρπῶν
ἐλπίδας διολέσαι.

(5) ἤρκει μὲν οὖν τὸν δίχα πονηρίας ἀνόητον
καὶ τὰ προειρημένα τῶν κακῶν εἰς σύνεσιν καὶ τοῦ
συμφέροντος τὴν ἐπίνοιαν ὠφελῆσαι, Φαραώθης
δὲ οὐ τοσοῦτον ὑπὸ ἀφροσύνης ὅσον ὑπὸ κακίας
ὅμως αἰσθόμενος" τῆς αἰτίας ἀντεφιλονίκει τῷ
θεῷ καὶ τοῦ κρείττονος ἑκὼν προδότης ἐγένετο,
καὶ κελεύει μὲν τὸν Δίωυσῆν μετά τε γυναικῶν
καὶ παίδων ἀπάγειν τοὺς ‘EBpatous, τὴν δὲ λείαν
αὐτοῖς καταλιπεῖν ἐφθαρμένης αὐτοῖς τῆς οἰκείας.
τοῦ δὲ δίωυσέος οὐχὶ δίκαια φήσαντος αὐτὸν
ἀξιοῦν, δεῖν γὰρ αὐτοὺς τῷ θεῷ τὰς θυσίας ἐκ τῆς
λείας ἐπενεγκεῖν, καὶ τριβομένου διὰ ταύτην τὴν
αἰτίαν τοῦ χρόνου σκότος βαθὺ καὶ φέγγους
ἄμοιρον περιχεῖται τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις, ὑφ᾽ οὗ τάς
τε ὄψεις ἀποκλειομένοις καὶ τὰς ἀναπνοὰς ἐμῴρατ-
τομένοις ὑπὸ παχύτητος οἰκτρῶς τε ἀποθνήσκειν
συνέβαινε καὶ δεδιέναι μὴ καταποθῶσιν ὑπὸ τοῦ
νέφους. εἶτα τούτου διασκεδασθέντος μετὰ τρεῖς
ἡμέρ ρας καὶ τοσαύτας νύκτας, ὡς οὐ μετενόει πρὸς
τὴν ἔξοδον τῶν Ἑβραίων ὁ O Φαραώθης, προσελθὼν
ὁ Μωυσῆς φησιν “᾿ ἄχρι πότε ἀπειθεῖς τῇ τοῦ
θεοῦ γνώμῃ; κελεύει γὰρ οὗτος ἀπολύειν τοὺς
“Ἑβραίους, καὶ οὐκ ἔστιν ἑτέρως ἀπαλλαγῆναι τῶν
κακῶν ὑμᾶς μὴ ταῦτα ποιήσαντας.᾽᾿ ὁ δὲ βασιλεὺς
ὀργισθεὶς ἐπὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις ἠπείλησεν αὐτοῦ τὴν

1 Niese: ἀκριϑὲς codd.
298

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 305-310

regions, descended when spring was at its prime and
beat down their crops. Thereafter a horde of locusts
devoured whatever seed had not been ruined by the
hail, thus literally destroying all hopes that the
Egyptians may have cherished of a harvest from
the soil.

(5) The ealamities already named might indeed
have sufficed to reeall to reason and a sense of his own
interests a mere imbecile devoid of malice. But
Pharaothes, less fool than knave, though alive to the
eause of it all, was matching himself against God as a
deliberate traitor to the eause of virtue; and now 4
he ordered Moses to take off the Hebrews, women
and ehildren ineluded, but to leave their live stoek ὃ
to the Egyptians, who had lost their own. Moses
replied that this demand was inequitable, sinee they
needed their cattle to offer saerifiees to God, and
while time in eonsequence dragged on, dense dark-
ness, without a partiele of light, enveloped the
Egyptians—darkness so thiek that their eyes were
blinded by it and their breath choked, and they either
met with a miserable end or lived in terror of being
swallowed up by the fog. This dispersed after three
days and as many nights and then, since Pharaothes
was still impenitent regarding the departure of the
Hebrews, Moses went to him and said: “ How long
wilt thou disobey the will of God? For the command
is His, to let the Hebrews go ; and by no other means
can thy people be quit of these ills save by aeting
thus.”” Infuriated by this speeeh, the king threatened

* In Exodus these orders follow the plague of darkness.
> λεία, constantly used of cattle.

2 Lat., ed. pr.: + yap codd.
299

Locusts.
Ex. x. 1.

Darkness.

EX. x. 24.

x. 21.

41]

312

31:

—

JOSEPHUS

A > a > 7 3 / > ~
κεφαλὴν ἀποτεμεῖν, εἰ πάλιν περὶ τούτων ἐνοχλῶν
αὐτῷ προσέλθοι. Μωυσῆς δὲ αὐτὸς οὐκέτι ποιή-

» A
σεσθαι περὶ τούτων λόγους ἔφησεν, αὐτὸν δὲ
ἐκεῖνον σὺν καὶ τοῖς πρώτοις τῶν Αἰγυπτίων παρα-

4 A ¢€ 4 2 ~ A € A
καλέσειν τοὺς ‘EBpatous ἀπελθεῖν. Kal ὁ μὲν
ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν ἀπαλλάσσεται.

(6) ‘O δὲ θεὸς δηλώσας ἔτι μιᾷ πληγῇ τοὺς
Alyurtiovs καταναγκάσειν ἀπολῦσαι τοὺς ‘Epai-
ους ἐκέλευσε: Μωυσὴν παραγγεῖλαι τῷ λαῷ θυσίαν
ἑτοίμην ἔχειν, παρασκευασαμένους TH δεκάτη" τοῦ
Ξανθικοῦ μηνὸς εἰς τὴν τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτην, ὃς

Ἁ 3 > f 3 ~ \
mapa μὲν Αἰγυπτίοις Φαρμουθὶ καλεῖται, Νισὰν

Ἀ }) « ,ὔ 7ὔ > 2 3 — Ἁ
δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Ἑβραίοις, Μακεδόνες δ᾽ αὐτὸν Ξανθικὸν
προσαγορεύουσιν, ἀπάγειν τε τοὺς Ἑβραίους
πάντα ἐπικομιζομένους. καὶ ὁ μὲν ἑτοίμους ἔχων
ἤδη τοὺς ‘EBpatous πρὸς τὴν ἔξοδον καὶ δια-
τάξας εἰς φατρίας ἐν ταὐτῷ συνεῖχεν, ἐάν ἢ
δὲ τῆς τεσσαρεσκαιδεκάτης πάντες πρὸς a
οὗον ἔχοντες ἔθυον καὶ τῷ αἵματι τὰς “ἊΝ
id € 7 4 9 Σ a A ,
ἡγνιζον ὑσσώπου κόμαις ἀναλαβόντες, καὶ δειπνή-
σαντες τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν κρεῶν ἔκαυσαν ὡς ἐξελευ-

“- A 4
σόμενοι. ὅθεν viv ἔτι κατὰ TO ἔθος οὕτως θύομεν
τὴν ἑορτὴν πάσχα καλοῦντες, σημαίνει δ᾽ ὑπερ-
βάσια, διότι κατ᾽ ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέραν ὁ θεὸς αὐτῶν
ὑπερβὰς Αἰγυπτίοις ἐναπέσκηψε τὴν νόσον. ἡ γὰρ
φθορὰ τῶν πρωτοτόκων κατ᾽ ἐκείνην ἔπεισι τὴν
νύκτα τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις, ὡς συνελθόντας πολλοὺς

1 ἐκέλευε RO. 2 τρισκαιδεκάτῃ ME.

α Not tribes; the Attic ¢(p)arpfa was a subdivision of the
φυλή, and the use of the word in BJ. vi. 423 (cf. A. iii.
248) with reference to contemporary Passover practice shows
that little companies of between ten and twenty persons are
intended.

300

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 310-313

to behead him, should he ever again come and pester
him on this matter. Moses replied that for his part
he would speak thereon no more, but that it was the
king himself, along with the chief of the Egyptians,
who would implore the Hebrews to depart. And
with those words he left him.

(6) God, having revealed that by yet one more
plague he would constrain the Egyptians to release
the Hebrews, now bade Moses instruct the people to
have ready a sacrifice, making preparations on the
tenth of the month Xanthicus over against the
fourteenth day (this is the month called by the
Egyptians Pharmuthi, by the Hebrews Nisan, and by
the Macedonians termed Xanthicus) and then to lead
off the Hebrews, taking all their possessions with them.
He accordingly had the Hebrews ready betimes for
departure, and ranging them in fraternities? kept
them assembled together ; then when the fourteenth
day was come the whole body, in readiness to start,
sacrificed, purified the houses with the blood, using
bunches of hyssop to sprinkle it,? and after the repast
burnt the remnants of the meat as persons on the eve
of departure. Hence comes it that to this day we
kecp this sacrifice in the same customary manner,
calling the feast Pascha, which signifies “ passing
over, because on that day God passed over our
people when he smote the Egyptians with plague.¢
For on that selfsame night destruction visited the
firstborn of Egypt, insomuch that multitudes of

> Literally ‘ refreshing them (the houses) with bunches of
hyssop ᾿᾿ : ἀναλαμβάνειν, elsewhere =“ refresh,” “ recover ἡ
(eg. A. xv. 312), is here synonymous with ἁγνίζειν,
“puritys

ς ἐναπέσκηψε τὴν νόσον (“launched the plague upon’)
after Thuc. ii. 47 (of the plague of Athens).

VOR. Lv LG 30]

The
Passover.
Death of
the first-
born.
ΕΧ. χὶ. 1;

xii. 3.

xii. 27.

“13

315

316

317

JOSEPHUS

~ 4 ‘ ,ὔ ,ὔ ~ [4
τῶν περὶ τὸ βασίλειον διαιτωμένων τῷ Φαραώθῃ
συμβουλεύειν ἀπολύειν τοὺς “Ἑβραίους. καὶ Μωυ-
σῆν καλέσας ἐκεῖνος ἀπιέναι προσέταξεν, εἰ τῆς

, > “λθ ’ θ Ι ᾿ Av
χώρας ἐξέλθοιεν παύσεσθαι' τὴν Λίγυπτον Kako-
παθοῦσαν ὑπολαβών, δώροις τε τοὺς Ἑβραίους
> ἢ ς A ¢ A ~ ὔ 3 ~ e 4
ἐτίμων, ol μὲν ὑπὲρ τοῦ τάχιον ἐξελθεῖν, οἱ δὲ
καὶ κατὰ γειτνιακὴν πρὸς αὐτοὺς συνήθειαν.

‘| φ A 3 , , A

(xv. 1) Καὶ of μὲν ἐξήεσαν κλαιόντων καὶ μετα-

νοούντων OTL γρήσαιντο χαλεπῶς αὐτοῖς τῶν
? “ ~
Αἰγυπτίων, τὴν δὲ πορείαν ἐποιοῦντο κατὰ Λητοῦς

, ” on 3 a 4 Ἁ Α
πόλιν ἔρημον οὖσαν ἐν τοῖς τότε: Βαβυλὼν γὰρ
¢ - f Σ᾽
ὕστερον ἐκεῖ κτίζεται Καμβύσου καταστρεφομένου

\ ” ‘ A 7 A »”
τὴν Αἴγυπτον. συντόμως δὲ ποιούμενοι THY ἄφοδον

~ 4 -
εἰς Βεελσεφῶντα χωρίον τριταῖοι παραγίνονται
~ 3 ~ , 4 A ~ >) ry ~
τῆς ᾿Ερυθρᾶς θαλάσσης. μηδενὸς δὲ τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς

- ~ ‘ ?
γῆς εὐποροῦντες Sia THY ἐρημίαν πεφυραμένοις
τοῖς ἀλεύροις καὶ πεπηγόσι μόνον ὑπὸ βραχείας

~ > > ~

θερμότητος τοῖς am αὐτῶν ἄρτοις διετρέφοντο,

> 4 iY
καὶ τούτοις ἐπὶ τριάκονθ᾽ ἡμέρας ἐχρήσαντο: πρὸς
πλείονα γὰρ οὐκ ἐξήρκεσε χρόνον αὐτοῖς ὅσα ἐκ
~ 3 ~
τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐπεφέροντο, καὶ ταῦτα τὴν τροφὴν

,ὔ ‘ > ‘

ταμιευομένοις καὶ πρὸς ἀνάγκην ἀλλὰ μὴ πρὸς
κόρον αὐτῇ χρωμένοις: ὅθεν εἰς μνήμην τῆς τότε

' παύσασθαι codd.

¢ In the year 525 B.c. Strabo (xvii. 807) mentions the
Fgyptian Babylon as a strong fortress, in or near ** the
Letopolite nome.” founded by certain Babylonian emigrants
and in his day the camp of one of the three Roman legions
in Egypt. Modern explorers have identified the two places

302

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 11: 31523517

those whose dwellings surrounded the palaee trooped

to Pharaothes to urge him to let the Hebrews go.

And he, summoning Moses, ordered him to depart,
supposing that, onee his people were quit of the
eountry, Egypt's sufferings would eease. They even sii. 35 4
honoured the Hebrews with gifts, some to speed their
departure, others froin neighbourly feelings towards

old aequaintanees.

(xv. 1) So they departed, amid the lamentation The exodus.
and regrets of the Egyptians for having treated them aoe
sO hardly. They took the road for Letopolis, at that
time desert, afterwards the site of Babylon, founded
by Cambyses when he subjugated Egy pt. ας Quitting
the country by the shortest route they arrived on the xiv. 2.
third day at Beelsephon,? a place beside the Red Sea.

Being bereft of any sustenanee from the barren soil,

they kneaded flour, baked it with merely a slight sii. 39.
heating , and subsisted on the bread so made ; on this

they ied for thirty days, for they eould nake what
they had brought “from Egypt last no longer, not-
withstanding that they rationed the food, limiting the
portions to “bare needs without eating to satiety.
Hence it is that, in memory of that time of seareity,

named, Babylon (fFostat) near Old Cairo, and Letopolis
(Usim) some ten miles north of it, on the opposite (western)
bank of the Nile. On the other hand, the Biblical “Suecoth”’
(Ex. xii. 37), has been identified as the Thukke of Egyptian
inscriptions, and the * Pithom ” of Ex. i. 1t, lying far to
the N.E. of Babylon on the eastern confines of ** the land of
Goshen.” Josephus thus indicates a more sontherly desert
route as the “ shortest route ’’ to the Red Sea.

δ Bibl. Baal-zephon, not identified.

¢ [nferred from Ex. xvi. t, where we read that the Israelites
reached the wilderness of Sin“ on the 15th day of the second
mooth,” ie. a month after leaving Egypt on the 15th Nisan,
and there first began to eat manna,

303

318

JOSEPHUS

ἐνδείας ἑορτὴν ἄγομεν ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ τὴν τῶν
ἀζύμων λεγομένην. τὸ μὲν οὖν πᾶν πλῆθος τῶν
μετανισταμένων γυναιξὶν ἅμα καὶ τέκνοις σκο-
ποῦσιν οὐκ εὐαρίθμητον ἦν, οἱ δὲ στρατεύσιμον
ἔχοντες τὴν ἡλικίαν περὶ ἑξήκοντα μυριάδες 7) ἦσαν.

(9) Κατέλιπον δὲ τὴν Αἴγυπτον μηνὶ Ξανθικῷ
πεντεκαιδεκάτῃ κατὰ σελήνην μετὰ ἔτη τριάκοντα
καὶ τετρακόσια 7 TOV πρόγονον ἡμῶν “Ἄβραμον
εἰς τὴν Ναναναίαν ἐλθεῖν, τῆς δὲ ᾿Ιακώβου μετ-
αναστάσεως εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον γενομένης διακοσίοις

“ \ ~ ὃ 7 > -“ “ ΔΙ “1
910 προς τοις δεκαπέντε ενιαυτοις ὕστερον. Διωυσης

320

3

δ᾽ ἐγεγόνει μὲν ἔτος ὀγδοηκοστὸν ἤδη, ὁ δὲ
ἀδελφὸς αὐτοῦ ᾿Ααρὼν τρισὶ πλείοσιν. ἐπεκομί-
ζοντο δὲ καὶ τὰ τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου ὀστᾶ, ταῦτ᾽ ἐκείνου
τοῖς υἱοῖς αὐτοῦ κελεύσαντος.

(3) Αἰγύπτιοι δ᾽ ἐπὶ τοῖς Ἑβραίοις ἐξελθοῦσι
μετενόουν καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως δεινῶς φέροντος ὡς
κατὰ γοητείαν τὴν ΔΙωυσέος τούτων γεγονότων
ἐπ’ αὐτοὺς ἐγνώκεσαν ἀπιέναι. καὶ λαβόντες
ὅπλα καὶ παρασκευὴν ἐδίωκον ὡς ἐπανάξοντες
αὐτοὺς εἰ καταλάβοιεν: καὶ γὰρ οὐκέτ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἐνέχεσθαι" τῷ θεῷ: τὴν γὰρ ἔξοδον αὐτοῖς γε-
γονέναι:" κρατήσειν δὲ ῥᾳδίως αὐτῶν ὑπέλαβον
ἀνόπλων τε ὄντων καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ὁδοιπορίας κεκο-

1 RO: διωυσῆ (- et) rell. 2 πλεῖον Niese.
3 ROE: évretitec@ar rell.

<= Originally seven days, Nisan 15-21 (Lev. xxiii. 6, ef.
Ex. xii. 18 f., and so Josephus himself A. iil, 249), ‘ but
from time immemorial the Jews outside of Palestine have
added a day to their principal petals (Oesterley-Box,

2eligion and Worship of Synagogue, ed. 2, 385).

> The Macedonian month (approximately April) equated
by Josephus with the Hebrew Nisan.

¢ These dates conflict with other statements in Josephus (e.g.

304

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 317-321

we keep for eight? days a feast called the feast of origin of
unleavened bread. To estimate the total number tof
of emigrants, including women and ehildren, were no bread.
easy task, but those of military age numbered about gx. xii. 37.
six hundred thousand.

(2) They left Egypt in the month of Xanthicus,? on Date of the
the fifteenth by lunar reckoning. £30 Wearssaterithe sat ay.
coming of our forefather Abraham to Canaan, Jacob’s
migration to Egypt having taken place 215 years
later. ὁ Nloses had already reached his eightieth vii. 7.
vear ; his brother Aaron was three vears older. hey
were bringing with them the bones of Joseph in xiii. 19.
accordance with that patriarch’s injunctions to his
sons.

(3) But the Egyptians repented of having let the pursuit
Hebrews go and, their king being mortified at the ΠΝ
thought that it was the jugelery of Moses that had Ex. xiv. 5.
brought this about, they recole ed to set out after
them. So with arms and full equipment they started
in pursuit, determined to bring them back could they
overtake them; for no longer (they deemed) were they
accountable to God, now that these people had had
their exodus, and they looked for an easy victory over

unarmed? folk, exhausted by their march. Inquiring,

ii. 204 note). The figure 430 comes from Exodus: the other
figure (dividing the whole period from Abraham’s migration
to Canaan to the emigration from Egypt into two equal parts)
is perhaps taken over from the Jewish historian Demetrius
(l'reudenthal, Hellenistische Studien, 49 note, quoted by Weill).

4 Opposed to Ex. xiii. 18 Heb. “ went up armed out of
I.gypt (a rare verb misinterpreted by rxx). Weillappositely
quotes the extract, ΡΠ ΓΕΠΕΙΝ from Demetrius, in Euseb.
Praep. Ev, ix. 29 fin. : ἐπιζητεῖν δέ τινα πῶς οἱ ᾿Ἰσραηλῖται
ὅπλα ἔσχον, ἄνοπλοι ἐξελθόντες : φαίνεται οὖν τοὺς μὴ κατα-
κλυσθέντας τοῖς ἐκείνων ὅπλοις xpioacGat (precisely as stated by
Josephus below, § 319).

305

323

324

Ὁ. Ὁ

JOSEPHUS

~

, > ς > ‘
πωμένων. παρ ἑκάστων τε ἀναπυνθανόμενοι ἡ
χωρήσειαν ἐπέσπευδον τὴν δίωξιν, καίτοι χαλεπῆς
οὔσης ὁδευθῆναι τῆς γῆς οὐ στρατοπέδοις μόνον
ἀλλὰ καὶ καθ᾽ ἕνα. Μωυσῆς δὲ ταύτῃ τοὺς
ι , ¢ >

βραίους ἀπήγαγεν, ἵν᾽ εἰ μετανοήσαντες οἱ
3 ~
Λίγύπτιοι διώκειν ἐθέλοιεν τιμωρίαν τῆς πονηρίας
4 “7
Kat παραβάσεως τῶν ὡμολογημένων ὑπόσχοιεν,
διὰ [[αλαιστίνους, <ots>' δυσμενῶς ἔχοντας
4 A > 7 > ¢ ~ > ͵ 2
κατὰ παλαιὰν ἀπέχθειαν οὖσαν ὁπωσοῦν ἐβούλετο
λαιθάνειν ἀπερχόμενος: ὅμορος γάρ ἐστι τῇ τῶν
Αἰγυπτίων χώρᾳ: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τὴν μὲν ἄγουσαν
3 Α / > > Ψ' 4 / > X
ets τὴν Ladatotivny οὐκ ἀνήγαγε τὸν λαόν, ἀλλὰ
~ ‘
διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου πολλὴν ἀνύσας ὁδὸν καὶ κακο-
/ > ? > - > A U
παθήσας ἠθέλησεν ἐμβαλεῖν εἰς τὴν Xavavaiav:
ἔτι τε καὶ διὰ τὰς ἐντολὰς τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος
ἄγειν τὸν λαὸν εἰς τὸ Σιναῖον ὄρος ἐκεῖ ποιήσοντας
᾿ ’ / \ 4 ε ’ ¢
τὰς θυσίας. καταλαβόντες δὲ τοὺς “EBpatous οἱ
Αἰγύπτιοι εἰς μάχην παρεσκευάζοντο καὶ συν-
ελαύνουσιν αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ πολυχειρίας εἰς ὀλίγον
χωρίον: ἑξακόσια γὰρ αὐτοῖς ἅρματα εἵπετο σὺν
ἱππεῦσι πεντακισμυρίοις καὶ ὁπλιτῶν μυριάδες
ἦσαν εἴκοσι. τὰς δὲ ὁδοὺς ἀπεφράγνυσαν, αἷς
φεύξεσθαι τοὺς “ἰβραίους ὑπελάμβανον, μεταξὺ
κρημνῶν αὐτοὺς ἀπροσβάτων καὶ τῆς θαλάττης
ἀπολαμβάνοντες" τελευτᾷ γὰρ εἰς αὐτὴν ὄρος ὑπὸ
~ Ἁ a >
τραχύτητος ὁδῶν ἄπορον καὶ φυγῆς ἀπολαμβανό-

1 ins. Niese. 2 LE Lat.: ἐβουλεύετο rell.

a x, “ For God said. Lest peradventure the people repent
when they see war, and they return to Egypt.”
> Josephus is replying to anti-Semite objections raised at

300

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 321-325

therefore, on all hands whieh route the fugitives had
taken, they vigorously pushed the pursuit, albeit the

ground was difficult to traverse not only for great
armies but even for a solitary traveller. Now Moses Three
had led the Hebrews out by this route in order that, if ae asor ge Ot
the Egyptians changed their minds and wished to taken ty
pursue them, they should be punished for this ~~
malieious breach of the paet ; partly also on aceount

of the Philistines, a people hostile in virtue of an Ex. xiii. 17.
aneient feud. fora whom he wished at all costs to
coneeal his departure, for their country was coter-
minous with that of the Egyptians.? That was why ὃ

he did not conduet his people by the direct route to
Palestine, but ehose to accomplish a long and arduous

mareh through the desert in orcs to ἜΘ ἢ Canaan.

F utherniore: he was influenced by the behests of God,

who had commanded him to lead His people to Mount

Sinai, there to do Him saerifice. However the xiv. 9.
Egyptians, having overtaken the Hebrews, prepared

foi battle and, thanks to their aulitudinens forees,

cooped them into a narrow space : they were, in fact,

being pursued by 600 ehariots along with 50,000 xiv. 7
horsemen and heavy infantry to the number of
200,000.¢ Barring all routes by whieh they expected

the Hebrews to attempt eseape.? they confined them
between inaceessible eliffs and the sea ; for it was the

sea in whieh terminated a mountain whose rugged face

was destitute of tracks ὁ and prohibitive for retreat.

Alexandria: Why this route? Whence did they get their
arins 7 ete.

¢ The 600 chariots are Biblical, the other figures imaginary.

4 The retreat from Syracuse is in mind: τάς τε ὀδοὺς τὰς
κατὰ τὴν χώραν, ἢ εἰκὸς ἣν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἱέναι, ἀπεφράγνυσαν
Thue, vii. 7.

“ Or perhaps “ whose rugged tracks made it impracticable.”

307

326

32!

329

330

JOSEPHUS

~ > ~ ᾽ “1 “- A ΄
μενον. τοιγαροῦν ἐν τῇ εἰσβολῇ; τῇ πρὸς θάλατταν
~ id A ¢ / ~
τοῦ ὄρους τοὺς ‘EBpaiovs ἀπέφραττον τῷ otpato-
/ A “~ ε
πέδῳ κατὰ στόμα τοῦτο ἱδρυσάμενοι, ὅπως τὴν
A ᾿
εἰς τὸ πεδίον ἔξοδον ὦσιν αὐτοὺς ἀφῃρημένοι.
3 >
(4) δΊητ᾽ οὖν ὑπομένειν πολιορκουμένων τρόπῳ
A ‘\ 7 “ 3
διὰ τὴν ἔνδειαν τῶν ἐπιτηδείων δυνάμενοι μήτε
“ ᾽ ~
φυγῆς εὐπορίαν ὁρῶντες, ὅπλων τε σπανίζοντες
> \ , ᾽ὔ > “- > > / ~
εἰ καὶ μάχεσθαι δόξειεν αὐτοῖς, ἐν ἐλπίδι τοῦ
’ὔ 3 A 3
πάντως ἀπολεῖσθαι" καθειστήκεσαν, εἰ μὴ παρα-
, € ‘ “ 3 3
δώσουσιν ἑαυτοὺς τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ἐθελουσίως.

\ \ “ ᾽ “ a ? ,
7 καὶ Tov Μωυσῆν ἡτιῶντο πάντων ἐπιλελησμένα

“ 9 ~ A ‘ ᾽ / ͵ “ /
τῶν ἐκ θεοῦ πρὸς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοῖς σημείων
γεγονότων, ὡς καὶ τὸν προφήτην παρορμῶντα

A \ “A
Kal τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῖς ἐπαγγελλόμενον ὑπὸ
᾽ ,ὔ , ᾽ “ a /
ἀπιστίας λίθοις ἐθελῆσαι βαλεῖν παραδιδόναι τε

~ ΄- ,ὔ ~
σφᾶς τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις διεγνωκέναι. πένθος τε ἦν
καὶ ὀδυρμοὶ γυναικῶν καὶ παίδων πρὸ ὀφθαλμῶν
> \
ἐχόντων τὸν ὄλεθρον, ὄρεσι καὶ θαλάττῃ περι-
κεκλεισμένων καὶ πολεμίοις καὶ φυγὴν οὐδαμόθεν
ἐκ τούτων ἐπινοούντων.

/ ~ \ / 3 ’ \ ᾽ ‘

(5) Μωυσῆς δὲ καίπερ ayptaivovtos πρὸς αὐτὸν

τοῦ πλήθους οὐτ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐνέκαμνε τῇ περὶ αὐτοὺς
\ “ἢ “
προνοίᾳ καὶ τῷ θεῷ κατεφρόνει, τά τε ἄλλα πρὸς

A > / ~ ~
τὴν ἐλευθερίαν αὐτοῖς ὅσα προεῖπε παρεσχηκότος
καὶ μηδὲ τότ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐάσοντος ὑπὸ τοῖς ἐχθροῖς

na . \
γενομένους ἢ δουλεύειν ἢ ἀπολέσθαι, καὶ στὰς

Ἵ / {{ ᾿] A > , }} > {{ ~ A
ev μέσοις “᾿ οὐδὲ ἀνθρώποις, εἶπε, “ καλῶς τὰ

~ 7 >
παρόντα πεπολιτευμένοις πρὸς ὑμᾶς" δίκαιον ἦν
ἀπιστεῖν ὡς οὐχ ὁμοίοις ἐσομένοις πρὸς τὰ μέλ-
λοντα, τῆς δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ νῦν ἀπογινώσκειν ὑμᾶς
1 ROE: προσβολῇ Μ : συμβολῇ rell.

2 Niese: ἀπολέσθαι codd. 3 Niese: ἡμᾶς codd.

308

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 325-330

Aeeordingly, oeeupying the pass where the mountain
abuts upon the sea, they blocked the passage of the
Hebrews, pitehing their eamp at its mouth, to prevent
their escape to the plain.?

(+) Thus, unable, for laek of supplies, to hold the

out in the manner of the beleaguered, seeing no peo
opportunity for flight, and destitute of arms even cf Ex.
should they deeide to give battle, the Hebrews were *% ᾽ν
left with no prospect but that of utter destruction,
failing deliberate surrender to the Egyptians. And
now they turned to accusing Moses, forgetful of all
those miracles wrought by God in token of their
liberation, insomueh that the words of the prophet,
who eheered them and promised them salvation, were
met with ineredulity and they wished to stone him
and resolved to give themselves up to the Egyptians.
Then there were the wailings and lamentations of
women and children, with death before their eyes,
hemmed in by mountains, sea, and enemy, and seeing
nowhere from these any imaginable escape.

(5) But Moses, for all that enragement of the Exhortation
multitude against him, relaxed not his forethought ane eg
on their behalf, and proudly trusted in God, who, 13.
having done all that He had promised towards their
deliverance, would not now suffer them to fall into
their enemies’ hands whether for servitude or de-
struetion. Standing up, then, in their midst, he said :
“Were they but men who till now have happily
direeted your affairs, it were an injustice to doubt that
even they would prove themselves alike in future ;
but to despair at this moment of the providenee of
God were an aet of madness, seeing that from Him

@ Or ‘ table-land.”’

VOL. IV L2 309

JOSEPHUS

‘i , , ” wn of 3 4" / θ᾽
591 προνοίας μανίας epyov av εἰῆ, παρ οὗ παν

33:

33

334

ιῷ

9

ὑμῖν ἀπήντηκεν ὅσα δι᾿ ἐμοῦ πρὸς σωτηρίαν καὶ
τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν τῆς δουλείας οὐδὲ προσδοκῶσιν
ὑπέσχετο. μᾶλλον δ᾽ ἐχρῆν ἀπόρους, ὡς ὃο-
KelTE, “γεγενημένους βοηθὸν ἐλπίζειν τὸν θεόν,
οὗ καὶ τὸ νῦν εἰς ταύτην ὑμᾶς περικεκλεῖσθαι
τὴν δυσχωρίαν ἔργον, ἵν᾽ ἐξ ἀμηχάνων ὅθεν οὔτ᾽
αὐτοὶ νομίζετε σωτηρίαν ἕξειν ou ot πολέμιοι,
ἐκ τούτων ῥυσάμενος τήν τε ἰσχὺν ἐπιδείξηται
τὴν ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τὴν περὶ ὑμᾶς πρόνοιαν. οὐ γὰρ
ἐπὶ μικροῖς τὸ θεῖον τὴν ἑαυτοῦ συμμαχίαν οἷς
ἂν εὔνουν. ἢ δίδωσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ois? ἀνθρωπίνην
ἐλπίδα μὴ βλέποι πρὸς τὸ κρεῖττον παροῦσαν.
ὅθεν τοιούτῳ βοηθῷ πεπιστευκότες, ᾧ δύναμις
καὶ τὰ μικρὰ ποιῆσαι μεγάλα καὶ τῶν τηλικού-
των ἀσθένειαν καταψηφίσασθαι, μὴ καταπέπληχθε
τὴν Αἰγυπτίων παρασκευήν, μηδ᾽ ὅτι θάλασσα
καὶ κατόπιν ὑμῖν ὄρη φυγῆς ὁδὸν οὐ παρέχοντα
διὰ τοῦτ᾽ ἀπογινώσκετε τὴν σωτηρίαν: γένοιτο
Α nN \ af)? ς oA / ~ ~ ’ὔ
γὰρ ἂν καὶ ταῦθ᾽ ὑμῖν πεδία τοῦ θεοῦ θελήσαντος
καὶ γῆ τὸ πέλαγος.᾽᾽

(xvi. 1) Τοσαῦτα εἰπὼν ἦγεν αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὴν
θάλασσαν τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ὁρώντων: ἐν ὄψει γὰρ
ἦσαν καὶ τῷ πόνῳ τεταλαιπωρημένοι τῆς διώξεως
εἰς τὴν ὑστεραίαν τὴν μάχην ὑπερβαλέσθαι καλῶς
ἔχειν ὑπελάμβανον. ἐπειδὴ δὲ πρὸς τῷ αἰγιαλῷ
Μωυσῆς ἐγεγόνει, λαβὼν τὴν βακτηρίαν τὸν θεὸν
ἱκέτευε καὶ σύμμαχον καὶ “βοηθὸν ἐκάλει λέγων:

᾿ οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸς “μὲν ἀγνοεῖς, ὅτι φυγεῖν ἡμῖν ei τῶν
παρόντων οὔτε κατὰ ῥώμην οὔτε κατ᾽ ἐπίνοιάν
ἐστιν ἀνθρωπίνην, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δή τι πάντως σωτήριον
στρατῷ τῷ κατὰ τὴν σὴν βούλησιν ἀφέντι τὴν
“10

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IT. 331-335

there has eome to you everything that He promised to
perfor m through me for your salvation and deliverance
from bondage, though far beyond your expeetations.
Rather ought yeu in straits such as ve deem hopeless.
to expect ‘help from God, who has even now eaused
you to be compassed about on this dificult ground,
to the end that, in extricating vou from a ρεε αν εἴας:
whenee neither ve ΠΟΥ the enemy think ye can
escape, He may ‘display both His own power and
His tender care for you. For it is not in trivial
circumstanees that the Deity lends His own aid to
whom He favours, but where He sces men have lost
all hope of ameliorating their lot. Wherefore, have
faith in such a defender, who has power alike to make
the little great and to sentence such mighty hosts
as these to impotence. Be not dismayed at the
Egyptians’ array, nor, because yonder sea and the
mountains behind you offer no means of escape. τα
that reason despair of your salvation; for ye ma
see these hills levelled to a plain, should God so will.
or land emerge from the deep.”

(xvi. 1) Having spoken thus far, he led them
towards the sea under the EVES OL: the Eg evptians :
for these were in view but, exhausted ‘with the
faticue of the pursuit, judged it well to defer battle
until the inorrow. Then, when he reached the shore,
Moses took his staff and made supplication to God,
invoking His allianee and aid in these words: “ Thou
thyself knowest full well that escape from our present
plight passes alike the might and the wit of man ;
nay, if there be any means of salvation at all for this
fost which at thy ‘will has left Eevpt, thine it is to

Δ ROE: ἐν ἀπόροις rell, 2 + ἂν Bekker.
411]

Prayer of

Moses.

JOSEPHUS

336 Αἴγυπτον, σόν ἐστιν ἐκπορίζειν. ἡμεῖς τε ἄλλην
ἀπεγνωκότες ἐλπίδα καὶ μηχανὴν εἰς τὴν ἀπὸ
σοῦ μόνου καταφεύγομεν, καὶ εἴ τι παρὰ τῆς
σῆς ἔλθοι προνοίας ἐξαρπάσαι τῆς Λίἰγυπτίων
ὀργῆς ἡμᾶς δυνάμενον ἀφορῶμεν. ἀφίκοιτο δὲ
τοῦτο ταχέως τὴν σὴν ἐμφανίσον ἡμῖν δύναμιν καὶ
τὸν λαὸν ὑ ὑπὸ ἀνελπιστίας καταπεπτωκότα πρὸς τὸ
χεῖρον ἀναστῆσον εἰς εὐθυμίαν καὶ τὸ περὶ τῆς

331 σωτηρίας θάρσος. ἐν οὐκ ἀλλοτρίοις δ᾽ ἐσμὲν τοῖς
ἀπόροις, ἀλλὰ σὴ μὲν ἡ θάλασσα, σὸν δὲ τὸ περι-
κλεῖον ἡμᾶς ὄρος, ὡς ἀνοιγῆναι μὲν τοῦτο σοῦ
κελεύσαντος, ἠπειρωθῆναι δὲ καὶ τὸ πέλαγος, εἶναι
δὲ ἡμῖν ἀποδρᾶναι καὶ δι᾽ ἀέρος δόξαν i ἰσχύι τῇ
σῇ τοῦτον ἡμᾶς σώζεσθαι τὸν τρόπον.᾽᾿

338 (9) Τοσαῦτα ἐπιθειάσας τύπτει τῇ βακτηρίᾳ
τὴν θάλατταν. ἡ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῆς πληγῆς ἀνεκόπη
καὶ εἰς αὑτὴν ὑποχωρήσασα γυμνὴν ἀφίησι τὴν

339 γῆν ὁδὸν “Ἑβραίοις εἶναι καὶ φυγήν. λιωυσῆς δὲ
ὁρῶν τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὸ πέλαγος
ἐκκεχωρηκὸς αὐτοῖς ΟἿ ἰδίας ἠπείρου πρῶτος
ἐνέβαινεν αὐτῇ καὶ τοὺς “Ἑβραίους ἐκέλευεν
ἕπεσθαι διὰ θείας ὁδοῦ ποιουμένους τὴν πορείαν
καὶ τῷ κινδύνῳ τῶν παρόντων πολεμίων ἡἠδο-
μένους καὶ χάριν ἔχοντας διὰ τὴν παράλογον
οὕτως ἐξ αὐτοῦ σωτηρίαν ἀναφανεῖσαν.

40. (8) Τῶν δ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ὀκνούντων, ἀλλ᾽ ἱεμένων μετὰ
σπουδῆς ὡς συμπαρόντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ, μαίνε-
σθαι μὲν αὐτοὺς τὸ πρῶτον Αἰγύπτιοι ἐδόκουν ὡς
ἐπὶ πρόδηλον ὄλεθρον ὁρμωμένους, ἐπεὶ δὲ ἑώρων
ἀβλαβεῖς ἐπὶ τὸ πολὺ προκεκοφότας καὶ μηδὲν
αὐτοῖς ἐμπόδιον μηδὲ δυσχερὲς ἀπαντῆσαν, διώκειν
ὡρμήκεσαν αὐτοὺς ὡς κἀκείνοις ἠρεμήσοντος τοῦ
312

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 336-340

provide it. For our part, despairing of other hope or
resource, we fling ourselves upon thy protection
alone, and expectantly, if aught be forthcoming from
thy providence of might to satel us from the Seah
of the Egyptians, we look to thee. May it come
quickly, this aid that shall manifest to us thy power ;
raise the hearts of this people, whom hopelessness has
sunk into the depths of woe, to serenity and confidence
of salvation. Nor are these straits in which we find
ourselves without thy domain ; nay, thine is the sea,
thine the mountain that encompasseth us: this then
can open at thy command, or the deep become dry
land, or we might e’en find escape through the air,
should it please thine almighty power that after this
manner we should be saved.”

(2) After this solemn appeal to God, he smote the Miraculous
sea with his staff. And at that stroke it recoiled and, hi δα
retreating into itself, left bare the soil, affording ἔχ: χἰν. 21.
passage and flight for the Hebrews. Moses, behold-
ing this clear manifestation of God and the sea with-
drawn from its own bed to give them place, set the
first foot upon it and bade the Hebrews follow him
and pursue their way by this God-sent road, rejoicing
at the peril awaiting their advancing foes and render-
ing thanks to God for the salvation thus miraculously
brought by Him to light.

(3) They, without more ado, sped forth with zest, Destruction
assured of God’s attendant presence; whereupon the Ὁ πως
Egyptians at first deemed them mad, thus rushing to Ex. xiv. 23.
a certain death, but when they saw them far adv anced
unscathed, ἐπε ἘκΕ τ by obstacle or discomfiture,
they made speed to pursue them, imagining that the
sca would remain motionless for them also, and with

313

811"

49
oe
te

341

941

910

JOSEPHUS

πελάγους, Kat προτάξαντες τὴν ἵππον κατέβαινον.
Ιβραῖοι δὲ καθοπλιζομένους καὶ τὸν χρόνον εἰς
τοῦτο τρίβοντας ἔφθασαν ἐπὶ; τὴν ἀντιπέραν γῆν
ἀπαθεῖς ἐκφυγόντ τες, ὅθεν καὶ θαρσαλεωτέροις συν-
ἔβαινε πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν ὡς οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ αὐτῶν
’ὔ 2 ’ὔ > > / 3 ᾽
πεισομένων εἶναι. Αἰγύπτιοι δ᾽ ἐλάνθανον ἰδίαν
ς Ἁ e / is 5 > > ‘ ‘
ὁδὸν “Ιὡβραίοις γεγενημένην, ἀλλ οὐχὶ κοινὴν
ἐπεμβαίνοντες καὶ μέχρι σωτηρίας τῶν κεκινδυ-
νευκότων πεποιημένην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ: Kat τοῖς ἐπ᾽
ἀπωλείᾳ τῇ τούτων ὡρμημένοις χρῆσθαι θέλουσιν.

ς > ς ΡῈ > 7 4 ) > ‘ >
ἡ WS OVUV O TW? Αἰγυπτίων στρατος αἸἼἸας EVTOS Le

> “~ 4 ¢ / \ ,
ἐπιχεῖται πάλι" ἡ θάλασσα Kat περικαταλαμβάνει
‘ Pg ~
powdns ὑπὸ πνευμάτων κατιοῦσα τοὺς Alyv-
> > > ~ A
πτίους, ὄμβροι T am οὐρανοῦ κατέβαινον Kat
Α > ~
βρονταὶ σκληραὶ προσεξαπτομένης ἀστραπῆς Kal
κεραυνοὶ δὲ κατηνέχθησαν. ὅλως δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἣν
τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀπωλείᾳ κατὰ μῆνιν θεοῦ συμπιπτόντων
> , “a \ , τς \ \ \ > ‘
ἀνθρώποις, ὁ μὴ τότε συνῆλθε: καὶ yap νὺξ αὐτοὺς
ἷ τῶν Ἁ ‘ tL \ € A
Copwdns Kat oKorenn κατέλαβε. καὶ οἱ μὲν
, 3 7 > > ~
οὕτως ἀπώλοντο πάντες, ws μηδ᾽ ἄγγελον πῆς
συμφορᾶς τοῖς ὑπολελειμμένοις ὑποστρέψαι.
rly > ey. a ~ >
(4) Τοὺς δ᾽ “E8paious οὐδὲ κατασχεῖν ἦν ἐπὶ
᾿ς ~ ~ Q 7 A ~ ~
τῇ χαρᾷ τῆς παραδόξου σωτηρίας Kal τῇ τῶν
ὰ ,ὔ ‘ > ‘ / / ᾿ 3
πολεμίων ἀπωλείᾳ, βεβαίως νομίζοντας ἠλευ-
~ ~ $ / ¢
θερῶσθαι τῶν ἀναγκαζόντων δουλεύειν διεφθαρ-
4 ¢, ~ b 2
μένων καὶ τὸν θεὸν οὕτως ἐναργῶς ἔχοντας Bon-
θοῦντα. καὶ οἱ μὲν αὐτοί τε τὸν κίνδυνον οὕτως
Ἁ 3
ἐκφυγόντες καὶ προσέτι τοὺς ἐχθροὺς ἐπιδόντες
’ Ε ” Α
κεκολασμένους, ὡς οὐκ ἄλλοι τινὲς μνημονεύονται
1 δ >
eis Nt.

314+

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IJ. 340-346

the cavalry leading they proceeded to descend. But
the Hebrews, while their enemies were arming and
wasting time over that, had outstripped them and
emerged unharmed on the opposite shore; this,
however, but stimulated the ardour of the Egyptians
for the pursuit, in the belief that they too would suffer
nothing. Little dreamed they that it was a road
reserved for the Hebrews, no public highway, wherecn
they were setting foot, a road created solely for the
salvation of those in jeopardy, not for the use of them
that were bent upon their destruction. When, there-
fore, the entire army of the Egyptians was once
within it, back poured the sea, enveloping and with
swelling wind-sw ept billows deseending upon the
Egy ptians : rain fell in torrents from heaven, crashing
thunder accompanied the flash of lightning, aye and
thunderbolts were hurled.? In short, there was not
one of those destruetive forces which: in token “of
God’s wrath combine to smite mankind that failed to
assemble then; for withal a night of gloom and
darkness overwhelmed them. Thus perished they to
aman, without a single one remaining to return with
tidings of the disaster to those whom. they had left at
home.

(+) As for the Hebrews, they could searee contain
themselves for joy at this miraculous deliverance
and the destruction of their foes, believing them-
sclves assuredly at liberty, now that the tyrants that
would have enslaved them had perished and that God
had so manifestly befriended them. After having
themselves thus escaped from peril and furthermore
beheld their enemies punished in such wise as within

4 For these added details cf. Ps. Ixxvii, 16-20 (° The waters
saw thee,” etc., quoted by Weill).
IY

Exultation
of the
Hebrews
aud the
soug of
Moses.

Ex. xv. 1-21.

347

348

349

JOSEPHUS

~ ὦ » ;᾽ 3 «“ > 4
τῶν πρόσθεν ἀνθρώπων, ἐν ὕμνοις ἦσαν καὶ παι-
΄- a 7 Α “- >] 4 > A
διαῖς ὅλην τὴν νύκτα, καὶ δΔΙωνυσῆς δὴν εἰς τὸν
A ~
θεὸν ἐγκώμιόν τε Kal τῆς εὐμενείας εὐχαριστίαν
>
περιέχουσαν ev ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ συντίθησιν.
pes 3 Ἁ A > ς Ὄ > ~ ¢ ~ ’
(5) “Eyw μὲν οὖν ὡς εὗρον ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς βί-
βλοις οὕτως ἕκαστον τούτων παραδέδωκα: θαυῦ -
A ~
μάσῃ δὲ μηδεὶς τοῦ λόγου τὸ παράδοξον,
" 3
εἰ ἀρχαίοις ἀνθρώποις καὶ πονηρίας ἀπείροις
ς 7] f. « A 4 4 4 ww A
εὑρέθη σωτηρίας ὁδὸς Kat διὰ θαλάσσης εἴτε κατὰ
ἤ ~ [ἵΨ 4 >] 4 ¢ , A
βούλησιν θεοῦ εἴτε κατὰ ταὐτόματον, ὁπότε καὶ
τοῖς περὶ τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν βασιλέα τῆς δίακε-
, A
dovias χθὲς Kal πρῴην γεγονόσιν ὑπεχώρησε τὸ
Παμφύλιον πέλαγος καὶ ὁδὸν ἄλλην οὐκ ἔχουσι
7 4 > 3 “~ ~ A “-
παρέσχε τὴν δι᾿ αὐτοῦ, καταλῦσαι τὴν Περσῶν
“- ~ 4 ~
ἡγεμονίαν τοῦ θεοῦ θελήσαντος, καὶ τοῦτο πάντες
ὁμολογοῦσιν ot τὰς ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πράξεις συγ-
> ¢€
γραψάμενοι. περὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων ὡς ἑκάστῳ
δοκεῖ διαλαμβανέτω.
a “- é
(6) TH δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ τὰ ὅπλα τῶν Αἰγυπτίων
7 ~ 7 “- [2 ,ὔ ¢ ᾿
προσενεχθέντα τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν “EBpatwy ὑπὸ
~ ~ ~ ~ > “-
τοῦ ῥοῦ καὶ τῆς βίας τοῦ πνεύματος ἐπ᾽ ἐκεῖνο
> ὃ ’; 1 ς x “A A ~ > , ~ ~
ἐκ ιδούσης ὃ Μωυσῆς καὶ τοῦτο εἰκάσας τῇ τοῦ
INE: εἰσδιδούσης το]].

4. A classical metre, to which there is no known analogy
in Hebrew poetry: cf. Ant. iv. 303, where another ποίησις
ἑξάμετρος is attributed to Moses.

316

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 346-349

men’s memory no others had ever been before, they
passed that whole night in melody and mirth, Moses
himself composing in hexameter verse ἃ a song to God
to enshrine His praises and their thankfulness for His
gracious favour.

(5) For my part, I have reeounted eaeh detail here
told just as I found it in the sacred books. Nar
let anyone marvel at the astonishing nature of the
narrative or doubt that it was given to men of old,
innocent of crime, to find a road of salvation through
the sea itself, whether by the will of God or maybe
by accident, seeing that the hosts of Alexander king
of Mieedon. men born but the other day, beheld
the Pamphylian Sea retire before them and, when
other road there was none, offer a passage through
itself, what time it pleased God to overthrow the
Persian empire; and on that all are agreed
who have recorded Alexander’s exploits.2X-. However
op these matters everyone is welcome to his own
opinion.¢

(6) On the morrow, the arms of the Egyptians
having been carried np to the Hebrews’ camp by the
tide and the force of the wind setting in that direction,
Moses, surmising that this too was due to the provi-
denee of God, to ensure that even in weapons they

ὑ The story is told by Arrian i. 26 (αὐτὸς δὲ παρὰ τὴν
θάλασσαν διὰ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ Wye τοὺς aud’ αὐτόν. ἔστι δὲ ταύτῃ
7 ὅδος οὐκ ἄλλως, ὅτι μὴ τῶν ἀπ᾽ ἄρκτου ἀνέμων πνεόντων. ..
τότε δ' ἐκ νότων σκληρῶν βορέαι ἐπιπνεύσαντες οὐκ ἄνευ τοὺ
θείου, ὡς αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ apd αὐτὸν ἐξηγοῦντο, εὐμαρὴ καὶ
ταχεῖαν τὴν πάροδον παρέσχον), by Strabo xiv. 666 f. (who
says that Alexander trusted mainly to Ineck and that the
troops were immersed pexpi ὀμφαλοῦ) and by others. ‘The
scene was near Vhaselis, on the confines of Lycia and
Pamphylia,.

© For this formula sce i. t08 note.

317

Parallel
event in the
history of
Alexandet
the Great.

How the
ITebrews
got their
ards.

JOSEPHUS

~ Ἁ itd εν
θεοῦ προνοίᾳ γεγονέναι, ὅπως μηδὲ ὅπλων ὦσιν
’,ὕ a
ἄποροι, συναγαγὼν καὶ τούτοις σκεπάσας τοὺς
a oe / > 3 Α Α ἡ Ὦ,, “᾿ Mv Au + ~ ~
ἡβραίους ἦγεν ἐπὶ τὸ Σιναῖον ὄρος θύσων ἐκεῖ τῷ
“- ~ ~ 3
θεῶ καὶ τὰ σῶστρα τῆς πληθύος ἀποδώσων,
~ ’
καθὼς αὐτῷ καὶ προείρητο.

* For these added details, perhaps derived from Demetrius,
see 8 $21 note.

318

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ἢ. 349

should not be wanting, collected them and, having
aceoutred the Hebrews thercin,? led them forward for
Mount Sinai, with intent there to sacrifice to God and
to render to Him the thank-offerings of the people
for their deliverance, even as he had received com-
mandment.®

6 § 969,

“19

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ Γ

(1. 1) Παραδόξου δὲ τῆς σωτηρίας τοῖς ‘“EBpat-
οις οὕτως γενομένης δεινῶς ἐλύπει πάλιν αὐτοὺς
ἀγομένους ἐπὶ τὸ Muwatov ὄρος ἡ χώρα τελέως

‘
οὖσα ἔρημος καὶ τῶν τε πρὸς τροφὴν αὐτοῖς
ἄπορος, σπανίζουσα δὲ καὶ ὕδατος εἰς τὸ ἔσχα-
τον, καὶ μὴ μόνον ἀνθρώποις τι παρασχεῖν ἐν-

, b ‘ ‘ ? ” ~ A φ \
dens, ἀλλὰ καὶ μηδ᾽ ἄλλο τι τῶν ζῴων ἱκανὴ
βόσκειν: ψαφαρὰ γάρ ἐστι καὶ νοτερὸν ἐξ αὐτῆς
οὐδὲν O τι καὶ φῦσαι καρπὸν δύναιτο. τοιαύτην

\ >
δὲ οὖσαν τὴν χώραν ἐξ ἀνάγκης ὥδευον ἑτέραν
3 “ > ” > 4 9 > ~

5 ἀπελθεῖν οὐκ ἔχοντες. ἐπεφέροντο δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς
προωδοιπορημένης ὕδωρ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ κεκε-
λευκότος, καὶ τούτου δαπανηθέντος ἐκ φρεάτων
ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ὑδρείαι' ἐπιπόνως διὰ σκληρότητα
τῆς γῆς, καὶ τὸ εὑρισκόμενον δὲ πικρὸν ἀλλ᾽ οὐ

3 πότιμον ἦν, καὶ τοῦτο δὲ σπάνιον. ἀφικνοῦνται

\ ~ ¢ / \ é 3 / > /
δὲ τοῦτον ὁδεύοντες τὸν τρόπον περὶ δείλην ὀψίαν
εἰς Map τόπον οὕτως διὰ τὴν τοῦ ὕδατος κακίαν
ὀνομάσαντες: μὰρ γὰρ ἡ πικρία λέγεται. καὶ
αὐτόθι τεταλαιπωρημένοι τῷ τε συνεχεῖ τῆς
ὁδοιπορίας καὶ τῇ τῆς τροφῆς ἀπορίᾳ, καὶ γὰρ
τότ᾽ αὐτοὺς τελείως ἐπιλελοίπει, κατάγονται:

/ A Ss ‘ ‘ ~ ” 0.) ? a!

4 φρέαρ yap ἦν, διὸ Kat μᾶλλον ἔμειναν, οὐδ᾽ αὐτὸ
μὲν ἐξαρκεῖν δυνάμενον τοσούτῳ στρατῷ, βραχεῖαν
320

BOOK III

(i. 1) The Hebrews, thus miraculously saved, were
again in sore distress when Jed onward to Mount
Sinai. The country was absolute desert, devoid of
anything for their sustenance, while the scarcity of
water was extreme ; not only could the soil furnish
nothing for man but it was even ineapable of sup-
porting any species of beast, being in faet sandy and
without a particle of moisture propitious to vegeta-
tion. Such was the country which they were con-
strained to travel, no other route being open to them.
They had brought with them some water from the
district already traversed, by order of their chief, and
when this was exhausted ¢ they sought to draw more
from wells: it was a laborious task owing to the
hardness of the soil, and what they found was bitter,
undrinkable, and withal seanty. Journeying thus,
they arrived towards evening at Mar,® a plaee whieh
they so named from the vileness of its water, mar
meaning “ bitterness ὁ; and there, worn out with
ceaseless marching and lack of food, which had now
completely failed them, they halted. There was a
well—a further reason for stopping there—doubtless
by itself insufficient for so large an army, yet a source

“ Amplification of Biblical narrative.
> Bibl. Marah, txx Meppd translated, as by Josephus,
mixpia: Heb. Mar=‘‘ bitter” or *‘ bitterness.”

321

Sufferings
on march
through the
desert.
Exs:x¥. 22.

The waters
of Mar.
Ex. xv. 23.

JOSEPHUS

, - a > ’
μέντοι παρέχον αὐτοῖς εὐθυμίαν ἐν ἐκείνοις
¢ -~ , ~
εὑρεθὲν τοῖς χωρίοις: καὶ yap ἤκουον παρὰ τῶν

3 f \ ” , >
ἐξερευνώντων μηδὲν ἔμπροσθεν βαδίζουσιν εἶναι.
πικρὸν δὲ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ὕδωρ καὶ ἄποτον ἦν, οὐκ ἀν-
5 ‘ ~ 4 ,’ 3
θρώποις μόνον ἀλλὰ Kat Tots ὑποζυγίοις ἀφόρητον.
Ω ~ > ] “- ’ὔ
δ (9) ‘Opav δ᾽ ὁ ΔὶἫωυσῆς ἀθύμως διακειμένους
- ‘ ,’
καὶ τοῦ πράγματος τὸ ἀναντίλεκτον, οὐ γὰρ
κ 4 ~ ~
καθαρὸς ἦν στρατὸς ὥστε τῷ βιαζομένῳ τῆς
> f > “ ‘ > ~ > A tA ς A
ἀνάγκης ἀντιτάξαι τὸ ἀνδρεῖον, ἀλλὰ διέφθειρε τὸ
“- / ‘ ~
κατ᾽ ἐκείνους γενναῖον παίδων' τε Kal γυναικῶν
» > , ~ > Ἂ 7 Ἃ 2 ὃ
ὄχλος ἀσθενέστερος τῆς ἐκ λόγων «ὧν »" διδασκα-
εν \ A
Nias, ἐν χαλεπωτέροις ἦν τὴν συμφορὰν τὴν ἁπάν-
“~ / \

6 rw ἰδίαν αὑτοῦ ποιούμενος" Kat yap οὐδ᾽ ἐπ᾽
” Ἀ ᾽ > > 3 > 3 ὔ 3
ἄλλον τινὰ συνέτρεχον ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, ἀντι-

“~ s ‘ “4 ¢
βολοῦντες γύναια μὲν ὑπὲρ νηπίων οἱ δ᾽ ἄνδρες
\ ~ > > > ,ὔ ~
ὑπὲρ ἐκείνων μὴ περιορᾶν, αλλ᾽ ἐκπορίζειν αὐτοῖς
,ὔ ς f εχ
ἀφορμήν τινα σωτηρίας. ἱκετεύειν οὖν τρέπεται
~ 4 ω 3 ~
τὸν θεὸν μεταβαλεῖν τὸ ὕδωρ ἐκ τῆς παρούσης
/ > ~ ~ 4
1 κακίας Kal πότιμον αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν. καὶ κατα-
~ ~ Ἂ ΄ ‘ >
νεύσαντος τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν χάριν λαβὼν ἀποτομάδος"
> 7 a
TO ἄκρον ἐν ποσὶν ἐρριμμένης διαιρεῖ μέσην καὶ
~ 4 ‘ 4 ΤΣ
κατὰ [τὸ] μῆκος τὴν τομὴν ποιησάμενος, ἔπειτα
‘ > ‘ , ” θ ‘ Ἕ, ἥ \
μεθεὶς εἰς τὸ φρέαρ ἔπειθε τοὺς ‘EBpaious τὸν
~ ~ > ~ f
θεὸν ἐπήκοον αὐτοῦ τῶν εὐχῶν γεγονέναι Kal
~ ¢ > ~ / e
ὑπεσχῆσθαι TO ὕδωρ αὐτοῖς παρέξειν οἷον ἐπι-
~ ᾿ \ > > ~ S
θυμοῦσιν, ἂν πρὸς τὰ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κελευόμενα μὴ
- Α ’ ¢ - > ,
5 ὀκνηρῶς ἀλλὰ προθύμως ὑπουργῶσιν. ἐρομένων
ἘΝ 2 ; Ἅ {7
δ᾽ αὐτῶν, τί καὶ ποιούντων ἂν μεταβάλοι τὸ ὕδωρ
' Lat. (infantum): παῖδες codd.
* ins, Niese. 3 τρμάδος RO,
322

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ITI. 4-8

of slight encouragement to them when found in those
regions ; for they had heard from their seouts that
none was to be had by proceeding further. That
water, however, proved bitter, and not only could
the men not drink it, but even the beasts of burden
found it intolerable.

(2) Moses, seeing their despondency and the in-
disputable gravity of the case—for this was no sound
army, eapable of meeting the stress of necessity with
manly fortitude, but one whose nobler instinets were
vitiated by a rabble of women and children, too
feeble to respond to oral admonition—Moses, I say,
was in yet more serious straits, in that he made the
sufferings of all his own. For it was to no other than
to him that they all flocked, imploring him, wives for
their infants, husbands for their wives, not to negleet
them, but to proeure them some means of salvation.
He therefore betook himself to prayer, entreating
God to change that present evil property of the water
and to render it drinkable. And, God having con-
sented to grant that favour, he picked up the end of
a stick that lay at his feet, cleft it in twain, length-
wise,? and then, flinging it into the well, impressed
upon the Hebrews that God had lent an ear to his
prayers and had promised to render the water such
as they desired, provided that they executed His
orders with no remissness, but with alacrity.? On
their asking what they must do to procure the

* These details, with the sequel, have no parallel in
Kxodns, which merely states that “* the Lord shewed him a
tree, and he cast it into the waters, and the waters were made
Sweety”

> Ex. xv. 26 appends to the miracle a δ proviso δ of another
character, viz. that Israel would be spared the plagues of
νερὰ “if thou wilt diligently hearken,” ete.

323

Cf. Ex. xv.
>} F

oe

JOSEPHUS

ἐπὶ TO κρεῖττον, κελεύει TOUS ἐν ἀκμῇ περιστάν-
τας ἐξαντλεῖν λέγων τὸ ὑπολειπόμενον ἔσεσθαι
πότιμον αὐτοῖς προεκκενωθέντος τοῦ πλείονος.
καὶ οἱ μὲν ἐπόνουν, τὸ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν συνεχῶν πληγῶν
γεγυμνασμένον καὶ κεκαθαρμένον ἤδη πότιμον HV.
δ. Γ {Ὁ γ.ν “Apavres δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν εἰς Ἦλιν ἀφικνοῦνται
πόρρωθεν μὲν ἀγαθὴν ὁραθῆναι, καὶ γὰρ φοινικό-
ὑτος ἦν, πλησιάζουσα' δ᾽ ἀπηλέγχετο movnpa:
καὶ γὰρ οἱ φοίνικες ὁ ὄντες οὐ πλείους ἑβδομήκοντα
δυσαυξεῖς τε ἦσαν καὶ χαμαίζηλοι δι᾿ ὕδατος
10 ἀπορίαν ψαφαροῦ τοῦ παντὸς ὄντος χωρίου" οὔτε
γὰρ ἐκ τῶν πηγῶν, δώδεκα οὐσῶν τὸν ἀριθμόν,
νοτερόν τι καὶ πρὸς apdevow*® αὐτοῖς διεπίδα"
χρήσιμον, ἀλλὰ μὴ δυναμένων ἐκβλύσαι μηδ᾽
ἀνασχεῖν ἰκμάδες ἦσαν ὀλίγαι, καὶ διαμωμένοις
τὴν ψάμμον οὐδὲν ἀπήντα, Kav εἴ τι δὲ στάζον
ἔλαβον εἰς χεῖρας, ἄχρηστον ηὕρισκον ὑπὸ τοῦ
θολερὸν εἶναι: καρπόν τε φέρειν ἦν ἀσθενῆ τὰ
δένδρα διὰ σπάνιν τῆς ἐξ ὕδατος εἰς τοῦτο ἀφορ-
μῆς καὶ παρακλήσεως. εἶχον οὖν ἐν αἰτίᾳ τὸν
στρατηγὸν καὶ κατεβόων αὐτοῦ τὴν ταλαιπωρίαν
καὶ τὴν πεῖραν τῶν κακῶν δι᾿ αὐτὸν πάσχειν
λέγοντες" τριακοστὴν γὰρ ἐκείνην ὁδεύοντες ἡμέραν
ὅσα μὲν ἐπεφέροντο πάντ᾽ ἦσαν ἀναλωκότες,
μηδενὶ δὲ περιτυγχάνοντες δυσέλπιδες ἦσαν περὶ
13) τῶν ὅλων. πρὸς δὲ τῷ παρόντι κακῷ τὴν διά-

]

—

1 yl. πλησιάζουσι.
2 καὶ πρὸς &pd.| προσαρδεῦον RO.
3 conj. after Dindorf (διεπήδα): δι᾿ ἐλπίδα codd.

¢ A rationalistic explanation of the miracle: cf. BJ. iv.
8. 3 (quoted by Weill).

> Bibl. Elim, rxx Αἰλείμ.

¢ After Thuc. iv. 26 (Pylos): cf. Ant. ii. 296.

324

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 8-12

amelioration of the water, he bade those in the prime
of life stand in a ring and draw, declaring that what
remained, after they had dyained off the larger part,
would be drinkable. So they set to work, “and the
water, belaboured and purified by these incessant
blows, at length beeame good to drink.?

(3) Departing thence, they reached Elis,? a spot The climax
which from a distance made a good show, being Ex. xv. 27.
planted with palm-trees, but on approaeh proved
bad ; for the palms, numbering no more than seventy,
were dwarfed and stunted through laek of water, the
whole place being sandy. For from the springs
whieh existed, to the number of twelve, there oozed
no liquid sufficient to water them : impotent to gush
forth or rise to the surface these yielded but a few
drops ; and persons seraping the sand © encountered
nothing, even such driblets as they reeeived into
their hands being found useless, so foul their nature.
And the trees were too feeble to bear fruit for lack
of water to give them the needful stimulus and en-
eouragement. So they fell to aecusing and de-
nouncing their general, declaring that this misery
and experience of woe which they were undergoing
were all due tohim. For it was now their thirtieth day
on the mareh,? the provisions which they had brought
with them were all exhausted,’ and, lighting upon
nothing whatever, they were in utter despair. With
minds obsessed with their present woes, precluding

tC. Ex.xvi. 1, whieh states-that the Israelites left Elim

‘on the 15th day of the second month,”’ reekoning from the
ane which had taken place on the 15th of the first
month (cf. Bestest).

¢ So the Palestinian Targum on Ex. xvi. 2: “‘ On that
day the bread whieh they had brought out of Egypt was
finished ᾽ (Weill).

325

JOSEPHUS

νοιαν ὄντες καὶ ἐν μνήμῃ εἶναι τῶν ὑπηργμένων
αὐτοῖς ἔκ τε τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τῆς Mavo€os ἀρετῆς καὶ
συνέσεως κωλυόμενοι, δι᾿ ὀργῆς τὸν στρατηγὸν
εἶχον καὶ βάλλειν αὐτὸν ὡρμήκεσαν ὡς αἰτιώτατον
τῆς ἐν ποσὶ συμφορᾶς.

13 (4) Ὁ δ᾽ οὕτως ἀνηρεθισμένου τοῦ πλήθους καὶ
πικρῶς ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν κεκινημένου, τῷ θεῷ θαρρῶν
καὶ τῷ συνειδότι τῆς περὶ τοὺς ὁμοφύλους προ-
νοίας, πάρεισιν εἰς μέσους καὶ καταβοώντων καὶ
κατὰ χεῖρας ἔτι τοὺς λίθους ἐχόντων, ὁραθῆναι
τε κεχαρισμένος ὧν καὶ πλήθεσιν ὁμιλεῖν πιθα-

14 νώτατος, καταπαύειν ἤρξατο τῆς ὀργῆς, μὴ τῶν
παρόντων αὐτοὺς δυσκόλων μεμνημένους λήθην
ἔχειν τῶν ἔμπροσθεν εὐεργεσιῶν 7 παρακαλῶν, μηδ᾽
ὅτι νῦν πονοῦσι τῆς διανοίας ἐκβάλλειν τὰς τοῦ
θεοῦ χάριτας καὶ δωρεάς, ὧν μεγάλων καὶ ἐκ
παραδόξου ἔτυχον γενομένων, προσδοκᾶν δὲ καὶ

15 τῆς παρούσης ἀπαλλαγὴν; ἀμηχανίας ἐκ τῆς τοῦ

θεοῦ κηδεμονίας, ὃν εἰκὸς δοκιμάζοντα τὴν ἀρετὴν

αὐτῶν πῶς τε καρτερίας ἔχουσι καὶ μνήμης τῶν
προὔπηργμένων, εἰ μὴ πρὸς ἐκεῖνα γίγνοιντο διὰ
τὰ ἐν ποσὶ Kaka, γυμνάζειν αὐτοὺς τοῖς ἄρτι
χαλεποῖς. ἐλέγχεσθαι δὲ αὐτοὺς οὐκ ἀγαθοὺς
οὔτε περὶ τὴν ὑπομονὴν οὔτε περὶ τὴν μνήμην
τῶν εὖ γεγονότων, οὕτως μὲν τοῦ θεοῦ Kal THS
ἐκείνου γνώμης καθ᾽ ἣν ἐκλελοίπασι τὴν Αἴγυπτον
καταφρονοῦντας, οὕτως δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν τὸν ὑπηρέ-

Ty αὐτοῦ διατεθέντας, καὶ ταῦτα μηδὲν αὐτοὺς

διαψευσάμενον περὶ ὧν εἴποι τε καὶ πράττειν κατ᾽

10

-_

1 ἀπαλλαγὴν edd.: ἀπαλλαγῆναι codd.

¢ In Exodus the murmuring against Moses begins after

820

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 12-16

all memory of past blessings which they owed to God
on the one hand, to the virtue and sagacity of Moses
on the other, they viewed their gencral with indig-

nation and were eager to stone him, as the man

most answerable for their instant distress.?

(4) But he, before this mob so excited and em-
bittered against him, confident in God and in the
consciousness of his own care for his countrymen,
advanced into their midst and, as they clamoured
upon him and still held the stones in their hands, he,
with that winning presence of his and that extra-
ordinary idence in addressing a crowd, began to
pacify their wrath. He exhorted them not, with
present discomforts engrossing all their thoughts, to
forget the benefits of the past, nor because they
suffered now to banish from their minds the favours
and bounties, so great and unlooked for, which they
had received from God. Rather ought they to expect
relicf also from their present straits to come from
God’s solicitude, for it was probably to test their man-
hood, to see what fortitude thev possessed. what
memory of past services, and whether their thoughts
would not revert to those services because of the
troubles now in their path, that He was exercising
them with these trials of the moment. But now they
were convicted of failure, both in endurance and in
recollection of benefits received, by showing at once
such contempt of God and of His purpose, in aecor-
dance with which they had left Egypt, and such
demeanour towards himself, God’s minister, albeit
he had never proved false to them in anght that he
had said or in anv order that he had given them at

the departure from Elim (xvi. 2) and the allusion to stoning
comes still later, at Mephidim (xvii. 4).

327

Moses

calms the

angry mob.

JOSEPHUS

~ ? A ~ “»Ἅ 4 ’ 4
17 ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσειε. κατηρίθμει τε πάντα,

Φ

18

]

2

9

0

—

~ ~ > 4 , " 3 \
πῶς TE φθαρεῖεν Αἰγύπτιοι κατέχειν αὐτοὺς παρὰ
τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ γνώμην. βιαζόμενοι, καὶ τίνα τρόπον
ὁ αὐτὸς ποταμὸς ἐκείνοις μὲν αἷμα ἦν καὶ ἄποτος
αὐτοῖς δὲ πότιμος καὶ γλυκύς, πῶς τε διὰ τῆς
θαλάσσης ἀναφυγούσης αὐτοῖς πορρωτάτω και-
νὴν ὁδὸν ἀπελθόντες αὐτῇ ταύτῃ σωθείησαν μὲν
9 , \ \ » \ > , ῳ > , Ὁ
αὐτοί, τοὺς δὲ ἐχθροὺς ἐπίδοιεν ἀπολωλότας, ὅτι
>
re σπανίζοντας ὅπλων εἰς εὐπορίαν ὁ θεὸς καὶ
τούτων καταστήσειε, τά τε ἄλλα ὅσα πρὸς αὐτῷ
~ , , , \ , .
τῷ διαφθαρήσεσθαι δόξαντας γεγονέναι καὶ σώσειει'
A ~
ὁ θεὸς ἐκ παραλόγου Kat ws δύναμις αὐτῷ: μὴ
ἀπογινώσκειν δὲ μηδὲ νῦν αὐτοῦ τὴν πρόνοιαν,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀοργήτως περιμένειν λογιζομένους μὲν τὴν
ἐπικουρίαν μηδὲ βραδεῖαν γίνεσθαι, εἰ μὴ παρ-
αὐτίκα καὶ εἰ μὴ πρίν τινος πειραθῆναι δυσκόλου
πάρεστιν, ἡγουμένους δὲ οὐ κατὰ ὀλιγωρίαν μέλ-
‘ , > > ] > A U ~ > , > ~
Ae tov θεόν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ πείρᾳ τῆς ἀνδρείας αὐτῶ!
\ ~ ‘ \ 3 ’ “ ¢ ~ ΨΥ ᾽
καὶ τῆς περὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἡδονῆς, ἵνα μάθοι
“» \
πότερόν ποτε καὶ τροφῆς ἀπορίαν Kal σπάνιν
Φ ~ b ] ~ ~ 9
ὕδατος ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς ἐστ᾽ ἐνεγκεῖν γενναῖοι, ἢ dov-
λεύειν μᾶλλον ἀγαπᾶτε καθάπερ τὰ βοσκήματα
~ ~ ~ 4
τοῖς κρατοῦσι Kal τοῖς πρὸς τὰς ἐκείνων ὑπηρεσίας
3 ’ 4 “ > 9 A > v4
ἀφθόνως τρεφομένοις" δεδιέναι δ᾽ εἰπὼν οὐχ οὕτως
~ ~ ,
ὑπὲρ THs ἑαυτοῦ σωτηρίας, πείσεσθαι yap οὐδὲν
᾿ 3 ’ 3 4 5 > ¢€ \ > ~ ‘ >
κακὸν ἀδίκως ἀποθανών, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν, μὴ δι
e 3 4 , ; ~ ~ ,
ὧνπερ αὐτὸν βάλλουσι λίθων τοῦ θεοῦ κατακρίνειν
νομισθῶσιν, (5) ἐπράυνεν αὐτοὺς καὶ τῆς μὲν τοῦ
βάλλειν ὁρμῆς ἐπέσχε καὶ εἰς μετάνοιαν ὧν ἔμελ-
~ # ~ 9 > > ᾽ > \
λον δρᾶν ἔτρεψε. παθεῖν δ᾽ οὐκ ἀλόγως αὐτοὺς

Δ ML: αὐτῆς rell.

328

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 17-22

God’s command. He then enumerated everything,
how the Egyptians had been destroyed in attempting
to detain them by force in opposition to the will of
God, how the selfsame river had for those become
bloody and undrinkable while remaining for them-
selves drinkable and sweet, how through the waters
of the sea retiring far before them they “had de sparted
by a new road, ‘finding therein salvation for them-
selves while seeing their enemies perish, how, when
they lacked arms, God had abundantly provided
them even with these; further reeounting all the
other oecasions on which, when they seemed on the
verge of destruction, God had delivered them by
ways unlooked for, such as lay within His power. So
they should not despair even now of His providence,
but should await it without anger, not deeming
His succour tardy, even if it came not forthwith and
before they had had some experience of discomfort,
but rather believing that it was not from negligence
that God thus tarried, but to test their manhood and
their delight in liberty, “ that He may learn (said he)
whether for once ve have the spirit to endure for its
sake both deprivation of food and lack of water, or
prefer slavery, like the beasts which slave for the
masters who feed them lavishly in view of their
serviecs.” He added that, if he feared anything, it
was not so mueh for his own safety—for it would be
no misfortune to him to be unjustly done to death—
as for them, lest in flinging those stones at him they
should be thought to be pronouncing sentence upon
God.

(5) Thus he calmed them, restraining that im- Miraculous
pulse to stone him and moving them to repent of ea.
their intended aetion. But, holding those feelings

329

ts
Gr

26

4

JOSEPHUS

διὰ τὴν ἀνάγκην τοῦτο νομίσας ἔγνω δεῖν ἐφ᾽
ἱκετείαν τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ παράκλησιν ἐλθεῖν, καὶ
ἀναβὰς ἐπί τινα σκοπὴν ἥτει πόρον τινὰ τῷ λαῷ
καὶ τῆς ἐνδείας ἀπαλλαγήν: ἐν αὐτῷ γὰρ εἶναι
τὴν σωτηρίαν αὐτοῦ καὶ οὐκ ἐν ἄλλω: συγγινώ-
σκειν δὲ τοῖς νῦν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀνάγκης ὑπὸ τοῦ λαοῦ
πραττομένοις, φύσει δυσαρέστου καὶ φιλαιτίου τοῦ
τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐν οἷς ἂν ἀτυχῇ γένους ὄντος. ὁ
θεὸς δὲ προνοήσειν τε ἐπαγγέλλεται καὶ παρέξειν
ἀφορμὴν ἣν ποθοῦσι. ΔΙωυσῆς δὲ τοῦ θεοῦ ταῦτ᾽
ἀκούσας καταβαίνει πρὸς τὸ πλῆθος" οἱ δ᾽ ὡς
ἑώρων καὶ ταῖς ἐπαγγελίαις ταῖς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ
γεγηθότα μετέβαλον ἐκ τῆς κατηφείας πρὸς τὸ
ἱλαρώτερον, καὶ στὰς ἐκεῖνος ἐν μέσοις ἥκειν
ἔλεγε φέρων αὐτοῖς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν περὶ) τῶν
ἐνεστηκότων ἀπόρων ἀπαλλαγήν. καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγον
ὀρτύγων πλῆθος, τρέφει δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ὄρνεον ὡς
οὐδὲν ἕτερον ὁ ᾿Αράβιος κόλπος, ἐφίπταται τὴν
μεταξὺ θάλατταν ὑπερελθὸν καὶ ὑπὸ κόπου τε
ἅμα τῆς πτήσεως καὶ πρόσγαιον μᾶλλον τῶν ἀλ-
λων ὃν καταφέρεται εἰς τοὺς Ἑβραίους" ot δὲ
συλλαμβάνοντες ὡς τροφὴν αὐτοῖς τοῦ θεοῦ ταύτην
μηχανησαμένου τὴν ἔνδειαν ἰῶνται, καὶ Mavoijs
ἐπ᾽ εὐχὰς τρέπεται τοῦ θεοῦ ταχεῖαν καὶ παρὰ
τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν ποιησαμένου τὴν ἐπικουρίαν.

(6) Εὐθὺς δὲ μετὰ τὴν πρώτην ἀφορμὴν τῆς
τροφῆς καὶ δευτέραν αὐτοῖς κατέπεμπεν ὁ θεός:
ἀνέχοντος γὰρ τοῦ Δίωυσέος τὰς χεῖρας ἐπὶ ταῖς
εὐχαῖς δρόσος κατηνέχθη, καὶ περιπηγνυμένης ταῖς

4) ΟΒΟΡ 5, more suo, explains the miracle by natural
causes ; cf. § 8.

330

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 22-26

of theirs induced by stress to be not unreasonable,
he concluded that he ought to approach God with
supplication and entreaty ; and, mounting a certain
eminence, he besought Him to grant some succour
to His people and relief from their distress—for it
was upon Him and on no other that their lives de-
pended—and to pardon the people what they would
but now have done under stress of necessity, seeing
that the race of men was by nature morose and
censorious in misfortune. God thereon promised
to take care of them and to provide the resources
which they craved. Having received this response
from God, Moses descended to the multitude ; and
they, on seeing him all radiant at the divine promises,
passed from dejection into a gayer mood, while he,
standing in their midst, told them that he had come
to bring them from God deliverance from their
present straits. And, not long after, a flock of
quails—a species of bird abundant, above all others,
in the Arabian gulf—came flying over this stretch of
sea, and, alike wearied by their flight and withal
accustomed more than other birds to skim the
ground,? settled in the Hebrews’ camp. And they,
collecting them as the food devised for them by God,
assuaged their hunger ; while Moses addressed _ his
thankful prayers to God for sending succour so
prompt and in keeping with ὃ His promise.

(6) Immediately after this first supply of food
God sent down to them a second. For, while Moses
raised his hands in prayer, a dew descended, and,
as this congealed about his hands,® Moses, surmising

* Or, “possibly, δ
promise.”

¢ Midrashic addition to the Biblical narrative.

even beyond (even prompter than) His

99]

σῇ, EX. xvi.
Pits

1b. 13.

The manna.
1δ. 18 ἢ

27

τῷ
ο.

29

90

9]

JOSEPHUS

‘ - ¢e 7 \
χερσὶ Μωυσῆς ὑπονοήσας καὶ ταύτην εἰς τροφὴν
4 “- ‘ ~ ~
ἥκειν αὐτοῖς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ γεύεται τε καὶ ἡσθείς,
“- > ~
τοῦ πλήθους ἀγνοοῦντος Kat νομίζοντος νίφεσθαι
\ “A a « ~ »
καὶ τῆς ὥρας εἶναι τοῦ ἔτους, τὸ γινόμενον, ἀν-
διὸ > ‘ 4 3 ’ ¢ f > > >
εδίδασκεν οὐ κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ὑπόληψιν ἀπ᾽ odpa-
~ ’ Ἁ , 3 > 3 \ , ~
νοῦ καταφέρεσθαι τὴν δρόσον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ TH
3 “-“ - - ~ -
αὐτῶν καὶ διατροφῇ, καὶ γευόμενος" τοῦτο αὐτοῖς
“- ¢
παρεῖχε πιστεύειν. οἱ δὲ μιμούμενοι τὸν στρα-
4 [τὴ ~ ~
τηγὸν ἥδοντο τῷ βρώματι: μέλιτι yap ἦν τὴν
γλυκύτητα καὶ τὴν ἡδονὴν ἐμφερές, ὅμοιον δὲ
~ ~ > f δέλλ ‘ δὲ / ~
τῇ τῶν ἀρωμάτων BdéAAn, τὸ δὲ μέγεθος τῷ κο-
ριάννου σπέρματι: καὶ περὶ συλλογὴν λίαν αὐτοῦ
> x “~
ἐσπουδάκεσαν. παρηγγέλλετο δ᾽ ἐξ ἴσου πᾶσιν
“- “~ 3
ἀσσαρῶνα, τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐστὶ μέτρον, εἰς ἑκάστην
¢ ~ ~
ἡμέραν συλλέγειν ὡς οὐκ ἐπιλείψοντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ
βρώματος, ἵνα μὴ τοῖς ἀδυνάτοις ἄπορον 7 τὸ
3 “A
λαμβάνειν δι’ ἀλκὴν τῶν δυνατωτέρων πλεονεκ-
τούντων περὶ τὴν ἀναίρεσιν. οἱ μέντοι πλέον τοῦ
προστεταγμένου μέτρου συναγαγόντες οὐδὲν περισ-
σότερον εἶχον τοῦ κακοπαθῆσαι, ἀσσαρῶνος γὰρ
3 \ 7 “ ~ > ¢ , 9’
οὐδὲν πλέον εὕρισκον, τοῦ δ᾽ ὑπολειφθέντος εἰς
“A 9 > 4 ᾿ 7
τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν ὄνησις οὐδ᾽ ἥτις ἦν διεφθαρμένου
A > 4
ὑπό τε σκωλήκων Kal πικρίας" οὕτω θεῖον ἦν TO
~ a 7
βρῶμα καὶ παράδοξον. ἀμύνει δὲ τοῖς ταύτην
“A 2 3 , ΝΜ \
νεμομένοις τὴν ἐκ τῶν ἄλλων ἀπορίαν, ἔτι δὲ
1 ME: ὑετοῦ rell.
2 yevoudvors ROE (perhaps rightly).

α Exodus (xvi. 14) merely speaks of the manna as “ small
as the hoar frost on the ground ἧς the comparison to snow,
as M. Weill points out, occurs already in Artapanus (6.

gow

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 26-31

that this too was a nutriment come to them from
God, tasted it and was delighted ; and, whereas the
multitude in their ignoranee took this for snow 4
and attributed the phenomenon to the season of the
year, he instructed them that this heaven-descending
dew was not as they supposed, but was sent for
their salvation and sustenance, and, tasting it, he
bade them thus too to convince themselves. They
then, imitating their leader, were delighted with
what they ate, for it had the sweet and delicious
taste of honey and resembled the spicy herb called
bdellium, its size being that of a coriander seed;
and they fell to colleeting it with the keenest ardour.
Orders, however, were issued to all alike to collect
each day but an assarén ἢ (that being the name of a
measure), since this food would never fail them ;
this was to ensure that the weak should not be pre-
vented from obtaining anything, should their stronger
brethren avail themselves of their vigour to amass
a larger harvest. Those who nevertheless collected
more than the prescribed measure reaped therefrom
nothing further than their pains, for they found no
more than an assarén; while anything left over
for the morrow was of no service whatever, being
polluted by worms and bitterness, so divine nad
miraculous was this food. It is a mains ay to
dwellers in these parts against their dearth of other

100 B.c.), χιόνι παραπλήσιον τὴν χρύαν (ap. Eusebius, Praep.
I'v. ix. 436 σ). “* The season of the year ’’ was apparently
the spring (§ 11); and snow at any season in the Arabian
desert is practically unknown.

δ In Exodus an émer (Lxx γόμορ). Josephus substitutes
for this, here and elsewhere, the word assarén, a tfellenized
forin of the Hebrew ‘issarén, meaning “ἃ tenth part’ se.
of an ephah, in other words an omer (Ex. xvi. 38).

VOL. IV M 333

EX. X Viz. 81.5
Numb. xi. 7,

Ex. xvi. 16.

on

33

92

JOSEPHUS

4 ~ , - a
Kal νῦν ὕεται πᾶς ἐκεῖνος ὁ τόπος, καθάπερ καὶ
“A é Pa
τότε Mwvoet χαριζόμενον τὸ θεῖον κατέπεμψε τὴν
~ ey A A ~ ~
διατροφήν. καλοῦσι δὲ Ἑβραῖοι τὸ βρῶμα τοῦτο
μάννα" τὸ γὰρ μάν ἐπερώτησις κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν
διάλεκτον τί τοῦτ᾽ ἔστιν ἀνακρίνουσα. καὶ οἱ μὲν
χαίροντες ἐπὶ τοῖς ἀπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ καταπεμφθεῖσιν
αὐτοῖς διετέλουν, τῇ δὲ τροφῇ ταύτῃ τεσσαρά-
κοντα ἔτεσιν ἐχρήσαντο ἐφ᾽ ὅσον χρόνον ἦσαν ἐν
τῇ ἐρήμῳ.
A » >
(7) ‘Qs δ᾽ ἐκεῖθεν ἄραντες ets “Padidew ἧκον,
, ¢ Α , ᾽ wv Mv
ταλαιπωρηθέντες ὑπὸ δίψους εἰς ἔσχατον, ἐν τε
ταῖς πρότερον ἡμέραις πίδαξιν ὀλίγαις ἐντυγχά-
‘
VOVTES καὶ τότε παντάπασιν ἄνυδρον εὑρόντες τὴν
γῆν, ἐν κακοῖς ἦσαν καὶ πάλιν δι᾿ ὀργῆς τὸν
~ > ζω \ \ cs A ~ ,ὔ
λΙωυσῆν ἐποιοῦντο. ὁ δὲ τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ πλήθους
\ > ~ -
πρὸς μικρὸν ἐκκλίνας ἐπὶ λιτὰς τρέπεται τοῦ θεοῦ,
~ \ , > ¢
παρακαλῶν ws τροφὴν ἔδωκεν ἀπορουμένοις οὕτως
\ - “- A
Kal ποτὸν παρασχεῖν, διαφθειρομένης καὶ τῆς ἐπὶ
~ ~ 4 > ᾽
τροφῇ χάριτος ποτοῦ μὴ παρόντος. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ εἰς
A 3 , ~ A \ ~
μακρὰν τὴν δωρεὰν ἀνεβάλλετο, τῷ δὲ Mwvuoei
παρέξειν ὑπισχνεῖται πηγὴν καὶ πλῆθος ὕδατος
ὅθεν οὐ προσδοκήσειαν, καὶ κελεύει τῷ βάκτρῳ
A «Ὁ ¢€
πλήξαντα τὴν πέτραν, ἣν ἑώρων αὐτόθι παρα-
4 | hesitate to depart from the rendering of all previous
translators from Hudson, ‘* Qui vero eo vescebantur alio non
egebant victu’’ to M. Weill, “11 remplagait pour ceux qué
en mangeaient tons les autres aliments absents”’; the latter
traces here an allusion to the widespread Rabbinical tradition,
found already in the Book of Wisdom (xvi. 20 f.), that the
manna assumed the taste that was most pleasant to the eater.
But (1) νέμεσθαι in Josephus usually means “ inhabit’
(4. v. 262 etc.), or occasionally “ graze” (of cattle), but

never ‘eat’ (of men); (2) the fem. ταύτην cannot refer to
the neuter word for food, βρῶμα, whereas the ellipse of γῆν is

334

JEWISH: ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ. 31-35

provisions,? and to this very day ® all that region is
watered by a rain like to that which then. as a favour
to Moses, ‘the Deity sent down for men’s sustenance.
The Hebrews eall this food manna‘; for the word
man is an interrogative in our language. asking the
question Veliat. 1s -1his co Ὁ Sb they continued to
rejoice in their heaven-sent gift, living on this food
for forty vears, all the time that they were in the
desert.

(7) When, departing thence, they reached Raphi-
din,é in extreme agony from thirst—for having on the
earlier days lit upon some scanty springs, they then
found themselves in an absolutely waterless region—
they were in sore distress and again vented their
wrath on Moses. But he. shunning for a while the
onset of the crowd. had recourse to prayer. beseeching
God, as He had given meat to them in their need,
so now to afford them drink, for their gratitude for
the meat would perish were drink withheld. Nor
did God long defer this boon, but promised Moses
that He would provide a spring with abundance of
water whence they looked not for it; He then bade
him strike with his staff the rock which stood there

frequent: (3) the second half of the sentence ("' all that
region’) supports the rendering above. ‘There may be an
allusion to the Rabbinical tradition, but, did we not know of
that tradition from other sources, it w ould hardly have been
discovered from the present passage.

» Travellers in Arabia have identified the manna as an
exudation of a species of the tamarisk-tree; “ἃ fresh supply
appears each night during its season (June and July),”
Eneycl. Bibl. s.v.

ς fleb. man, LXX μὰν or μάννα,

4 The same popular etymology appears in the Ileb. and
Bo
* Bibl. Rephidim, txx (like Jos.) ‘Pagidetv.

339

ESSERE

15.

Water from
the rock.

Tb,

XV1E.

1.

90

37

38

39

JOSEPHUS

κειμένην, παρ᾽ αὐτῆς λαμβάνειν τὴν εὐπορίαν ὧν
δέονται" φροντίζειν' γὰρ καὶ τοῦ μὴ σὺν πόνῳ μηδ᾽
ἐργασίᾳ τὸ ποτὸν αὐτοῖς φανῆναι. i Μωυσῆς
ταῦτα λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πα ἐξ πρὸς τὸν
λαὸν περιμένοντα καὶ εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφορῶντα: καὶ
γὰρ ἤδη καθεώρων αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς σκοπῆς ὁρμώ-
μενον. ὡς δ᾽ ἧκεν, ἀπολύειν αὐτοὺς καὶ ταύτης
τῆς ἀνάγκης τὸν θεὸν ἔλεγε καὶ κεχαρίσθαι
σωτηρίαν οὐδ᾽ ἐλπισθεῖσαν ἐκ τῆς πέτρας ποταμὸν
αὐτοῖς ρυήσεσθαι λέγων. τῶν δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἀκοὴν
καταπλαγέντων, εἰ ὑπό τε τοῦ δίψους καὶ τῆς
ὁδοιπορίας τεταλαιπωρημένοις ἀνάγκη γένοιτο
κόπτειν τὴν πέτραν, ὁ Δἱωυσῆς πλήττει τῇ βακτη-
ρίᾳ, καὶ χανούσης ἐξέβλυσεν ὕδωρ πολὺ καὶ δι-
αυγέστατον. ot δὲ τῷ παραδόξῳ τοῦ γεγονότος
κατεπλάγησαν, καὶ πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν αὐτοῖς ἤδη τὸ
δίψος ἔληγε, καὶ πίνουσιν ἡδὺ καὶ γλυκὺ τὸ νᾶμα
καὶ οἷον ἂν εἴη θεοῦ τὸ δῶρον δόντος ἐφαίνετο'
τόν τε οὖν Μωυσῆν ἐθαύμαζον οὕτως ὑπὸ τοῦ
θεοῦ τετιμημένον, καὶ θυσίαις ἠἡμείβοντο τὴν τοῦ
θεοῦ περὶ αὐτοὺς πρόνοιαν. δηλοῖ δὲ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ
ἀνακειμένη “γραφὴ τὸν θεὸν προειπεῖν λ]ωυσεῖ
οὕτως ἐκ τῆς πέτρας ἀναδοθήσεσθαι ὕδωρ.

(ii. 1) Τοῦ δὲ [τῶν] ‘EBpaiwy ὀνόματος ἤδη
πολλοῦ κατὰ πάντας διαβοωμένου καὶ τοῦ περὶ
αὐτῶν λόγου φοιτῶντος ἐν φόβῳ συνέβαινεν οὐ
μικρῷ τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους εἶναι, καὶ πρεσβευόμενοι

1 MSP: φροντίζει rell. 2 χαρίσασθαι RO.

@ Cf. other allusions to *‘ writings deposited in the temple ”
in 4. iv. 303 (the song of Moses), v. 61 (Joshua’s staying
of the sun). I believe that these refer not to the Scriptures
336

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, HI. 35-39

before their eyes, and from it accept a plenteous
draught of what they needed ; for He would more-
over see to it that this water should appear for them
without toil or travail. Moses, having received this
response from God, now approached the people,
who were expectant and had their eyes fixed upon
him, having already observed him hastening from
the hill. When he arrived, he told them that God
would deliver them from this distress also and had
even vouchsafed to save them in unexpected wise :
a river was to flow for them out of the rock. And
while they at this news were aghast at the thought
of being forced, all spent as they were with thirst
and travel, to cleave the rock. Moses struck it with
his staff, whereupon it opened and there gushed out
a copious stream of most pellucid water. Amazed
at this marvellous prodigy, the mere sight of which
already slaked their thirst, they drank and found
the current sweet and delicious and all that was
to be looked for in a gift from God. Therefrom too
they conceived an admiration for Moses, so high in
God’s esteem, and they offered sacrifices in return
for God’s care for their welfare. A writing deposited
in the temple attests that God foretold to Moses
that water would thus spring forth from the rock.*
(ii. 1) The fame of the Hebrews being now mightily Ὑπὸ <P
noised abroad and talk of them being current every- scale ia
where, the inhabitants of the country came to be (τ “at

: ᾿ i : ΕΧ. ΧΥΙΙ. ὃ.
not a little afraid ; and sending embassies to and fro

generally but to a separate collection of chants made for the
use of the temple singers, and that the allusion here is to the
little song to the well in Numb. xxi. 16 ff., with the introduc-
tory promise ‘‘ Gather the people together and [ will give
them water.’ See my Josephus the Man and the [Tistorian
(New York,1929), p.-90:

337

4(

—

4]

48

JOSEPHUS

πρὸς ἀλλήλους παρεκάλουν ἀμύνειν καὶ πειρᾶσθαι
τοὺς ἄνδρας διαφθείρειν. ἐτύγχανον δὲ [ot] πρὸς
τοῦτο ἐνάγοντες οἵ τε τὴν ToBodttw καὶ τὴν
Πέτραν κατοικοῦντες, ot καλοῦνται μὲν ᾿Αμαληκῖ-
ται, μαχιμώτατοι δὲ τῶν ἐκεῖσε ἐθνῶν ὑπήῆρχον'
ὧν πέμποντες οἱ βασιλεῖς ἀλλήλους τε καὶ τοὺς
περιοίκους ἐπὶ τὸν πρὸς “ΙὩβραίους πόλεμον παρ-
εκάλουν, στρατὸν ἀλλότριον καὶ τῆς Αἰγυπτίων
ἀποδράντα δουλείας ἐφεδρεύειν αὐτοῖς λέγοντες,
ὃν οὐ καλῶς ἔχει περιορᾶν, ἀλλὰ πρὶν ἢ λαβεῖν
ἰσχὺν καὶ παρελθεῖν εἰς εὐπορίαν καὶ αὐτὸν τῆς
πρὸς ἡμᾶς κατάρξαι μάχης θαρρήσαντας τῷ μηδὲν
αὐτοῖς παρ᾽ ἡμῶν ἀπαντᾶν καταλύειν ἀσφαλὲς καὶ
σῶφρον, δίκην αὐτοὺς καὶ περὶ τῆς ἐρήμου; καὶ
τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ πραχθέντων ἀπαιτοῦντας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ
ὅταν ταῖς πόλεσιν ἡμῶν καὶ τοῖς ἀγαθοῖς ἐπιβάλωσι
τὰς χεῖρας. οἱ δὲ ἀρχομένην δύναμιν ἐχθρῶν πει-
ρώμενοι καταλύειν ἀγαθοὶ συνεῖναι μᾶλλον 7 οἱ προ-
κόψασαν μείζω κωλύοντες γενέσθαι" ot μὲν γὰρ τοῦ
περισσοῦ δοκοῦσι νεμεσᾶν, οἱ δ᾽ οὐδεμίαν αὐτοῖς
ἀφορμὴν καθ᾽ αὑτῶν ἐῶσι γενέσθαι. τοιαῦτα τοῖς τε
πλησιοχώροις καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους πρεσβευόμενοι
χ υρεῖν τοῖς “ΙΣβραίοις ἐγνώκεσαν εἰς μάχην.

(9) ΔΙωυσεῖ δ᾽ οὐδὲν προσδοκῶντι πολέμιον
ἀπορίαν καὶ ταραχὴν ἐνεποίει τὰ τῶν ἐπιχωρίων,
καὶ παρόντων ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ἤδη καὶ κινδυνεύειν
δέον. ἐθορύβει χαλεπῶς τὸ τῶν ᾿βραίων πλῆθος
ἐν ἀπορίᾳ μὲν ὃν ἁπάντων, μέλλον δὲ πολεμεῖν

1 Text doubtful: Reinach's conj. €¢650v does not satis-
factorily account for avrn.

Mentioned, in conjunction with Amalek, in A. il. 6
338

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 39-43

they exhorted each other to repel and endeavour
to destroy these upstarts. The instigators of this
movement were those inhabitants of Gobolitica and
Petra® who are called Amalekites and were the
most warlike of the peoples in those parts. It was
their kings who sent messages exhorting one another
and the neighbouring peoples to make war on the
Hebrews.£ “An army of aliens,” they said, “has
escaped from bondage in Egypt and is lving in wait
τ ΔΕ εἰς as. At behaves us not to disr cgard them ;
no, before they gain strength and obtain resourees
and themselves open battle upon us, emboldened
by meeting with no opposition on our part, it were

safer and prudent to crush them, exacting retribution
fan [their incursion into} the w lenis: and for what
they have done there, instead of waiting until they
have laid hands on our cities and our goods. Those
who essay to crush an enemy’s power Pat the outset
show greater sagacity than they who, when it is
already far advanced, would prevent its extension 5
for these seem but resentful of its superabundant
strength, whereas those never give it any handle
against them.’ Addressing such messages by
εἰ Πάξεῖαε to the neighbouring distriets and for one an-
other, they decided ‘to engage the Hebrews in battle.

(2) To Moses, expectant of no hostility, this rising
of the natives was a source of perplexity and trouble ;
while, sinee they were alrcady advancing to Hattle
ani the peril had to be faced, there was grave agita-
tion in the Hebrews’ host, destitute of everything,
(cf. ix. 188), and donbtless identical with the ‘‘ Gebal”
(also linked with Atmalek) of Ps. Ixxxili. 7.

® Future capital of the Nabataeans ; Josephus uses the
names of a later age.

¢ Weill quotes a Rabbinical parallel for this invitation.

2 339

Moses
encourages
the
Hebrews.

40

4

..1

48

JOSEPHUS

4 > a ~ ~ b]
πρὸς ἀνθρώπους τοῖς πᾶσι καλῶς ἐξηρτυμένους."
παραμυθίας οὖν ὁ Μωυσῆς ἤρχετο καὶ θαρρεῖν
παρεκάλει τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ ψήφῳ πεπιστευκότας, ὑφ
“Ὁ >
ἧς εἰς τὴν ἐλευθερίαν ἡρμένοι κατανικήσειαν TOUS
Α “A A
περὶ αὐτῆς εἰς μάχην αὐτοῖς καθισταμένους, ὑπο-
λαμβάνειν δὲ τὸ μὲν αὐτῶν εἶναι στράτευμα πολὺ
καὶ πάντων ἀπροσδεές, ὅπλων χρημάτων τροφῆς
τῶν ἄλλων, ὧν παρόντων ἐκ πεποιθήσεως πολε-
μοῦσιν ἄνθρωποι, κρίνοντας ἐν τῇ παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ
~ ΄-" ~ A ~
συμμαχίᾳ ταῦτα αὐτοῖς παρεῖναι, TO δὲ τῶν ἐναν-
͵ 5 7 » > , e ‘ ‘ ea
τίων ὀλίγον ἄνοπλον ἀσθενές, οἷον Kat μὴ ὑπὸ
τοιούτων, οἵοις αὐτοῖς σύνοιδεν οὖσιν, νικᾶσθαι
Q λ ΄ ~ θ “- δέ δ᾽ t “ > 4
βουλομένου τοῦ θεοῦ. εἰδέναι δ᾽ οἷος οὗτος ἐπί-
κουρος ἐκ πολλῶν πεπειραμένους καὶ δεινοτέρων
~ ont 3
τοῦ πολέμου: τοῦτον μὲν yap εἶναι πρὸς ἀνθρώ-
Δ ᾽ > 2 “A \ \ A 4 +
πους, ἃ δ᾽ ἦν αὐτοῖς πρὸς λιμὸν Kat δίψος ἄπορα
καὶ πρὸς ὄρη καὶ θάλασσαν ὁδὸν οὐκ ἔχουσι
- ~ A \ \
φυγῆς, ταῦτ᾽ αὐτοῖς διὰ τὴν εὐμένειαν τὴν παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ νενικῆσθαι. νῦν δὲ γίνεσθαι παρεκάλει
~ / ~
προθυμοτάτους, ws τῆς ἁπάντων εὐπορίας αὐτοῖς
3 ~ ~ “A ~
ἐν τῷ κρατῆσαι τῶν ἐχθρῶν κειμένης.
\ ~ / A
(3) Kat Μωυσῆς μὲν τοιούτοις παρεθάρσυνε τὸ
~ f ~ 2 / ’ὔ
πλῆθος λόγοις, συγκαλῶν «τε» τούς τε φυλάρχους
\ ~ 2 7 > ¢ 7 \ A 3 ,
Kat τῶν ἐν τέλει καθ᾽ ἑκάστους τε καὶ σὺν ἀλλήλοις
τοὺς μὲν νεωτέρους παρεκάλει πείθεσθαι τοῖς
> ~ ~ ~
πρεσβυτέροις, τοὺς δὲ ἀκροᾶσθαι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ"
οἱ δ᾽ ἦσαν ἐπὶ τὸν κίνδυνον τὰς ψυχὰς ἡρμένοι
καὶ πρὸς τὸ δεινὸν ἑτοίμως ἔχοντες ἤλπιζον ἀπ-
αλλαγήσεσθαί ποτε τῶν κακῶν, καὶ τὸν Μωυσῆν
ἐκέλευον ayew αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους ἤδη
A Α 7] ¢€ ~ > ~ > 7
καὶ μὴ μέλλειν, ὡς τῆς ἀναβολῆς ἐμποδιζούσης
1 Niese: ἐξηρτυσμένους RO: ἐξηρτισμένους (-ημένους) rell.
340

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ. 43 -48

yet destined to contend with men at all points
perfeetly equipped. Moses aceordingly proceeded
to console them. He bade them take courage,
trusting in God’s decree, through which they had
been promoted to liberty and triumphed over sueh
as set themselves in battle against them to dispute
it. They should regard their own army as great and
lacking in nought—arms, money, provisions, all
those things on the possession of which men rely in
going to war—deeming that in having God as their
ally they possessed them all; while that of their
adversaries should appear as puny, unarmed, weak,
such a force that by men so mean, as He knew them
to be, God would not will to be defeated. They knew
what a protector they had in Him from many experi-
enees even more awful than war ; for war was waged
against men, but those hopeless straits with whieb
they had contended were hunger and thirst, moun-
tains and sea when they had no means of flight, and
yet these through the gracious mercy of God had by
them been overeome. So now he bade them show
the keenest ardour, since afHuence in everything
would be their reward in defeating their foes.

(S) With sueh words did Moses embolden the
inultitude, and, ealling up the heads of the tribes and
the other officers singly and all together, he exhorted
the juniors to obey their elders and these to hearken
to their general. And they, with hearts elated at
the peril, were ready to face the horror of it, hoping
ere long to be quit of their miseries, and they urged
Moses to lead them instantly and without procras-
tination against the enemy, since delay might damp

—

3 ins. Niese.
VOL. IV M 2 8341

He puts
Joshua in
command,
Ex. xvii. 9.

JOSEPHUS

49 τὴν προθυμίαν αὐτῶν. ὁ δὲ τῆς πληθύος ἀποκρίνας

50 ‘

51

»

-~

53

πᾶν τὸ “μάχιμον ᾿Ιησοῦν ἐφίστησιν αὐτῷ, Νανήκου
μὲν υἱὸν φυλῆς Τῆς ᾿Εφραιμίτιδος, ἀνδρειότατον
δὲ καὶ πόνους ὑποστῆναι γενναῖον" καὶ νοῆσαί τε
καὶ εἰπεῖν ἱκανώτατον καὶ θρησκεύοντα τὸν θεὸν
ἐκπρεπῶς καὶ Δ]ωνυσῆν διδάσκαλον τῆς πρὸς αὐτὸν
εὐσεβείας πεποιημένον τιμώμενόν τε παρὰ τοῖς
Εβραίοις. βραχὺ δέ τι περὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἔταξε τῶν
ὁπλιτῶν ἐπὶ φυλακῇ παίδων καὶ γυναικῶν τοῦ τε
παντὸς" στρατοπέδου. καὶ νύκτα μὲν πᾶσαν ἐν
παρασκευαῖς ἦσαν τῶν τε ὅπλων εἴ τι πεπονηκὸς
ἦν ἀναλαμβάνοντες καὶ τοῖς στρατηγοῖς προσ-
έχοντες, ὡς ὁρμήσοντες ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην ὁπότε κελεύ-
σειεν αὐτοὺς Μωυσῆς. διηγρύπνει δὲ καὶ Δ͵ωυσῆς
ἀναδιδάσκων τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ὃν τρόπον ἐκτάξειε τὸ
στρατόπεδον. ηργμένης δὲ ὑποφαίνειν τῆς ἡμέρας
αὖθις τόν τε ᾿Ιησοῦν παρεκάλει μηδὲν χείρονα
φανῆναι κατὰ τὸ ἔργον τῆς οὔσης περὶ αὐτὸν
ἐλπίδος δόξαν τε διὰ τῆς παρούσης κτήσασθαι
στρατηγίας παρὰ TOUS ἀρχομένοις ἐπὶ τοῖς γεγε-
νημένοις, τῶν τε Ἑβραίων τοὺς ἀξιολογωτάτους
ἰδίᾳ παρεκάλει καὶ σύμπαν ἤδη τὸ πλῆθος ὠπλι-
σμένον παρώρμα. καὶ ὁ μὲν οὕτως παραστησά-
μενος τὸν στρατὸν τοῖς τε λόγοις καὶ τῇ διὰ τῶν
ἔργων παρασκευῇ ἀνεχώρει πρὸς τὸ ὄρος θεῷ τε
καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦ παραδιδοὺς τὸ στράτευμα.

(4) ΠΙροσέμισγον δὲ οἱ πολέμιοι κἀν χερσὶν ἦν
ἡ μάχη" προθυμίᾳ τε καὶ διακελευσμῷ τὰ πρὸς

1 RO: γεννικὸν rell.
8 πρὸς παντὸς ML, whence πρόπαντος Dindorf,

διέ 11,
342

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 49-53

their ardour. Moses then, having selected from the
crowd all of military efficiency, “put at their head
Joshua,? son of Nauékos,® of the tribe of Ephraim,°

aman of extreme courage, valiant in endurance of
toil, highly gifted in intellect and speech, and withal
one who worshipped God with a singular piety which
he had learnt from Moses, and who was held in esteem

by the Hebrews. He also posted a small force of

armed men around the water as a protection for the
children and women and tor the camp in general.
All that night they passed in preparations, repairing
any damaged arms and attentive to their generals,
ready to plunge into the fray so soon as Moses gave
them the order. Moses too passed a wakeful night,
instructing Joshua how to marshal his forces. At
the first streak of dawn he once more exhorted
Joshua to prove himself in action no whit inferior
tu the hopes that were built upon him and to win
through this command a reputation with his troops
for his achievements; he next exhorted the most
notable of the Hebrews one by one, and finally ad-
dressed stirring words to the whole host assembled
in arms. For himself, having thus animated the
forces by his words and by all these active prepara-
tions, he withdrew to the mountain, consigning the
campaign to God and to Joshua.

(+) The adversaries met and a hand-to-hand con-
test ensued, fought with great spirit and with mutual

a | OR Jess”
The Hellenized form of Ναυή, the exx equivalent for the
He es gee Vy | si
¢ Derived from Nutnb. xiii. 8.
343

Victory of

the

Hebrews:

the spoils,

Ex. xvi.

᾿
δ.

54

56

57

JOSEPHUS
ἀλλήλους χρωμένων μέχρι μὲν. Ν οὖν Μωυσῆς
αὖθις; ἀνίσχει τὰς χείρας, καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας
κατεπόνουν ot ᾿βραῖοι. τὸν οὖν πόνον τῆς ἀνα-
τάσεως τῶν χειρῶν ὁ δΔ]ωυσῆς οὐχ ὑπομένων, ὁσάκις
γὰρ᾽ αὐτὰς καθίει τοσαυτάκις ἐλαττοῦσθαι τοὺς
οἰκείους αὐτοῦ συνέβαινε, κελεύει τόν τε ἀδελφὸν
‘Aap@va Kal THS ἀδελφῆς ΔΙαριάμμης τὸν ἄνδρα
Ovpov ὄνομα στάντας ἑκατέρωθεν. αὐτοῦ δια-
κρατεῖν τὰς χεῖρας καὶ μὴ ἐπιτρέπειν κάμνειν
βοηθοῦντας." καὶ τούτου γενομένου κατὰ κράτος
ἐνίκων τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας οἵ “Ββραῖοι, καὶ πάντες
ἂν ἀπωλώλεισαν, εἰ μὴ νυκτὸς ἐπιγενομένης ἀπ-
έσχοντο τοῦ κτείνειν. νίκην καλλίστην καὶ καιριωτά-
τὴν «ταύτην » νικῶσιν ἡμῶν οἱ πρόγονοι: καὶ γὰρ
τῶν ἐπιστρατευσάντων ἐκράτησαν καὶ τοὺς περι-
οίκους ἐφόβησαν, μεγάλων τε καὶ λαμπρῶν ἐκ τοῦ
πονεῖν ἐπέτυχον ἀγαθῶν ἑλόντες τὸ στρατόπεδον
τῶν πολεμίων, πλον δι Te μεγάλους δημοσίᾳ καὶ
κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἔσχον οὐδὲ τῆς ἀναγκαίας" τροφῆς
πρότερον εὐποροῦντες. ὑπῆρξε δ᾽ αὐτοῖς οὐκ εἰς
τὸ παρὸν μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ εἰς τὸν αὖθις αἰῶνα τῶν
ἀγαθῶν αἰτία κατορθωθεῖσα 7 προειρημένη μάχη:
οὐ γὰρ τὰ σώματα μόνον τῶν ἐπιστρατ τευσάντωι’
ἐδούλωσαν ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰ φρονήματα, καὶ τοῖς περι-
3
οἶἰκοις ἅπασι μετὰ τὴν ἐκείνων ἧτταν ἐγένοντο
φοβεροί, αὐτοί τε πλούτον μεγάλου δύναμιν προσ-
ἔλαβον: πολὺς γὰρ ὁ ἀργυρός τε καὶ χρυσὸς
ἐγκατελήφθη" ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ καὶ σκεύη χαλκᾶ,

1 ? lacuna (Niese). 2 ὀρθὰς conj. Cocceii.
2 Niese: av KO, yap ἂν rell. ὁ βοηθοῦντα Dindorf.
δ ins. Niese. δ ἀναγκαίου R.

S++

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ. 53-57

shouts of eneouragement.* So long as Moses held
his hands ereet, the Amalekites were diseomfited by
the Hebrews. Moses, therefore, unequal to the
strain of this extension of his arms, and seeing that
as often as he dropped them so often were his men
worsted, bade his brother Aaron and _ his sister
Mariamine’s husband, by name Ur,? stand on either
side of him to support his hands and by their aid not
suffer them to flag. That done, the Hebrews inflicted
a erushing defeat on the Amale kites, who would all
have perished, had not night supervened to stay the
earnage. A most noble vietory and most timely was
this that our forefathers won; for they defeated
their assailants, terrified the neighbouring nations,
and withal acquired by their effets ereat an magni-
ficent riches, having eaptured their enemy's camp
and thereby ἀπ ποι stores of wealth both for public
and private use, they who but now had lacked even
the necessaries οι Nor was it only for the present,
but also for the age to come, that their success in
this batile proved ‘productive of blessings ; for they
enslaved not the persons only of their assailants but
also their spirit, and beeame to all the neighbouring
races, after the defeat of those first adversaries, a
source of terror, while they themselves amassed

great quantity of wealth. For abundant silver and
gold was eaptured in the camp, as also vessels of

* With this description of the battle a new hand appears,
that sof the Thucydide an”’ assistant (sce Introduction) :
κὰν χερσὶν ἦν ἡ μάχη comes from Thuc. iv. 43, προθυμίᾳ καὶ
διακελευσμῷ aad from iv. 11 (with vil. 71).

e Dib ir, xx Vp... ΟΡ ΗΟ ἀπε εν no relation-
ship between hin and Moses: Rabbinical tradition repre-
sents hii as not the husband, but the son, of Miriain (see
Weill’s note).

7 ἐγκατελείφθη most Mss.
345

59

60

61

JOSEPHUS

οἷς ἐχρῶντο περὶ τὴν δίαιταν, πολὺ δὲ ἐπίσημον
πλῆθος ἑκατέρων ὅσα τε ὑφαντὰ καὶ κόσμοι περὶ
τὰς ὁπλίσεις ἣ τε ἄλλη θεραπεία καὶ κατασκευὴ
ἐκείνων λεία τε παντοία κτηνῶν καὶ ὅσα φιλεῖ
στρατοπέδοις ἐξωδευκόσιν ἕπεσθαι. φρονήματός
τε ὑπεπλήσθησαν ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρείᾳ ‘EBpator καὶ πολλὴ
:

μεταποίησις ἦν ἀρετῆς αὐτοις, προς TE TH πονεῖν
ἦσαν ἀεὶ τούτῳ πάντα ληπτὰ νομίζοντες εἶναι.
Kal ταύτης μενοτῆς μάχης τοῦτο TO πεῤᾶς.

(5) TH O° ὑστεραίᾳ Διωυσῆς νεκρούς. τε ἐσκύλευε
τῶν πολεμίων καὶ τὰς παντευχίας τῶν φυγόντων
συνέλεγεν ἀριστεῦσί τε τιμὰς ἐδίδου καὶ τὸν
στρατηγὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ἐνεκωμίαζε μαρτυρούμενον ἐφ᾽
οἷς ἔπραξεν ὑπὸ παντὸς τοῦ στρατοῦ. ἀπέθανεν
δὲ ‘EBpatwy μὲν οὐδείς, τῶν δὲ πολεμίων ὅσους
οὐδ᾽ ἀριθμῷ γνῶναι δυνατὸν ἦν. θύσας δὲ yapt-
στήρια βωμὸν ἱἵδρύεται, νικαῖον ὀνομάσας τὸν θεόν,
προεφήτευέ τε πανωλεθρίᾳ τοὺς ᾿Αμαληκίτας ἀπ-
ολουμένους καὶ μηδένα αὐτῶν ὑπολειφθησόμενον
εἰς αὖθις διὰ τὸ Ἑβραίοις ἐπιστρατεύσασθαι καὶ
ταῦτα ἐν ἐρήμῳ τε γῇ καὶ ταλαιπωρουμένοις, τόν
τε στρατὸν εὐωχίαις ἀνελάμβανε. καὶ “ταύτην
μὲν τὴν μάχην πρώτην μαχεσάμενοι πρὸς τοὺς
κατατολμήσαντας αὐτῶν μέτα τὴν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου
γενομένην ἔξοδον οὕτως ἐπολέμησαν" ἐπεὶ δὲ τὴν
τῶν ἐπινικίων ἑορτὴν ἤγαγον, ὁ ΔΙωυσῆς ἀνα-

α All this description of the spoil is unscriptural, but, as
M. Weill suggests, may be based on tradition: it was
necessary to explain how the Hebrews obtained the rich
materials for the making of the tabernacle. A certain dupli-
cation in the narrative here (the double mention of the capture
of the eamp and its riches) and below may be due to the
employment at this point of fio assistants.

346

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 57-61

brass, whieh served for their meals, a mass of coins of
both metals, all manner of woven fabries, deeorations
for armour, with all the accompanying trappings and
apparatus, spoils of all sorts of beasts of burden, and
everything that is wont to accompany armies into
the field.¢ The Hebrews now too began to plume
themselves on their valour and to have high aspira-
tions to heroism.? while they beeame assiduous in
toil, convinced that by it all things are attainable.
Sich was the issue of this battle.

(5) On the morrow Moses had the corpses of the
enemy stripped and all the armour shed by the
fugitives eollected; he presented rewards to the
ahant and eulosized their general Joshua, whose ;
exploits were attested by the whole army. Indeed
of the Hebrews not a man had perished, while the
enemy's dead were past numbering. Offering saeri-
fiees of thanksgiving, he erected an altar, “ealling
God by the name-of” Giver-of vietory "> ‘and ie
predicted that the Amalekites were to be utterly
exterminated and not one of them should survive to
after ages, because they had set upon the Hebrews at
a time when they were in desert country and in sore
distress.¢ He then regaled the troops with festivity.

Sueh was the issue af this fight, the first that they
fought with daring aggressors after their exodus from
Ley pt. When the festive al in honour of the victory
had been eelebrated, Moses, having rested the

ὃ πολλὴ μεταποίησις ἦν ἀρετῆς after Thue. ii. 51 of ἀρετῆς
τι μεταποιούμενοι (“* those who aspired to heroism,”’ Jowett),
a phrase frequently echoed by this “* Thueydidean ”’ συνεργός.

¢ Bibl. Jehovah-nissi (J. is my banner’’), Lexx Κύριος
καταφυγή μου: in Exodus the name is given not to God but
to the altar.

Cf, MA. iv. 304+ (with Dent. xxv. 17 ff. ‘ Remember
what .Amalek did *’).

SAT

Celebration
of the
victory, and
arrival at
Mount
Sinai,

Ex. xvii. 14.

xvin 14.

JOSEPHUS

͵ > > 3 é ¢e ’ὔ λ ¢ , 4
παύσας ἐπ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας τοὺς Ββραίους μετὰ
62 τὴν μάχην προῆγε συντεταγμένους" πολὺ δ᾽ ἣν ἤδη
τὸ ὁπλιτικὸν αὐτοῖς" καὶ προϊὼν κατ᾽ ὀλίγον ἐν
τριμήνῳ μετὰ τὴν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου κίνησιν παρῆν ἐπὶ
τὸ Σεναῖον ὦ ὄρος, ἐν @ τά τε περὶ τὸν θάμνον αὐτῷ
καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ φαντάσματα συντυχεῖν προειρήκαμεν.
65. (il) Kae ᾿Ραγούηλος ὁ πενθερὸς τὴν αὐτοῦ
πυν θανόμενος εὖπ τραξίαν ἀσμένως ἀπήντα, τόν τε
λΙίωυσῆν καὶ τὴν Σαπφώραν δεχόμενος καὶ τοὺς
παῖδας αὐτῶν. ἥδεται δὲ δΔΙωυσῆς ἐπὶ τῇ τοῦ
~ 3 , \ 7 2 ~ \ “- ‘ ~
πενθεροῦ ἀφίξει καὶ θύσας εὐωχεῖ τὸ πλῆθος τοῦ
“ ει ~
θάμνου πλησίον, ὃς διαπεφεύγει τοῦ πυρὸς τὴν
᾽ὔ Α \ Ἁ An A ͵ 1
64 φλόγωσιν' καὶ τὸ μὲν π ἣθος κατὰ συγγενείας
ὡς ἕκαστοι τῆς εὐωχίας μετελάμβανον, ᾿Ααρὼν
δὲ σὺν τοῖς παροῦσι ᾿Ῥαγούηλον προσλαβόμενος
A
ὕμνους τε ἦδον εἰς τὸν θεὸν ὡς τῆς σωτηρίας
~ \ ~ 3 4 ”
αὐτοῖς και τῆς ἐλευθερίας αἰτιον καὶ ποριστὴν
ῃ
65 γεγενημένον, καὶ τὸν στρατηγὸν εὐφήμουν ὡς
κατὰ ἀρετὴν ἐκείνου πάντων αὐτοῖς κατὰ νοῦν
Ἁ
ἀπηντηκότων. καὶ “Ραγούηλος πολλὰ μὲν ἐγ-
κώμια τοῦ πλήθους ἐπὶ τῇ πρὸς τὸν Δίωυσὴῆν εὐ-
’, ’ > A κ 4 4 4 ~
χαριστίᾳ διεξήει, ἐθαύμαζε δὲ καὶ τὸν Muavojy
~ \ ~ , 3
τῆς ἐπὶ σωτηρίᾳ τῶν φίλων ἀνδραγαθίας.
= ~ 3 ‘ ἐν

66 (iv.1) Τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίᾳ θεασάμενος ὁ “Ραγούηλος

1 συγγένειαν RO.

α Josephus transposes the Biblical order of events. placing
the arrival at Sinai (Ex. xix. 1) before the visit of Jethro
(Ex. xviii). But as the Jible itself represents this visit as
made when Moses *‘ was encamped at the mount of God ”’
(Ex. xviii. 5), it is highly probable that Josephus has only
reverted to what was the original arrangement of the

narrative (Driver’s Exodus, Camb. Bible).

ms erty ἢ. 961 [ἢ

948

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 6t-66

Hebrews for a few days after the battle, led them
forward in ordered ranks; a considerable body of
them was by now armed. Advancing by short stages,
within three months after the departure from Egypt,
he reached Mount Sinai,? where he had met with
the miracle of the bush and the other visions which
we have already related.’

(iii.) And now Raguel,® his father-in-law, hearing
of his success, Kone ath gladness to meet him,
warmly welcoming Moses and Sapphora ὦ and their
children. Moses rejoiced at this visit of his father-
in-law and, having offered sacrifice, made a feast for
the people,? hard by the bush which had escaped
combustion in the fire. The whole multitude, ranged
in family groups, partook of the banquet; while
Aaron with his company, joined by Raguel, chanted
hymns to God, as the author and “dispenser of their
salvation and their liberty. ‘They sung too the praises
of their general, to whose merit it was due that all
had befallen to their hearts’ content. And Raguel
was profuse in eulogies of the people for their orati-
tude to Mases, while he admired Moses foe the
gallantry which he had devoted to the salvation of
his friends.

(iv. 1) On the morrow Raguel watched Moses

¢ Bibl. Jethro, alias Re‘uel (Lxx Ραγουήλ), as he is called
in the first passage where he is mentioned (Ix. ii. 18);
Josephus uses the latter name (4. ii. 258), except in “1. ii.
268, v. 127.

4 Bibl. Zipporah. In the Biblical account Jethro brings
hack Zipporah and the children to Moses, after a temporary
separation; in Josephus the family had never heen parted
(ef EX ν 20):

¢ In Exodus Jethro offers sacrifices, and Aaron and the
elders of Israel join him in the saered meal: nothing is said
about a public feast given by Moses,

BAY

Bx: Rix. ts

Visit of
Raguel.
Ib. xviii. 1.

Cf. ib. 12.

67

68

6!

»-

10

71

JOSEPHUS

τὸν δ]ωυσῆν ἐν ὄχλῳ πραγμάτων ὄντα' διέλυε yap
τὰς δίκας τοῖς δεομένοις, πάντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν βα-
διζόντων καὶ μόνως ἂν τοῦ δικαίου τυχεῖν ἡγου-
μένων, εἰ διαιτητὴς αὐτοῖς οὗτος γένοιτο: καὶ γὰρ
τοῖς ἡττωμένοις κοῦφον ἐδόκει τὸ λείπεσθαι, κατὰ
δικαιοσύνη" οὐ κατὰ πλεονεξίαν αὐτὸ πάσχειν
νομίζουσι: τότε μὲν ἡσυχίαν ἦγε μὴ βουλόμενος
ἐμποδίζειν τοῖς ἀρετῇ χρῆσθαι τοῦ στρατηγοῦ
θέλουσι, παυσάμενον δὲ τοῦ θορύβου παραλαβὼν
καὶ συμμονωθεὶς ἀνεδίδασκεν ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν. καὶ
συνεβούλευε τῆς μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἥττοσι ταλαιπωρίας
ἑτέροις ἐκστῆναι, περὶ δὲ τῶν μειζόνων καὶ τῆς
σωτηρίας τοῦ πλήθους ἔχειν τὴν πρόνοιαν αὐτόν᾽
δικάσαι μὲν γὰρ ἀγαθοὺς κἂν ἄλλους ᾿βραίων
εὑρεθῆναι, φροντίσαι δὲ τοσούτων μυριάδων σω-
τηρίας οὐκ ἄλλον τινὰ δύνασθαι μὴ ΔΜιωυσῆν γε-
"όμενον. * αἰσθανόμενος οὖν τῆς ἀρετῆς, φησί,
“σαυτοῦ καὶ οἷος γέγονας ἐπὶ τῷ τὸν λαὸν
ὑπουργῶν τῷ θεῷ σώζειν, τὴν μὲν τῶν ἐγκλημάτων
δίαιταν ἐπίτρεψον αὐτοῖς ποιεῖσθαι καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἄλλων,
σὺ δὲ πρὸς μόνῃ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ θεραπείᾳ κατέχων
σεαυτὸν διατέλει ζητῶν οἷς ἂν τὸ πλῆθος ἀπ-
αλλάξειας τῆς νῦν ἀπορίας. ὑποθήκαις δὲ ταῖς
ἐμαῖς περὶ τῶν ἀνθρωπίνων χρησάμενος τὸν στρα-
τὸν ἐξετάσεις ἀκριβῶς καὶ κατὰ “μυρίους τούτων
κεκριμένους ἄρχοντας ἀποδείξεις, εἶτα κατὰ χιλίους,
διαιρήσεις δὲ μετ᾽ αὐτοὺς εἰς πεντακοσίους, καὶ
πάλιν εἰς ἑκατόν, εἶτ᾽ εἰς πεντήκοντα. ἄρχοντάς
τε ἐπὶ τούτοις τάξεις, OL κατὰ τριάκοντα μερι-
σθέντας διακοσμήσουσι καὶ κατὰ εἴκοσι καὶ κατὰ

350

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 66-71

immersed in the turmoil of affairs. Tor he used to Raguel's
decide the disputes of those who sought his aid, and {ive τὸ
all came to him, thinking that only so would they Ex. xviii. 1s
obtain justice, a they had him for their arbitrator ;
even the unsueeessful made light of failure, con-
vineed that it was justice and net eupidity that de-
termined their fate. At the moment Raguel held
his peace, loth to hinder any who would av ‘ail them-
selves of the talents of their chief; but. once quit of
the tumult. he took him aside and, closeted with him,
instructed him what he ought to do. He advised
him to depute to others the tedium of the petty cases
and to reserve his own oversight to the more impor-
tant and to the welfare of the community ; for other
capable Hebrews could be found to sit in judgement,
but to wateh over the welfare of such myriads was a
task which no other could perform save a Moses.
‘Conseicus, then, of thine own merits,’ said he,
‘and what a part thou hast to play in the salvation
of the people by ministering to God, suffer them to
commit to others the arbitration of disputes; and
do thou devote thyself solely and continuously to
attendanee upon God, searching by what means
thou mavest deliver the people from their present
straits. Follow but my advice on mundane matters,
and thou wilt review thy army diligently and divide
it into groups of ten thousand men, over whom thou
wilt appoint seleeted chiefs, then into thousands ;
next thou wilt proeced to divide these into groups
of five hundred, and these again into hundreds and
fifties.¢ [Thou wilt moreover appoint officers over
these to marshal them in seetions of thirty, of twenty,

« In Ex. xviii. 21 the division is into groups of 1000, 100,
50, and 10.

351

74

75

JOSEPHUS

δέκα συναριθμουμένους, ἔστω δέ τις ἐπὶ τούτοις
εἷς τὴν προσηγορίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ τῶν ἀρχομένων
ἀριθμοῦ λαμβάνων, δοκιμασθέντες ὑπὸ τοῦ πλή-
ους παντὸς εἶναι ἀγαθοὶ καὶ δίκαιοι, οἵ περί τε
τῶν διαφόρων" αὐτοῖς κρινοῦσι κἂν ἢ τι μεῖζον
ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐν ἀξιώματι τὴν περὶ τούτου διάγνωσιν
ἐπανοίσουσιν: ἂν δὲ κἀκείνους διαφύγῃ τὸ περὶ
τοῦ πράγματος δύσκολον, ἐπὶ σὲ τοῦτο ἀνα-
πέμψουσιν. ἔσται γὰρ οὕτως ἀμῴότερα: καὶ
τῶν δικαίων Ἕβραῖοι τεύξονται καὶ σὺ τῷ θεῷ
προσεδρεύων εὐμενέστερον ἂν ποιήσειας αὐτὸν τῷ
”
στρατῷ.

(2) Ταῦτα Ραγουήλου παραινέσαντος Μωυσῆς
ἀσμένως προσήκατο τὴν συμβουλίαν καὶ ποιεῖ
κατὰ τὴν ὑποθήκην τὴν ἐκείνου, τοῦ τρόπου τὴν
ἐπίνοιαν οὐκ ἀποκρυψάμενος οὐδὲ σφετερισάμενος
αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ ποιήσας φανερὸν τὸν ἐξευρηκότα τῷ
πλήθει. κἀν τοῖς βιβλίοις δὲ ᾿Ραγούηλον ἔγραψεν
ὡς εὑρηκότα τὴν διάταξιν τὴν προειρημένην, κα-
λῶς ἔχειν ἡγούμενος τἀληθῆ μαρτυρεῖν τοῖς ἀξίοις,
εἰ καὶ δόξαν ἔμελλε φέρειν ἐπιγραφομένῳ τὰ ὑπὸ
ἄλλων εὑρημένα, ὥστε τὴν Δίωυσέος ἀρετὴν κἀκ
τούτου καταμαθεῖν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν ταύτης εὐ-
καίρως ἐν ἄλλοις τῆς γραφῆς δηλώσομεν.

(ν. 1) ΔΙωυσῆς δὲ συγκαλέσας τὴν πληθὺν αὐτὸς
μὲν εἰς τὸ ὄρος ἀπέρχεσθαι τὸ Σιναῖον ἔλεγεν ὡς
συνεσόμενος τῷ θεῷ καί τι λαβὼν παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ
χρήσιμον" ἐπανήξων πρὸς αὐτούς, ἐκείνους δ᾽

1 ML: διαφορῶν rell.
> καί τινα λαβὼν, . χρησμὸν SP.

α This sentence is excluded from the text by M. Weill.
As he remarks, it is dificult to reconcile the groups of 30 and

352

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, TIT. 71-75

and of ten all told.]# Let each group have its own
chief, taking his title from the number of men under
his command ; let them be approved by the whole
multitude as upright and just persons, who are to
sit in judgement on their differences, and in graver
cases are to refer the decision to the higher officials.
Then, if these too are baflled by the difiiculty of the
case, they shall send it up to thee. This will secure
two things: the Hebrews will obtain justice, and
thou, by assiduous attendance upon God, wilt belike
render Him more propitious to the army.”

(2) Raguel having tendered this advice, Moses Moses
gladly accepted it and acted in accordance with his ose it
suggestion, neither concealing the origin of the Ex. xviii. 24
practice nor claiming it as his own, but openly
avowing the inventor to the multitude. Nay, in the
books too he recorded the name of Raguel, as inventor
of the aforesaid system, deeming it meet to bear
faithful witness to merit, whatever glory might be
won by taking credit for the inventions of others.

Thus even herefrom may one learn the integrity of
Moses ©; but of that we shall have abundant occasion
to speak in other parts of this work.

(v. 1) Moses now, having convoked the assembly, Moses
told them that he himself was departing to Mount 96nd
Sinai, intending to commune with God and, after pa: Pe
receiving from Him somewhat of profit,¢ to return 9°”

20 with those of 50, unless we may suppose that each 50 was
subdivided into smaller groups of 30 and 90, The groups
of 10 alone have warrant in Scripture.

® Rabbinical tradition pays a similar tribute to Moses
(Sifré quoted by Weill), Cf. a similar commendation on
his integrity in recording, without appropriating, the
prophecies of Balaam, A. iv. 157 f.

¢ Or, with the other reading, “ some oracle.”’

358

ΘΟΒΙΡΗΓΙΘ

> , , ~ ~ » ‘
ἐκέλευσε πλησίον μετασκηνῶσαι τῷ ὄρει THY

᾽ ~ ~ , “- » ᾽
76 γειτνιασιν TOV θεοῦ προτιμησαντας, ταῦτ εἰπὼν

“3
ζυ

79

ανήει' πρὸς TO Φιναῖον, ὑψηλότατον τῶν ἐν ἐκεί-
νοις τοῖς χωρίοις ορῶν τυγχάνον καὶ διὰ τὴν
ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῶν κρημνῶν τὸ
ἀπότομον ἀνθρώποις οὐ μόνον οὐκ ἀναβατὸν ἀλλ᾽
οὐδὲ ὁραθῆναι δίχα πόνου τῆς ὄψεως δυνάμενον,
ἄλλως τε διὰ τὸ λόγον εἶναι περὶ τοῦ τὸν θεὸν ἐν
αὐτῷ διατρίβειν φοβερὸν καὶ ἀπρόσιτον. “ESpat-
οἱ δὲ κατὰ τὰς δΔὶωυσέος ἐντολὰς μετεσκήνουν
καὶ τὰς ὑπωρείας τοῦ ὄρους κατελαμβάνοντο,
ἡρμένοι ταῖς διανοίαις ὡς μετὰ τῆς ἐπαγγελίας
τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ἣν προύτεινεν αὐτοῖς, ἐπανήξοντος
δωυσέος παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ. ἑορτάζοντες δὲ τὸν
στρατηγὸν “περιέμενον ἁγνεύοντες τήν τε «ἄλλην
ἁγνείαν καὶ ἀπὸ συνουσίας τῆς γυναικῶν. ἡμέρας
τρεῖς, καθὼς ἐκεῖνος αὐτοῖς προεῖπε, καὶ παρα-
καλοῦντες τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ συμβάλλοντα Mwvoet
δοῦναι δωρεάν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς εὖ βιώσονται. ταῖς τ᾽ οὖν
διαίταις ἐχρῶντο “πολυτελεστέραις καὶ τῷ κόσμῳ
γυναιξὶν ὁμοῦ καὶ τέκνοις ἐκπρεπῶς" ἤσκηντο.
Θ 2) at ove μὲν οὖν ἡμέρας εὐωχούμενοι διῆγον,
τῇ τρίτῃ δὲ πρὶν ἢ τὸν ἥλιον ἀνασχεῖν νεφέλη τε
ὑπερίζανε" τοῦ παντὸς στρατοπέδου τῶν ‘EBpai-
ων, οὐ πρότερον τοῦτο ἰδόντων γενόμενον, καὶ
τὸ χωρίον οὗ τὰς σκηνὰς ἦσαν πεποιημένοι περι-

, 4 ~ ~ ‘ 9 > ,
80 ἔγραφε, Kat τοῦ λοιποῦ παντὸς ἐν αἰθρίᾳ τυγ-

χάνοντος ἄνεμοί τε σφοδροὶ λάβρον κινοῦντες
ὑετὸν κατήγιζον, ἀστραπαί τε ἦσαν φοβεραὶ τοῖς
ὁρῶσι, καὶ κεραυνοὶ κατενεχθέντες ἐδήλουν τὴν
1 ἄνεισι SI. * RME: εὐπρεπῶς rell.
3 ὑπεράνω ἀνέσχε RO.
354

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 75-80

to them ; for their part, he bade them transfer their
ramp close to the mount, in honour preferring the
neighbourhood of God. Having spoken thus, he
went up to Sinai, which was the highest of the
mountains in those regions, having proportions SO
massive and cliffs so preeipitous as put it not only
beyond men’s power to seale but even te eontem-
plate without tiring the eye; still more did the
rumour of God's sojourning thereon render it awful
and unapproachable. However the Ilebrews, in
compliance with the behests of Moses, shifted their
samp and oceupicd the foot of the mountain, exulting
in the thought that Moses would return ae God's
presence with that promise of blessings which he had
led them to expect. In festal fashion they awaited
their leader,? practising purity in general and ab-
staining in particular from union a their wives for
three days, as πὸ had enjoined upon them, while
besee ching God to be gracious in His converse with
Moses aid [ὁ eranit hin a gift which would promote
their happiness. Withal they partook of more
sumptuous fare and arrayed themselves, along with
ee wives and children, in splendid attire.
Su for two days they continued in festivity.
ΠΣ on the third, before the sun arose, a clond settled
down over the whole camp of the Hebrews, who had
seen not the like before, enveloping the spot whereon
they had pitched their tents ; and, while all the rest
of heaven remained serene, blustering winds, bring-
ing tempestuous rain, came sweeping down, lightning
terrified the beholders, and thunderbolts hurle d ΠΝ

* —n Exodus Moses descends from the mount to give
instructions for this δ sanctification ”? of the people.

355

ChE Ss Sax:
17.

Cf ib χ4 ἴ.

The .
thunders of
Sinai. 1b. 1G

—

8

oe

83

84

JOSEPHUS

παρουσίαν τοῦ θεοῦ ois Μωυσῆς ἤθελεν; εὐμενοῦς
παρατυχόντος. καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων ὡς βούλεται
φρονείτω ἕκαστος τῶν ἐντευξομένων, ἐμοὶ δὲ
ἀνάγκη ταῦτα ἱστορεῖν καθάπερ, ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς
βίβλοις a ἀναγέγραπται. τούς γε μὴν" ᾿βραίους τά
τε ὁρώμενα καὶ ὁ ταῖς ἀκοαῖς προσβάλλων ψόφος

2 δεινῶς ἐτάραττεν, ἀήθεις τε γὰρ ἦσαν αὐτῶν, καὶ

ὁ περὶ τοῦ ὄρους διαπεφοιτηκὼς λόγος ὡς εἰς
αὐτὸ τοῦτο φοιτῶντος τοῦ θεοῦ σφόδρα τὴν διά-
νοιαν αὐτῶν ἐξέπληττε. κατεῖχον δ᾽ αὑτοὺς πρὸς
ταῖς σκηναῖς ἀχθόμενοι καὶ τόν τε Μωυσῆν ἀπ-
ολωλέναι νομίζοντες ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ περὶ
αὑτῶν ὅμοια προσδοκῶντες.

(3) Οὕτως δ᾽ αὐτῶν διακειμένων ἐπιφαίνεται
Μωυσῆς γαῦρός τε καὶ μέγα φρονῶν. ὀφθείς τε
οὖν αὐτὸς ἀπαλλάσσει τοῦ δέους αὐτοὺς καὶ περὶ
τῶν μελλόντων κρεΐττονας ὑπετίθετο τὰς ἐλπίδας,
αἴθριός τε καὶ καθαρὸς ὁ ἀὴρ τῶν πρὸ ολίγου
παθῶν ἦν Μωυσέος παραγεγονότος. ἐπὶ τούτοις
οὖν συγκαλεῖ τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν ἀκουσόμε-
νον ὧν ὁ θεὸς εἴποι πρὸς αὐτόν, καὶ συναθροισθέν-
των στὰς ἐπὶ ὑψηλοῦ τινος, ὅθεν ἔμελλον πάντες
ἀκούσεσθαι, “᾿ ὁ μὲν θεός, εἶπεν, “ὦ ‘EBpator,
καθάπερ καὶ πρότερον εὐμενὴς προσεδέξατό με
καὶ βίον τε ὑμῖν εὐδαίμονα καὶ πολιτείας κόσμον
ὑπαγορεύσας πάρεστι καὶ αὐτὸς εἰς τὸ στρατό-
πεδον. πρὸς γοῦν αὐτοῦ καὶ τῶν ἔργων, ἃ ou
ἐκεῖνον ἡμῖν ἤδη “πέπρακται, μὴ καταφρονήσητε
τῶν λεγομένων εἰς ἐμὲ τὸν λέγοντα ἀφορῶντες
μηδ᾽ ὅτι γλῶττα [ταῦτα] ἀνθρωπίνη πρὸς ὑμᾶς
λέγει, τὴν δ᾽ ἀρετὴν αὐτῶν κατανοήσαντες ἐπι-

1 ἔχαιρεν RO. 2 ye μὴν Εἰ: τε (ye, δὲ) rell.
356

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 80-85

aloft signified the advent of God propitious to the
desires of Moses. Of these happenings each of my
readers may think as he will?; for my part, I am
constrained to relate them as they are recorded in
the sacred books. As for the Hebrews, the sights
that they saw and the din that struek their ears
sorely disquieted thei, for they were unaccustomed
thereto and the rumour current eoncerning this
mountain, that here was the very resort of God,
deeply dismayed their minds. They kept to their
tents, dispirited, imagining that Moses had perished
beneath the wrath of God and expecting a like fate
for themselves.

(3) Such was their mood when suddeniy Moses
appeared, radiant and high-hearted. The mere
sight of him rid them of their terrors and prompted
brighter hopes for the future ; the air too became
serene and purged of its recent disturbances on the
arrival of Moses. Thereupon he summoned the
people to assembly to hear what God had said to him,
and, when all were collected, he stood on an emin-
ence whence all might hear him and “‘ Hebrews,”’ said
he, “ God, as of yore, has received me graciously and,
having dictated for you rules for a blissful life and an
ordered government, is coming Himself into the
eamp. Ἢ His name, then, al in the name of all
that through Him has already been wrought for us,
scorn not the words now to be spoken, through
looking only on me, the speaker, or by reason that
it is a human tongue that addresses you. Nay,
mark but their excellence and ye will diseern the

« Cf. A. i. 108 note. ® No parallel in Seripture.
357

Return of
Moses, and
his address
to the
people.

δ0

89

94]

JOSEPHUS

γιώσεσθε καὶ TO μέγεθος τοῦ νενοηκότος καὶ ἐπὶ
συμφέροντι τῷ ὑμετέρῳ πρὸς ἐμὲ μὴ φθονήσαντος
εἰπεῖν. οὐ γὰρ λιωυσῆς ὁ ᾿Αμαράμου καὶ ᾽Ἴω-
χαβάδης" υἱός, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ τὸν Νεῖλον ἀναγκάσας
ἡματωμένον ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν ῥυῆναι καὶ ποικίλοις
δαμάσας κακοῖς τὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων φρόνημα, ὁ διὰ
θαλάσσης ὁδὸν ὑμῖν" παρασχών, ὁ καὶ τροφὴν ἐξ
οὐρανοῦ μηχανησάμενος ἐλθεῖν ἀπορουμένοις, ὁ
ποτὸν ἐκ πέτρας ἀναβλύσας σπανίζουσι, δι᾿ ὃν
ἤλδαμος τῶν ἀπὸ γῆς τε καρπῶν καὶ θαλάσσης
μεταλαμβάνει, δι᾿ ὃν Νῶχος ἐκ ΤῊΣ ἐπομβρίας
διέφυγε, δι᾽ ὃν “ABpapos ὁ ἡμέτερος πρόγονος ἐξ
ἀλήτου τὴν Navavatav κατέσχε γῆν, δι᾿ ὃν “loakos
ynpacots ἐτέχθη γονεῦσι, δι᾿ ὃν ᾿Ιάκωβος δώδεκα
παίδων a ἀρεταῖς ἐκοσμήθη, δι᾿ ὃν ᾿Ιώσηπος ἐδεσπό-
τευσε τῆς Αἰγυπτίων δυνάμεως, οὗτος ὑμῖν τού-
TOUS χαρίζεται τοὺς λόγους δι᾽ ἑρμηνέως ἐμοῦ.
σεβάσμιοι δ᾽ ὑμῖν γενέσθωσαν καὶ παίδων περι-
μαχητότεροι καὶ γυναικῶν" εὐδαίμονα γὰρ διάξετε
βίον τούτοις ἑπόμενοι καὶ γῆς ἀπολαύοντες καρπί-
μου καὶ θαλάσσης ἀχειμάστου καὶ τέκνων γονῆς
κατὰ φύσιν τικτομένων καὶ πολεμίοις ἔσεσθε
φοβεροί: τῷ θεῷ γὰρ εἰς ὄψιν ἐλθὼν ἀκροατὴς
ἀφθάρτου “φωνῆς ἐγενόμην" οὕτως ἐκείνω τοῦ
γένους ἡμῶν καὶ τῆς τούτου μέλει διαμονῆς.

(4) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν προάγει τὸν λαὸν γυναιξὶν
ὁμοῦ καὶ τέκνοις, ὡς ἀκούσαιεν τοῦ θεοῦ δια-
λεγομένου πρὸς αὐτοὺς περὶ τῶν πρακτέων, ἵνα
μὴ βλαβείη τῶν λεγομένων ἡ ἀρετὴ ὑπὸ ἀνθρω-

πίνης γλώττης ἀσθενῶς εἰς γνῶσιν αὐτοῖς παρα-

90 διδομένη . πάντες τε ἤκουον φωνὴ ς ὑψόθεν παρα-

γενομένης" εἰς ἅπαντας, ὡς διαφυγεῖν μηδένα τῶν
358

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ. 85-90

majesty of Him who conceived them and, for your
profit, disdained not to speak them to me. For it is
not Moses, son of Amaram and Jochabad, but He
who constrained the Nile to flow for your sake a
blood-red stream and tamed with divers plagues the
pride of the Egyptians. He who opened for you a
path through fie sea, He who caused meat to descend
from heaven when ye were destitute, water to gush
from the rock when ye lacked it, He thanks to whom
Adam partook of the produee of land and sea, Noah
escaped the deluge, Abraham our forefather passed
from wandering to settle in the land of Canaan, He
who caused Isaac to be born of aged parents, Jacob
to be graced by the virtues of twelve sons, Joseph to
become lord of the Egyptians’ might—He it is who
favours you with these ‘commandments, using me for
interpreter. Let them be had by you in ἐπε ἐπ ἜΞΕν :
battle for them more jealously than for children and
wives. For blissful will be your life, do ye but follow
these: ye will enjoy a fruitful earth, a sea unvext
by tempest, a breed of children born in natnre’s w Ay;
and ye will be redoubtable to your foes. For I have
been admitted to a sight of God, I have listened to
an immortal voice: sueh eare hath He for our race
and for its perpetuation.”

(+) That said, he made the people advance with
their wives and children, to hear God speak to them
of their duties, to the end that the excellence of the
spoken words might not be impaired by human tongue
in being feebly transmitted to their knowle dee. And
all heard a voice which came from on high to the ears
of all, in such wise that not one of those ten words

* "lwxa; Bé\ns SPL (Lat. Llochobel).
ὁ Bekker: ἡμῖν codd. 3 παραγινομένης E.

359

Delivery of
the Deca-
Jozue.

Ex,
XX.

xix. V7,

1.

JOSEPHUS

δέκα' λόγων ots Μωυσῆς ἐν ταῖς δύο πλαξὶ
γεγραμμένους κατέλιπεν: οὗς οὐ θεμιτόν ἐστιν
ς - ’ὔ “~ A 4 \ ‘ ,
ἡμῖν λέγειν φανερῶς πρὸς λέξιν, τὰς δὲ δυνάμεις
αὐτῶν δηλώσομεν.

91 (6) Διδάσκει μὲν οὖν ἡμᾶς ὁ πρῶτος λόγος, 6 ὅτι
θεός ἐστιν εἷς καὶ τοῦτον δεῖ σέβεσθαι μόνον" ὁ
δὲ δεύτερος κελεύει μηδενὸς εἰκόνα ζῴου ποιή-
σαντας προσκυνεῖν: ὁ τρίτος δὲ ἐπὶ μηδενὶ φαύλῳ
τὸν θεὸν ὀμνύναι: 6 δὲ τέταρτος παρατηρεῖν τὰς

95 ἑβδομάδας ἀναπαυομένους ἀπὸ παντὸς ἔργου" ὁ δὲ
πέμπτος γονεῖς τιμᾶν" ὁ δὲ ἕκτος ἀπέχεσθαι φόνου:
e , @ \ 7 ς 4, ‘ 4
ὁ δὲ ἕβδομος μὴ μοιχεύειν: ὁ δὲ ὄγδοος μὴ κλοπὴν
δρᾶν: ὁ δὲ ἔνατος μὴ ψευδομαρτυρεῖν: ὁ δὲ δέκατος

ὃ 4 AA f > A , P| /
μηδενὸς ἀλλοτρίου ἐπιθυμίαν λαμβάνειν.
\ \ \ ~ ig > , >] ~

93 (6) Kat τὸ μὲν πλῆθος [ws] ἀκροασάμενον αὐτοῦ
τοῦ θεοῦ περὶ ὧν ΔΙωυσῆς διελέχθη χαῖρον ἐπὶ
τοῖς προειρημένοις τοῦ συλλόγου διελύθη, ταῖς δ᾽
ἐφεξῆς" φοιτῶντες ἐπὶ τὴν σκηνὴν ἠξίουν αὐτὸν

94 καὶ νόμους αὐτοῖς παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ κομίζειν. ὁ δὲ
τούτους τε τίθεται καὶ περὶ τῶν ὅλων ὃν ἂν πραχ-
θείη τρόπον ἐν τοῖς αὖθις ἀπεσήμαινε χρόνοις, ὧν
μνησθήσομαι κατὰ καιρὸν οἰκεῖον. τοὺς δὲ πλείο-
νας τῶν νόμων εἰς ἑτέραν ἀνατίθεμαι γραφήν,
ἰδίαν περὶ αὐτῶν ποιησόμενος ἀφήγησιν.

95 (7) Οὕτω δὲ τῶν πραγμάτων αὐτοῖς ἐχόντων͵ ὁ
ΔΙιωυσῆς πάλιν εἰς τὸ Σιναῖον ὄρος ἀνήει προειπὼν

1 τῶν δέκα conj. Niese: καὶ codd. (probably through mis-

reading of τῶν ὦ).
2 RO: ἐξῆῇς rell.

@ Rabbinical literature is said to furnish no parallel for
this scruple (Weill).
δ The introductory verse of Exodus (xx. 2, “I am the

360

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 90-95

escaped them which Moses has left inscribed on the
two tables. These words it is not permitted us to
state explicitly, to the letter,? but we will indicate
their purport.

(5) The first word teaches us that God is one ὃ and
that He only must be worshipped. The second
commands us to make no image of any living creature
for adoration, the third not to swear by God on any
frivolous matter, the fourth to keep every seventh
day by resting from all work, the fifth to honour
our parents, the sixth to refrain from murder, the
seventh not to commit adultery, the eighth not to
steal, the ninth not to bear false witness, the tenth
to covet nothing that belongs to another.

(6) The people, having thus heard from the very
mouth of God that of w ἼΩΝ Moses had told them,
rejoicing in these commandments dispersed from
the assembly. But on the following days, resorting
oft to their leader’s tent, they besought him to bring
them laws also from God.¢ ‘And he both established
these laws and in after times indicated how they
should act in all circumstances. Of these ordinances
I shall make mention in due time ; the major portion
of the laws, however, I reserve for another work,
intending to make them the subject of a special
treatise.?

(7) Such was the position of affairs when Moses
again went up into Mount Sinai, after forewarning

torn thy God. . . .“') is treated as part of the first command-
ment: ef. our Prayer-book version.

¢ This seeims to correspond to Inx. xx. 19, “‘ And they said
unto Moses, Speak thou with us and we will hear: but let
not God speak with us, lest we die.”’ The verb “ bring (them
laws) ’’ is thus emphatic.

τὸν δ ΘΕ’: ΘᾺ ΣΙΩΝ Note:

361

Summary
of the
Decalogue,

The
Hebrews
ask fora
code,

96

97

98

99

JOSEPHUS

Tots Ββραίοις, βλεπόντων δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐποιεῖτο τὴν
ἄνοδον. καὶ χρόνου τριβομένου, τεσσαράκοντα γὰρ
ἡμέρας διήγαγεν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν, δέος εἶχε τοὺς “EBpat-
ους, μή τι Mwvons πάθοι, καὶ τῶν συντυχόντων
δεινῶν οὐκ ἔστιν ὃ οὕτως ἐλύπησεν αὐτούς, ὡς τὸ
νομίζειν ΔΙωυσῆν ἀπολωλέναι. ἦν γὰρ τοῖς ἀνθρώ-
ποις ἔρις, τῶν μὲν ἀπολωλέναι λεγόντων θηρίοις
περιπεσόντα, καὶ μάλιστα ὅσοι πρὸς αὐτὸν ἀπεχ-
θῶς ἦσαν διακείμενοι ταύτην τὴν ψῆφον ἔφερον,
τῶν δὲ πρὸς τὸ θεῖον ἀνακεχωρηκέναι: τοὺς δὲ
σώφρονας καὶ μηδέτερον τῶν λεγομένων εἰς
ἡδονὴν λαμβάνοντας ἰδίαν, καὶ τὸ θηρίοις περι-
πεσόντα ἀποθανεῖν ἀνθρώπινον ἡγουμένους καὶ τὸ
ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πρὸς αὐτὸν μεταστῆναι διὰ τὴν προσ-
οὖσαν ἀρετὴν εἰκὸς νομίζοντας, πρᾷως ἔχειν οὗτος
ὁ λογισμὸς ἐποίει. προστάτου δὲ ἠρημῶσθαι καὶ
κηδεμόνος ὑπολαμβάνοντες, οἵου τυχεῖν οὐκ ἂν

ἄλλου δύναιντο, σφόδρα λυπούμενοι διετέλουν καὶ
oe πενθεῖν' αὐτοὺς εἴα TO προσδοκᾶν τι χρηστὸν
περὶ ταυιδρὸς οὔτε μὴ λυπεῖσθαι καὶ κατηφεῖν
ἠδύναντο. τὸ δὲ στρατόπεδον οὐκ ἐθάρρουν μετ-
ἄγειν Mwvoéos αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖ παραμένειν προειρη-
κότος.

(8) Ἤδη δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ἡμερῶν διεληλυ-
θυιῶν καὶ τοσούτων νυκτῶν παρῆν οὐδενὸς σιτίου
τῶν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις νενομισμένων γεγευμένος.
χαρᾶς δ᾽ ἡ τὴν στρατιὰν ἐπιφανείς, καὶ

1 edd.: ὑπονοεῖν eodd.

a Cf A. iv. 326.

> Or (with the mss.) “ἢ suspect (any harm).”

¢ Ex. xxxiv. 28, “ΗΟ did neither eat bread nor drink
water.” Josephus combines the two periods of forty days
on the mount and deliberately omits the episode of the

400

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. IT]. 95-99

the Hebrews, before whose eyes he made the ascent.
Then, as time dragged on—for he was full forty days
parted from them—a fear seized the Hebrews that
something had befallen Moses, and of all the horrors +
that they had encountered none so deeply distressed
them as the thought that Moses had perished. There
was a conflict of opinions: some said that he had
fallen a victim to wild beasts—it was principally those
who were ill disposed towards him who voted for
that view—others that he had been taken back to
the divinity.* But the sober-minded, who found no
private satisfaction in either statement—who held
that to die under the fangs of beasts was a human
accident. and that he should be translated by God to
Himself by reason of his inherent virtue was likely
enough—were moved by these reflections to retain
their composure. Imagining themselves. however,
to have been bereft of a patron and protector. the
like of whom they could never meet again, they
continued in the deepest distress ; and while their
earnest expectation of some good news of their hero
would not permit them to mourn,® so neither could
they restrain their grief and dejection. Nor durst
they break up the camp, Moses having charged
them to abide there.

(8) At length, when forty days had passed and as
many nights, fee came, having ‘tasted of no food of
such sort as is customary with men.¢ His appearance
filled the army with joy; and he proceeded to dis-

golden calf (Ex. xxxii) with the sequel, in order to avoid
giving any handle to the malicious fables about the Jews
current in his day (their alleged cult of an ass, ete., contra
Apionem, passim). We has promised to omit nothing (.f.
1.17) and, as a rule, includes the disereditable incidents ip
his nation’s history: this is the most glaring exception.

363

Moses’
second
absence for
forty days
ereates
rumours of
his death.
(f. Ex.
XXXL 1,

Moses
returns with
the tables of
the Law.

Th. 15.

100

10]

103

JOSEPHUS

τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ πρόνοιαν ἣν εἶχε περὶ αὐτῶν ἀπεδή-
λου, τόν τε τρόπον καθ᾽ ὃν εὐδαιμονήσουσι πολι-
τευόμενοι λέγων αὐτῷ κατὰ ταύτας ὑποθέσθαι τὸς
ἡμέρας, καὶ σκηνὴν ὅτι βούλεται γενέσθαι αὑτῷ,
εἰς ἣν κάτεισι πρὸς αὐτοὺς παραγινόμενος, ᾿᾿ὅπως
καὶ μεταβαίνοντες ἀλλαχοῦ ταύτην ἐπαγώμεθα καὶ
μηκέτι δεώμεθα τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ Σιναῖον ἀνόδου, add’
αὐτὸς ἐπιφοιτῶν τῇ σκηνῇ παρατυγχάνῃ ταῖς
ἡμετέραις εὐχαῖς. γενήσεται δὲ ἡ σκηνὴ μέτροις
τε καὶ κατασκευῇ οἷς αὐτὸς ὑπέδειξεν ὑμῶν
ἀόκνως ἐχόντων πρὸς τὸ ἔργον.᾽᾿ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπὼν
δύο πλάκας αὐτοῖς ἐπιδείκνυσιν ἐγγεγραμμένους
ἐχούσας τοὺς δέκα λόγους, ἐν ἑκατέρᾳ πέντε.

\ 5 ~ - ~ ~
καὶ χεὶρ ἦν ἐπὶ TH γραφῇ τοῦ θεοῦ.

(vi. 1) Οἱ δὲ χαίροντες οἷς τε ἑώρων καὶ οἷς
ἤκουον τοῦ στρατηγοῦ τῆς κατὰ δύναμιν αὐτῶν
-~ > 3 ’ > > > 4 ” f
σπουδῆς οὐκ ἀπελείποντο, ἀλλ᾽ εἰσέφερον apyupov
τε καὶ χρυσὸν καὶ χαλκόν, ξύλα τε τῆς καλλίστης
ὕλης καὶ μηδὲν ὑπὸ τῆς σήψεως παθεῖν δυνάμενα,
αἰγείους τε τρίχας καὶ δορὰς προβάτων τὰς μὲν
ὑακίνθῳ βεβαμμένας τὰς δὲ φοίνικι: at δὲ πορ-
φύρας ἄνθος, ἕτεραι δὲ λευκὴν παρεῖχον τὴν χρόαν"
ἔριά τε τοῖς προειρημένοις ἄνθεσι μεμολυσμένα
\ 4 , t / > 7
καὶ λίνου βύσσον λίθους τε τούτοις ἐνδεδεμένους,
οὗς χρυσίῳ καθειργνύντες ἄνθρωποι κόσμῳ χρῶν-
ται πολυτελεῖ, θυμιαμάτων τε πλῆθος συνέφερον'

α Not stated in Seripture. For the conflicting Rabbinical
traditions on the subject of the arrangement of the ten com-
mandments on the two tables see M. Weill’s note: the view

304

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 99-103

close the care which God had for them, telling them
that He had during these days shown him that
manner of government which would promote their
happiness, and that He desired that a tabernacle
should be made for Him, whither He would descend
whensoever He came among them, “ to the intent,”
said he, “ that when we move elsewhere we may
take this with us and have no more need to ascend
to Sinai, but that He himself, frequenting the taber-
nacle, may be present at our prayers. This tabernacle
shall be fashioned of the dimensions and with the
equipment which He himself has indicated, and ye
are diligently to apply yourselves to the task.”
Having so said, he showed ‘them two tables on which

were graven the ten Words; fiye-om elther ot them45:;.",

and the writing thereon was from the hand of God.

Ex. xxv. 8 f.

Cf. tb. xxxh
18, XXxil.

(vi. 1) And they, rejoicing alike at what they had The Taser.

seen and at what hey had heard from their general, ere

failed not to show all the zeal of which they were /d. xxxv. 5

capable. They brought their silver and gold an
bronze, timber of the finest quality liable to no injury
from rot,” goats’ hair and sheepskins, some dyed
blue, others crimson,° some displaying the sheen
of purple, others of a pure white hue. ‘They brought
moreover wool dyed with the selfsame colours and
fine linen cloth, with precious stones worked into
the fabrics, such as men set in gold and use as orna-
ments of costly price, along with a mass of spices.

expressed by Josephus was shared by R. Hanina (early
2nd cent.). For a further detail added by Josephus see
§ 138.

ὃ Ex. xxv. 5, “acacia wood” (Heb. shittim): Josephus
follows the interpretation of the Lxx (ξύλα ἄσηπτα).

® In Exodus “ searlet.”’

VOL. IV Ν 805

aa XXV.
d 3

104

105

106

107

108

JOSEPHUS

ἐκ γὰρ τοιαύτης ὕλης κατεσκεύασε τὴν σκηνήν.
ἡ δ᾽ οὐδὲν μεταφερομένου καὶ συμπερινοστοῦντος
ναοῦ διέφερε. τούτων οὖν κατὰ σπουδὴν συγ-
κομισθέντων, ἑκάστου καὶ παρὰ δύναμιν φιλο-
τιμησαμένου, ἀρχιτέκτονας τοῖς ἔργοις ἐφίστησι κατ᾽
ἐντολὴν τοῦ θεοῦ οὗς καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἂν ἐπελέξατο
τῆς ἐξουσίας ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ γενομένης. τὰ δὲ ὀνόματα
αὐτῶν, καὶ γὰρ ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς βίβλοις ἀναγέγρα-
πται, ταῦτ᾽ ἦν- Βασάηλος [μὲν] Οὐρὶ παῖς τῆς ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς υἱωνὸς δὲ Μαριάμμης τῆς ἀδελφῆς τοῦ
στρατηγοῦ, ᾿Ελίβαζος δὲ ᾿Ισαμάχου Δάνιδος φυλῆς.
τὸ δὲ πλῆθος οὕτως ὑπὸ προθυμίας τοῖς ἐγχειρου-
μένοις ἐπῆλθεν, ὥστε Μωυσῆς ἀνεῖρξεν αὐτοὺς
ὑποκηρυξάμενος ἀρκεῖν τοὺς ὄντας" “τοῦτο γὰρ οἱ
ἡμιουργοὶ προειρήκεσαν" ἐχώρουν οὖν ἐπὶ τὴν τῆς
σκηνῆς “κατασκευήν, καὶ Μωυσῆς αὐτοὺς ἕκαστα
περὶ τῶν μέτρων κατὰ τὴν ὑποθήκην τοῦ θεοῦ
καὶ τοῦ μεγέθους ὅσα τε δεῖ σκεύη χωρεῖν αὐτὴν
ἀνεδίδασκε πρὸς τὰς θυσίας ὑπηρετήσοντα. ἐφιλο-
τιμοῦντο δὲ καὶ γυναῖκες περὶ τε στολὰς ἱερατικὰς
καὶ περὶ τὰ ἄλλα ὅσων ἔχρῃζε τὸ ἔργον κόσμου τε
καὶ λειτουργίας ἕνεκα τοῦ θεοῦ.

(2) Πάντων δ᾽ ἐν ἑτοίμῳ γεγενημένων χρυσίου
τε [καὶ ἀργύρου} καὶ χαλκοῦ καὶ τῶν ὑφαντῶν,
προειπὼν ἑορτὴν ΔιΙωυσῆς καὶ θυσίας κατὰ τὴν
ἑκάστου δύναμιν ἵστη τὴν σκηνήν, πρῶτον μὲν
αἴθριον διαμετρησάμενος τὸ μὲν εὖρος πεντήκοντα

1 Bernard: υἱὸς codd. 2 ins. Lat.: om. codd.

¢ Bibl. Bezalel.

> mss. erroneously ‘‘son.’’ Exodus mentions his grand-
father Hur, and Hur Ree Ν to Josephus was the husband

of Miriam (§ 54).
¢ Bibl. Oholiab (Lxx ’EXa8), son of Ahisamach.

366

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 103-108

For of such materials did Moses construct the
tabernacle, which indeed was no other than a port-
able and itinerant temple. These objects, then,
being promptly assembled, each having emulously
contributed what he could and more, he appointed
architects for the works, in accordance with the com-
mandment of God, yet those whom the people too
would have chosen had they been empowered to
do so. Their names—for these are recorded also
in the holy books— were Basael.? son of Uri, of the
tribe of Judah, grandson © of Mariamme, the sister
of the chief, and Elibaz, son of Isamach,¢ of the tribe
of Dan. The people, for their part, showed such
ardour in volunteering for the task in hand, that
Moses restrained them, having proclamation made
that there were enough? already, for so had the
craftsmen told him. ‘They proceeded then to con-
struet the tabernacle, while Moses, in accordance
with the prompting of God, instructed them on every
detail concerning its measurements, its compass,
and what objects it must contain for the service of
the sacrifices. Women themselves vied with one
another in providing priestly vestments and all else
that the work demanded for its adornment and for
the ministry of God.

(2) When all was in readiness—gold, silver, bronze,
and fabrics—Moses, having first given orders for a
feast and sacrifices according to every man’s ability,
proceeded to set up the tabernacle. He began by
measuring out a court, in breadth fifty cubits and in

4 In Exodus the reference is to the superabundant offer-
ings, in Josephus to the surplus of volunteers for the work
(τοὺς ὄντας) : the old Latin version of Josephus conforms to
the Hebrew, * ea quae data fuissent.”

367

ἔχ. χχχὶ. 9

Ib. χχχνὶ. ὃ

1b. χχχν. 2,

The court
enclosing
the
tubernacle.
10... ΧΙ, bee

Ib. xxvii, α

JOSEPHUS

109 πηχῶν ἑκατὸν δὲ TO μῆκος. κάμακας δὲ ἔστησε

χαλκέας πενταπήχεις τὸ ὕψος καθ᾽ ἑκατέραν
πλευρὰν εἴκοσι τῶν ἐπιμηκεστέρων, δέκα δὲ τῶν
ἐν πλάτει κειμένων τῆς κατόπιν, κρίκοι δὲ τῶν
καμάκων ἑκάστῃ προσῆσαν᾽ δ κιονόκρανα μὲν
ἀργύρεα, βάσεις δὲ χρυσαῖ" σαυρωτῆρσιν ἐμφερεῖς,

110 χαλκαῖ δὲ ἦσαν, ἐπὶ τῆς γῆς ἐρηρεισμέναι. ἐξ-

1}}

113

ἥπτετο δὲ τῶν κρίκων καλώδια τὴν ἀρχὴν ἥλων
χαλκέων πηχυαίων τὸ μέγεθος ἐκδεδεμένα, ot
καθ᾽ ἑκάστην κάμακα παρέντες κατὰ τοῦ ἐδά-
φους ἀκίνητον ὑπὸ βίας ἀνέμων τὴν σκηνὴν ἔμελ-
λον παρέξειν. σινδὼν δ᾽ ἐκ βύσσου ποικιλωτάτηϊ
διὰ πασῶν ἐπήει, ἀπὸ τοῦ κιονοκράνου κατιοῦσα
μέχρι τῆς βάσεως πολλὴ κεχυμένη, περιφράττουσα
ἅπαν ἐν κύκλῳ τὸ “χωρίον, ὡς μηδὲν δοκεῖν τείχους
διαφέρειν. καὶ οὕτως μὲν εἶχον αἱ τρεῖς πλευραὶ
τοῦ περιβόλου" τῆς δὲ τετάρτης πλευρᾶς, πεντή-
’
κοντα γὰρ οὖσα πήχεων ἡ ἑτέρα μέτωπον τοῦ
παντὸς ἦν, εἴκοσι μὲν πήχεις ἀνεῴγεσαν κατὰ
πύλας, ἐν αἷς ἀνὰ δύο κάμακες εἱστήκεσαν κατὰ
μίμησιν πυλώνων. ὅλαις δ᾽ αὐταῖς ἄργυρος ἦν
ἐπικεχαλκευμένος" πάρεξ τῶν βάσεων: χαλκαῖ γὰρ
ἦσαν. ἑκατέρωθεν δὲ τοῦ πυλῶνος τρεῖς κάμακες
ἦσαν ἑστῶσαι, at τοῖς πυλούχοις ἐμβεβήκεσαν
ἐρηρεισμέναι, καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτῶν δὲ βύσσινον ὕφος
σινδόνος ἦν περιηγμένον. τὸ δὲ κατὰ τὰς πύλας,
μῆκος μὲν ὃν πήχεων εἴκοσι πέντε δὲ Babos,* ὕφος
ἦν πορφύρας φοίνικος σὺν ὑακίνθῳ καὶ βύσσῳ
πεποιημένον πολλῶν αὐτῷ συνανθούντων καὶ

1 (2) χρυσοῖς (cf. Hdt. vii. 41).
2 μαλακωτάτη MSP Lat. 3 ἐπικεχαλκωμέν ος (066,
4 Niese: μήκους μὲν ὄντος. .. βάθους codd.

808

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 109-113

length a hundred. Then he ereeted shafts of bronze
fifty cubits high, twenty on each of the two longer
sides, and ten broadwise on the rearward side, rings
being attached to every shaft. Their capitals were of
silver, their sockets, gilded and resembling the spikes?
of Jances, were of bronze and firmly planted in the
soil. To the rings were attached cords, whose other
end was made fast to pegs of bronze, a ουδὲ long,
whieh were driven into the ground over against each
shaft, to render the tabernacle motionless under the
pressure of the winds. A cloth of fine linen of most
intricate texture ὃ crowned all these shafts, depending
from eapital to base with ample sweep, compassing
the whole place about in sueh wise that it seemed no
other than a wall. Sueh was the aspect of the three
sides of the enclosure. On the fourth side—this last,
of fifty cubits length, formed the front of the whole
structure—there was an opening of twenty eubits
gwatewise, where on the one side and on the other
stood two shafts in imitation of pylons¢; these
shafts were entirely overlaid with silver except their
bases, which were of bronze. On either side of this
poreh stood three shafts, which were attached? to
the uprights supporting the gates and firmly secured ;

and from these too hung a curtain woyen of fine
linen wrapping them about. But before the gates,
extending to a length of twenty cubits and a πο’ πὶ
of five, was ἃ tapestry of purple and crimson, inter-
woven with blue and fine linen, and beautified with

* Or, with emended text, “ resembling the gilded spikes.”

> The Biblical ** fine ἐιείη δα linen,” ὁ. 6. ‘“* made from yarn
of which each thread was composed of many delicate strands ἢ
(Driver on Ex. xxv. 4). ¢ i.e. (?) *‘ gate-pillars.”

4 (2) by transverse beams: Greek “* passed into.”

369

Ex. xxvij.16

114

110

wast
»-
~

118

119

JOSEPHUS

ποικίλων, ὁπόσα μὴ ζῴων ἐξετυποῦντο μορφάς.
ἐντὸς δὲ τῶν πυλῶν περιρραντήριον ἦν χάλκεον
ὁμοίαν αὐτῷ καὶ τὴν κρηπῖδα παρεχόμενον, ἐξ οὗ
τοῖς ἱερεῦσι TAS χεῖρας ἀποπλύνειν καὶ τῶν ποδῶν
καταχεῖν παρῆν. καὶ ὁ μὲν τοῦ αἰθρίου περίβολος
τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον ἦν διακεκοσμημένος.

(8) Τὴν δὲ σκηνὴν. ἵστησιν αὐτοῦ κατὰ μέσον
τετραμμένην πρὸς τὰς ἀνατολάς, ἵνα πρῶτον ὁ
ἥλιος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀνιὼν ἀφίῃ τὰς ἀκτῖνας. καὶ τὸ
μὲν μῆκος αὐτῆς ἐπὶ πήχεις ἐγήγερτο τριάκοντα
τὸ δὲ εὖρος ἐπὶ δέκα, διειστήκει, καὶ O μὲν ἕτερος
τῶν τοίχων νότιος ἦν, ὁ δὲ ἕτερος κατὰ βορέαν
ἐτέτραπτο, κατόπιν δ᾽ αὐτῆς ἡ δύσις κατελείπετο.
ἀνίστασθαι δ᾽ αὐτὴν ἐχρῆν ἐφ᾽ ὅσον προβαίνοι τὸ
εὖρος. κίονες δ᾽ ἦσαν ξύλου πεποιημένοι κατὰ
πλευρὰν ἑκατέραν εἴκοσι, τετράγωνοι μὲν τὸ
σχῆμα εἰργασμένοι, εἰς δὲ πλάτος διεστῶτες
πήχεώς τε καὶ ἡμίσους, τὸ δὲ βάθος δακτύλων

7 τεσσάρων. λεπίδες δ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἦσαν ἐπικεχαλκευ-

μέναι πανταχόθεν χρυσαῖ διά τε τῶν ἔνδοθεν καὶ
τῶν ἐκτὸς μερῶν. δύο δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἑκάστῳ προσῆσαν
στρόφιγγες ἐλαυνόμενοι κατὸ δύο βάσεων. αὗται
δ᾽ ἀργυραῖ μὲν ἦσαν, πυλὶς δ᾽ ἑκατέρᾳ τούτων
προσῆν δεχομένη τὴν στρόφιγγα. τοῦ δὲ κατὰ
δύσιν τοίχου κίονες μὲν ἕξ ἦσαν, συνήεσαν δ᾽
ἀλλήλοις ἀκριβῶς ἅπαντες, ὥστε μεμυκότων τῶν
ἁρμῶν ὡς ἕνα δοκεῖν εἶναι τοῖχον αὐτῶν τὴν
συνέλευσιν, χρύσειον τά τε ἔνδοθεν καὶ τὰ ἐκτός.
ἀνηλόγει γὰρ ὁ τῶν κιόνων ἀριθμός" εἴκοσι γὰρ

* Added detail, not in the Bible: cf. § 196.
* Or ‘‘ in the eastern portion ”’ (not directly in the centre).
¢ Jos. κίονες: Bibl. kerashim, Lxx στύλοι, R.V. “ boards,”

370

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IIT. 113-119

many and divers designs, but with nothing repre-

senting the forms of animals.¢ Within the gates Ex, xxx. 18
stood a laver of bronze. on a base of the same material,

where the priests could wash their hands and sprinkle

water on their feet. Such was the arrangement of

the precincts of the outer court.

3) The tabernacle Moses set in the centre of this, The taber-
facing eastward,® in order that the sun, at its rising, Dacle ts"
should shed its first rays uponit. Its length extended
to thirty cubits and its breadth to ten; one of its
walls was to the south, the other to the north, and
in its rear lay the west. Its height had to be made
equal to its breadth. Each of the two sides consisted
of twenty pillars 5 of wood, wrought in rectangular 1. xxvi.15;
form, of the breadth of a cubit ‘and a half and a πη 2.
thickness of four fingers.¢ These were completely
coated with plates of gold, on the interior as well as
the exterior surfaces. Each of them was provided
with two pivots fitting into two sockets ; these last
were of silver and had each its aperture to admit the
pivot.¢ The western wall had six pillars, and all so
perfectly united to each other that, the joints being
closed up, they seemed to coalesce into a single wall,
gilded both within and without. For the number of
the pillars was in due proportion.’ [On the long
sides] there were twenty of them, each having a

now explained as open frames with two uprights and cross-
rails (A. R. 5. Kennedy, art. Tabernacle in Hastings, D.B. iv.
660 with illustration).

4 Thickness not stated in Scripture.

¢ These sockets or bases may be regarded ‘*‘ as square
plinths . . . forming a continuous foundation wall round
the dwelling *’ (Kennedy).

! ἀν. proportionate to the length of the sides. The Greek
text is defective at this point.

Stl

120

122

JOSEPHUS

ἦσαν καὶ παρεῖχε πλάτος x * αὐ Τρίτον σπιθαμῆς
ἕκαστος αὐτῶν, ὥστε συμπληροῦσθαι τοὺς τριά-
κοντα πήχεις ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν" κατὰ δὲ τὸν ὄπισθεν
τοῖχον, ἐννέα γὰρ πήχεις οἱ €€ κίονες παρέχονται
συνελθόντες, δύ᾽ ἑτέρους ποιοῦνται κίονας ἐκ
πήχεως" τετμημένους, ovs ἐγγωνίους ἔθεσαν ἐπ᾽
ἰσης τοῖς μείζοσιν ἠσκημένους. ἕκαστος δὲ τῶν
κιόνων κρίκους εἶχε χρυσέους κατὰ τὸ ἔξω μέτ-
ὠπον προσφυεῖς ὥσπερ ῥίζαις τισὶν ἐμπεπλεγ-
μένους κατὰ στίχον πρὸς ἀλλήλους τετραμμένους"
τὴν περιφέρειαν, καὶ δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπίχρυσοι σκυτα-
λίδες ἐλαυνόμεναι πέντε πήχεων ἑ ἑκάστη τὸ μέγεθος
σύνδεσμος ἦσαν τῶν κιόνων, ἐμβαινούσης κατὰ
κεφαλὴν σκυταλίδος ἑκάστης τῇ ἑτέρᾳ τεχνητῷ
στρόφιγγι κοχλίου τρόπον δεδημιουργημένῳ. κατὰ
é τὸν ὄπισθεν τοῖχον. μία φάλαγξ ἦν διὰ πάντων
ἰοῦσα τῶν κιόνων, εἰς ἣν ἐνέβαινον ΄πλάγιαι at
τελευταῖαι τῶν σκυταλίδων ἐξ ἑκατέρου τοίχον
τῶν ἐπιμηκεστέρων καὶ κρατεῖσθαι συνέβαινεν
αὐταῖς γιγλύμοις τῷ θήλει τοῦ ἄρρενος συνελ-
θόντος. τοῦτο μέντοι πρὸς τὸ μήθ᾽ ὑπὸ ἀνέμων
κραδαίνεσθαι μήτ᾽ ἄλλης αἰτίας τὴν σκηνὴν
συνεῖχεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀκίνητον αὐτὴν ἐν ἠρεμίᾳ πολλῇ
διαφυλάξειν ἔμελλεν.

(+) ᾿Εντὸς δὲ διελὼν τὸ μῆκος αὐτῆς εἰς τρία
μέρη μετὰ δέκα πήχεας ἡρμοσμένους ἐκ τοῦ μυχοῦ
δ mensuram unius et dimidii cubiti, altitudo Lat.: lacuna
in Greek text.

* medio cubito Lat.: read perhaps ἐκ πήχεως «β΄»
retTunueévous; ef. Plato, Symp. 191 D τετμημένος ἐξ ἑνὸς δύο.

3 ‘Text as emended by Bernard after Lat.: κρίκον . .

χρύσεον. . . προσφυὴς . . . ἐμπεπλεγμένος . . . τετραμμένοι
codd.

372

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, HI. 119-122

breadth [of one and a half cubits and a thickness] of
a third of a span,? so that they filled the whole length
of thirty cubits. But on the rear wall, where the six
pillars conjoined covered but nine cubits, they made
two extra pillars, each of half a cubit,? which they
placed at the angles and adorned in the same fashion
as the larger pillars. ¢ All these pillars had rings of
gold aitached to their outer face, fixed to then as it~
were by roots, and forming a row of parallel circles ;
and through these passed “ailt rods, five cubits long,
which served to bind the pillars together, each rod
at its extremity entering the next through a nut
cunningly wrought in the form of a shell. The rear
wall had but a single bar which passed right across
all the pillars, and into which were inserted laterally
the last of the rods on either of the two long walls
and there held fast by screws,4 the “ male ”’ piece
fitting into the “ female.”’® This secured the taber-
nacle against agitation by the winds or by other
cause and was calculated to keep it unmoved in
perfect stability.

(4) Internally, dividing its length into three por-
tions,f at a measured distance of ten cubits from the

a 42; the four finger- -breadths of § E16,

6 Literally “ of a cubit cut (in two).”

¢ The object of these two extra pillars or frames is obscure.
‘Apparently they are intended to strengthen the two
corners . . . the second frame forming a buttress ὁ (Driver
on Ex. xxvi. 94).

4 Something in the nature of a pivot working in a soeket
is indicated.

e Many of these details lack Scriptural authority.

" i.e. dividing the 30 cubits into three equal portions and
assigning one portion or 10 cubits to the sanctuary and two
portions or 20 cubits to the rest: there was but the one
partition.

VOL, IV N 2 373

Ex. xxvi, 22

as ib xxvi.

The interior

]

]

9

4

ὃ

6

JOSEPHUS

τέσσαρας ἵστησι κίονας, ὁμοίως τοῖς ἀλλοις εἰρ-
γασμένους καὶ βάσεσιν ὁμοίαις ἐπικειμένους,
διαλείποντας ἀλλήλων κατ᾽ ὀλίγον. τὸ δ᾽ ἐνδο-
τέρωθεν' αὐτων ἄδυτον ἦν, τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν ἡ σκηνὴ
τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἀνεῖτο. τὴν μέντοι διαμέτρησιν τὴν
τοιαύτην τῆς σκηνῆς καὶ μίμησιν τῆς τῶν ὅλων
φύσεως συνέβαινεν εἶναι" τὸ μὲν γὰρ τρίτον αὐτῆς
a
μέρος τὸ ἐντὸς τῶν τεσσάρων. κιόνων, ὃ τοῖς
ἱερεῦσιν ἦν ἄβατον, ὡς οὐρανὸς ἀνεῖτο τῷ θεῶ, οἱ
δ᾽ εἴκοσι πήχεις, ὥσπερ γῆ καὶ θάλασσα βάσιμος
ἀνθρώποις, οὕτως τοῖς ἱερεῦσι μόνοις ἐπετέτραπτο.
κατὰ μέτωπον δέ, ἐξ οὗ τὴν εἴσοδον ἦσαν πε-
ποιημένοι, κίονες ἕστασαν χρύσεοι χαλκείαις βά-
σεσιν ἐφεστῶτες τὸν ἀριθμὸν πέντε. κατεπετάννυ-
σαν δὲ τὴν σκηνὴν ὕφεσι βύσσου καὶ πορφύρας
ὑακίνθου καὶ φοίνικος βαφῆς συγκεκραμένης."
καὶ πρῶτον μὲν ἦν' πήχεων δέκα πανταχόθεν, ᾧ
κατεπετάννυσαν τοὺς κίονας, οἵ διαιροῦντες τὸν
νεὼν τὸ ἄδυτον ἔνδον αὑτῶν ἀπελάμβανον": καὶ
τοῦτο ἦν τὸ ποιοῦν αὐτὸ μηδενὶ κάτοπτον. καὶ
ὁ μὲν πᾶς ναὸς ἅγιον ἐκαλεῖτο, τὸ δ᾽ ἄβατον τὸ
ἐντὸς τῶν τεσσάρων κιόνων τοῦ ἁγίου τὸ ἁγιον.
ὡραῖον δὲ τὸ φάρσος ἄνθεσι παντοίοις, ὅσα γῆθεν
ἀνέρχεται, διαπεποικιλμένον τοῖς τε ἄλλοις ἅπασιν
ἐνυφασμένον, ὅσα κόσμον οἴσειν ἔμελλε, πλὴν
1 ἐνδοτέρω Ἰ": ἐνδότερον 10.

Niese: συγ κεκραμένοις (-μένοι RO) codd.
3 + ἐκ RO: + & SPL.

eThe .inmost-part,: te. the-east" wall.

> Cf. §§ 180 ff., where this idea is expanded.

¢ Or (as in Exodus) “ scarlet.”’ Part was pure byssus
or fine linen (undyed): other parts were dyed.

4 Greek ‘‘ Holy of Holy’; the plural is used in Exodus
(Heb. and txx),

374

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 122-126

farther end @ he set up four pillars, constructed like
the rest and resting upon similar sockets, but placed
slightly apart. The area within these pillars was the
sanctuary ; the rest of the tabernacle was open to
the priests. Now this partitionment of the taber-
nacle was withal an imitation of universal nature ὃ :
for the third part of it, that within the four pillars,
which was inaccessible to the priests, was like heaven
devoted to God, while the twenty cubits’ space, even
as earth and sea are accessible to men, was in like
manner assigned to the priests alone. But on the
front, by which they entered, stood pillars of gold,
resting on sockets of bronze, to the number of five.

Ex. τινὶ. 37

The tabernacle was covered with curtains woven of The

fine linen, in which the hues of purple and blue and
crimson ° were blended. Of these the first measured
ten cubits either way and was spread over the pillars
which divided the temple and screened off the
sanctuary ; this it was which rendered the latter
invisible to the eyes of anv. The whole temple was
called ‘‘ Holy (Place),” its inaccessible shrine within
the four pillars the ‘Holy of Holies.”¢ This
curtain was of great beauty, being decked with ev ery
manner of flower that earth produces and inter-
woven with all other designs that could lend to its
adornment, save only the forms of living creatures.¢

* It is remarkable that Josephus, while introducing floral
and other decorations, ignores or rather excludes the only
ornament of the veil of the temple mentioned in Scripture,
viz. the ** cherubim.”’ Ile is concerned, as apologist, to give

no handle to current slanders about the Jewish worship of

animals (ef, §§ 99 note and 113): and when later ( 137) he
cannot avoid a inention of cherubim, he is careful to note
that they are unlike any creatures that man's eyes have
seen.

375

curtalus,
Id. 31.

Ib. xxvi. 33.

JOSEPHUS

ΩΤ τ - Ὁ δὲ tA Α “- 6
5 ζῴων “μορφῆς. ETEpov OE τούτῳ καὶ τῷ μεγεῦει

105

130

131

Kal TH ὑφῇ Kal TH χρόᾳ παραπλήσιον. τοὺς ἐπὶ
ταῖς εἰσόδοις πέντε κίονας περιέβαλλε, κατὰ γω-
νίαν ἑκάστου κίονος κρίκου κατέχοντος αὐτό, ἀπὸ
κορυφῆς ἄχρι ἡμίσους τοῦ κίονος. τὸ δὲ λοιπὸν
εἴσοδος ἀνεῖτο τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ὑποδυομένοις. ὑπὲρ
δὲ τούτου λίνεον ἦν ἰσομέγεθες φάρσος ἐφελκό-
μενον ἀπὸ κάλων ἐπὶ θάτερα, τῶν κρίκων τῷ τε
ὕφει καὶ τῷ κάλῳ διακονούντων πρός τε τὸ
ἐκπετάννυσθαι καὶ συνελκόμενον ἵστασθαι κατὰ
γωνίαν, ἐμποδὼν οὐκ ἐσόμενον πρὸς τὸ κατοπτεύ-
εσθαι καὶ μάλιστα ἐν ταῖς ἐπισήμοις ἡμέραις.
κατὰ δὲ τὰς λοιπὰς καὶ μάλισθ᾽ ὅταν 7) νιφετώδης
προπεταννύμενον στεγανὸν ἐποίει τὸ ἐκ τῶν βαμ-
μάτων ὕφος" ὅθεν δὴ παρέμεινε τὸ ἔθος καὶ τὸν
ναὸν οἰκοδομησαμένων ἡμῶν, ὥστε τὴν σινδόνα
τοιουτότροπον περικεῖσθαι ταῖς εἰσόδοις. δέκα'
δὲ ἄλλα φάρση πηχῶν τὸ πλάτος τεσσάρων τὸ δὲ
μῆκος ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι, χρυσείους ἔχοντα γιγλύ-
μους ἐπὶ συναφῇ θηλείας τε καὶ ἄρρενος συνείλεκτο,
ὡς ἕν εἶναι δοκεῖν, εἶτα ὑπερτεινόμενα τοῦ ναοῦ
τό 7 ἐφύπερθεν ἐσκίαζε καὶ τῶν τοίχων τοὺς
κατὰ πλευρὰν καὶ κατόπιν ἑστῶτας ἀπὸ τῆς γῆς
ὅσον πῆχυν ἀνέχοντα. ἴσαι δὲ τῷ πλάτει καὶ
ἄλλαι σινδόνες, μιᾷ πλείους τὸν “ἀριθμὸν τὸ δὲ
μῆκος ὑπερβάλλουσαι, τριακονταπήχεις γὰρ ἦσαν,
ὑφασμέναι δ᾽ ἐκ τριχῶν ὁμοίως κατὰ Aemroupyiav
ταῖς ἐκ τῶν ἐρίων πεποιημέναι ἐτέταντο μέχρι

1KO: δώδεκα rell. 2 Lat.: πεποιημέναις codd.

¢ Being the ‘‘ work of the embroiderer ᾿᾿ (Ex. xxvi. 36),
370

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IIT. 127-131

A second, corresponding to the first in dimensions, Ex. xxvi,
texture, and hue,’ enveloped the five pillars that stood ᾿ "ν ae
at the entrance ; supported by rings at the corner
of each pillar, it hung from the top to the middle of
the pillar ; the rest of the space was left as a passage
for the priests entering beneath it. Above this was
another covering of linen, of the same dimensions,
which was drawn by cords to either side, the rings
serving alike for curtain and cord, so that it could
either be outspread or rolled together and stowed
into a corner, in order that it should not intercept
the view, above all on the great days. On other days,
and in particular when snow was in the air, it was
unfolded and served to proteet the curtain of divers
colours; hence the custom, which continued even
after we had built the temple, of extending a similar
linen curtain before the entrance. Ten further 1». xsvi.i.
curtains. four cubits broad and twenty-eight cubits
long, provided with golden couplings fitting mutually
into each other,? were so joined as to appear like a
single piece ; being then extended over the sacred
building, they completely covered the top, as also
the side walls and the wall in rear to a distance of
a cubit from the ground. Then there were other Ὁ. xvi. 7.
hangings, of equal breadth with the last, but one
more in number and of more considerable length,
measuring thirty cubits; woven of hair but with
the same fine craftsmanship as those of wool, these

not of the ‘‘ designer’ or pattern-weaver, this screen lacked
the cherubim.

> Literally ‘screws for the union of ‘female’ and ‘ male’
pieces” (cf. § 191). Exodus mentions fifty “loops” of
violet tape and fifty golden “‘ clasps”? (xxvi. 4-6).

¢ Ex. xxvi. 3 speaks of taro sets of five curtains each.

4. Bibl. “ of.goats’ hair.”

377

ned
2
to

133

134

136

JOSEPHUS

τῆς γῆς κεχυμέναι «καὶ» κατὰ θύρας ἀετώματι
παραπλήσιον καὶ παστάδιξ παρεῖχον, τοῦ ἐνδε-
κάτου ,φάρσους els τοῦτο παρειλημμένου. ἄλλαι
δ᾽ ἐπάνω τούτων ἐκ διφθερῶν κατεσκευασμέναι
ὑπερήεσαν σκέπη καὶ βοήθεια ταῖς ὑφανταῖς ἔν τε

“- \ ¢ ¢ id \ wv /
Tots καύμασι Kal ὁπότε ὑετὸς εἴη γεγενημέναι.
πολλὴ δ᾽ ἔκπληξις ἐλάμβανε τοὺς πόρρωθεν θεω-
μένους" τὴν γὰρ χρόαν τοῖς κατὰ τὸν οὐρανὸν συμ-
βαίνουσιν οὐδὲν ἐδόκουν διαφέρειν. αἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς
τριχὸς καὶ τῶν διφθερῶν πεποιημέναι κατήεσαν
ὁμοίως τῷ περὶ τὰς πύλας ὑφάσματι τό τε καῦμα
καὶ τὴν ᾿ἀπὸ τῶν ὄμβρων. ὕβριν ἀπομαχόμεναι.
καὶ ἡ μὲν σκηνὴ τοῦτον πήγνυται τὸν τρόπον.

(5) Γίνεται δὲ καὶ κιβωτὸς τῷ θεῷ ξύλων
ἰσχυρῶν τὴν φύσιν καὶ σῆψιν παθεῖν οὐ δυναμένων᾽
ἡ δ᾽ ἐρὼν μὲν καλεῖται κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέραν γλῶτ-
ταν, ἡ δὲ κατασκευὴ τοιαύτη τις ἦν" μῆκος μὲν
ἣν αὐτῇ πέντε σπιθαμῶν, τὸ δ᾽ εὖρος καὶ τὸ
βάθος τριῶν σπιθαμῶν εἰς ἑκάτερον: χρυσῷ δὲ
τά τ᾽ ἐντὸς καὶ τὰ ἔξωθεν περιελήλαστο" πᾶσα,
ὡς ἀποκεκρύφθαι τὴν ξύλωσιν, στρόφιγξί τε
χρυσέοις τὸ ἐπίθεμα προσηνωμένον εἶχε θαυμαστῶς,
ὃ πανταχόθεν. ἴσον ἣν κατ᾽ οὐδέτερον μέρος
ἐξοχαῖς τὴν εὐαρμοστίαν λυμαινόμενον. καὶ καθ᾽
ἑκάτερον δὲ τοῖχον τῶν ἐπιμηκεστέρων κρίκοι
προσῆσαν' χρύσεοι δύο τοῦ παντὸς διήκοντες
ξύλου, καὶ δι’ αὐτῶν ἔνετοι σκυταλίδες ἐπί-
χρυσοι καθ᾽ ἑκάτερον τοῖχον, ws ἂν ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν
ὁπότε δεήσειεν ἀγοιτο κινουμένη: οὐ γὰρ ἐπὶ
ζεύγους ἐκομίζετο, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ τῶν ἱερέων ἐφέρετο.
1 ins. Dindorf. 2 παραστάδι RO. 3 περιελήλατο LE,

4 Niese; προσήεσαν (προἠεσαν)ὴ codd.
378

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IIT. 131-136

extended freely to the ground, and at the doorway
they presented the appearanee of a pediment and
poreh, the eleventh piece being put to this use.* Yet
others, formed of skins, surmounted these, serving
as shelter and protection for the textiles against both
the seorehing heat and oceasional rain. Profound
amazement struck all who beheld these from afar,
their colours seeming so exactly to resemble
those that meet the eye in the heavens. The cover-
ings of hair and of skins deseended likewise over the
veil at the doorway, to defend it from the heat and
from the havoc of beating rain. In such manner was
the tabernacle constructed.

(5) Furthermore there was made for God an ark of The ark.

stout timber of a nature that eould not rot; the ark
is called erdn ° in our tongue, and its construction was
on this wise. It had a length of five spans, and a
breadth and height of three spans alike ; both within
and without it was all encased in gold, so as to conceal
the woodwork, and it had a cover united to it by
golden pivots © with marvellous art, so even was the
surface at every point, with no protuberance any-
where to mar the perfeet adjustment. To eaeh of
its longer sides were affixed two golden rings, pene-
trating the wood, and through these were passed
gilt rods on either side, by means of which it might,
when neeessary, be earried on the mareh; for it
was not drawn by a yoke of beasts, but was borne

¢ Ex, xxvi. 9 “thou... shalt double over the sixth
curtain in the forefront of the tent’; this is now interpreted
to refer not to a kind of portal above the entrance, but to the
doubling of the curtain ** in front of the Dwelling, so as to
hang down there for two cubits, forming a kind of valance ”’
(Driver). > Heb. arén.

¢ Or “ hinges*’; a detail peculiar to Josephus.

379

Ex. xxv. 10;
XXXVit. 1.

JOSEPHUS

137 τῷ δὲ ἐπιθέματι αὐτῆς ἦσαν πρόστυποι δύο,
NepouBets' μὲν αὐτοὺς ‘“KBpator καλοῦσι, ζῷα
δέ ἐστι πετεινὰ μορφὴν δ᾽ οὐδευὶ τῶν ὑπ᾽ 00 ώ-
πων ἑωραμένων παραπλήσια, διΙωυσῆς δέ φησι

198 τῷ θρόνῳ τοῦ θεοῦ προστὺυπεὶς ἑωρακέναι. ταύτῃ
τὰς δύο πλάκας, ἐν αἷς τοὺς δέκα λόγους συγ-
γεγράφθαι συμβεβήκει, ἀνὰ πέντε μὲν εἰς ἕκα-
τέραν ἀνὰ δύο δὲ καὶ ἥμισυ κατὰ μέτωπον,
ἐγκατέθετο. καὶ ταύτην «μὲν»" ἐν τῷ ἀδύτῳ
κατατίθησιν.

1329 (6) "Ev δὲ τῷ ναῷ τράπεζαν ἱδρύεται Δελ-
φικαῖς παραπλησίαν, τὸ μῆκος μὲν δύο πηχῶν,
τὸ δὲ πλάτος ἑνὸς πήχεως καὶ ᾿σπιθαμῶν τριῶν
τὸ ὕψος. ἦσαν δ᾽ αὐτῇ πόδες τὰ μὲν ἐξ ἡμίσους
ἕως τῶν κάτω τελέως ἐξηρτισμένοι, οἷς Δωριεῖς
προστιθέασι ταῖς κλίναις ἐμφερεῖς, τὸ δὲ πρὸς

140 αὐτὴν ἀνατεῖνον τετράγωνοι τῇ ἐργασίᾳ. κοι-
λαίνεται δὲ καθ᾽ ἕκαστον πλευρὸν κοιλαίνουσά
πως κατὰ παλαιστὴν τὸ ἔδαφος, ἕλικος περι-
θεούσης τό τε ἄνω καὶ τὸ κάτω μέρος τοῦ σώ-
ματος, καθ᾽ ἕκαστον δὲ τῶν ποδῶν καὶ ταύτῃ
ἐλήλατο κρίκος οὐκ ἄπωθεν τοῦ ἐπιθέματος, δι᾽
ὧν yeoav στελεοὶ χρύσεοι ξύλου τἄνερθεν ὄντες,

1 χερουβὶμ ROE Lat, 2 ins. Niese.

*@ Not in the Pentateuch, nor apparently (to Judge from
M. Weill’s silence) in any known Rabbinical tradition. Per-
haps, as suggested by M. Weill, a reminiscence of Ezekiel’s
vision, in which eherubim uphold the firmament which
supports God’s throne (Ezek. x. 1).

δ The tables being regarded as ὀπισθόγραφα. For this last
detail no parallel has been found in Rabbinical tradition ;
for ‘five on each”’ cf. § 101 note. M. Weill, however,
renders ** deux et demie par colonne.”

380

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 137-140

by the priests. To the cover were affixed two figures, Ex. xxv. 15.
‘eherubs ὁ as the Hebrews eall them-—winged
creatures these, but in form unlike to any that man’s

eyes have seen, and Moses says that he saw them
sculptured upon the throne of God.? Within this

ark he deposited the two tables, whcreon had been
recorded the ten commandments, five on each of

them, and two and a half on either faee.® The

ark itself he laid up in the sanetuary.

(6) Within the temple he installed a table, like Table of
ta those at Delphi, in length two eubits, in breadth on
a enbit, and of a height of ieee spans.° It had legs @ xxxvii. 10.
whieh in their lower half were exquisitely finished!
resembling those whieh the Dorians affix to een
couches ; in the upper portion reaching to the board
they were of quadrangular make. It was hollowed cy. ib. xxv.
out on each side to a depth of about three inches,? *"

a spiral border running round the upper and the
lower portion of the body of the table. Lach of
the legs, here again,’ had attached to it a ring, not
far font the board, and through these passed οὶ volden
staves, internally of wood, er not femouable. 9

¢ ** Three spans ’’ = Bibl. “ a cubit and a half’’; the cubit
(18 in.) being equivalent to two spans.

4 Details not in Seripture.

¢ Literally ‘* it is hollowed out on each side, hollowing out
the surface for about a palm ” (four finger-breadths). This
appears to mean that the edge of the four sides of the table
took the form of four sunk panels (there are traces of this
in the representation on the Arch of Titus), with a spiral
moulding above and below. See Driver on Exodus loc, cif.

‘ καὶ ταύτῃς like the sides of the ark (§ 136).

“ ‘There is no need to omit the negative with Weill (* qu'on
pouvait retirer facilement’’). Cf. Ex. xxv. 15 (of the ark)
‘* The staves shall be in the rings of the ark: they shall not
be taken from it” (LXx ἀκίνητοι.

381

JOSEPHUS

141 οὐκ ἐξαίρετοι: κοῖλον yap εἶχεν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τὸ
κατὰ τοὺς κρίκους κοινωθέντας' οὐδὲ γάρ εἰσι
διηνεκεῖς, ἀλλὰ πρὶν συνελθεῖν εἰς τὸ ἄπειρον εἰς
περονίδας τὴν ἀρχὴν τελευτῶντες, ὧν 7. μὲν εἰς
τὸ προανέχον ἐμβαίνει τῆς τραπέζης, ἡ δὲ εἰς
τὸν πόδα' καὶ τούτοις κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς ἐκομίζετο.
ἐπὶ ταύτης, ἐτίθετο γὰρ ἐν τῷ ναῷ τετραμμένη
πρὸς ἄρκτον οὐ πόρρω τοῦ μυχοῦ, διετίθεσαν
ἄρτους τε δώδεκα ἀζύμους κατὰ ἕξ ἐπαλλήλους
ἱκειμένους καθαροῦ πάνυ τοῦ ἀλεύρου ἐκ δύο
ἀσσαρώνων, ὃ μέτρον ‘EBpatev ἑπτὰ κοτύλας
᾿Αττικὰς ἔχει. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν ἄρτων ἐτίθεντο
φιάλαι δύο χρύσεαι λιβάνου πλήρεις, μετὰ δὲ
ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ πάλιν ἄλλοι ἐκομίζοντο [ἄρτοι] ἐν
τῷ καλουμένῳ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν σαββάτῳ: τὴν γὰρ ἐβ-
δόμην ἡμέραν σάββατα καλοῦμεν" τὴν δ᾽ αἰτίαν
ες HS Ταῦτα ἐπενοήθησαν ἐν ἑτέροις ἐροῦμεν.

fia. (7) Kare πρόσωπον δὲ τῆς τραπέζης τῷ πρὸς
μεσημβρίαν τετραμμένῳ τοίχῳ πλησίον ἵσταται
λυχνία ἐκ χρυσοῦ κεχωνευμένη διάκενος σταθμὸν
ἔχουσα μνᾶς ἑκατόν" “Ἑβραῖοι μὲν καλοῦσι κίγ-
χαρες, εἰς δὲ τὴν ᾿Ελληνικὴν μεταβαλλόμενον
γλῶτταν σημαίνει τάλαντον. πεποίηται δὲ σφαιρία
καὶ κρίνα σὺν ῥοΐσκοις καὶ κρατηριδίοις, ἑβδομή-
κοντα δ᾽ ἣν τὰ πάντα, ἐξ ὧν ἀπὸ μιᾶς βάσεως

-»"-
ros
to

αν"
fh
ΓΟ
ae
--

145

~

1 κοινωθὲν Bernard. 2 ἀσσάρων codd.

α i.e, the outer court or Holy Place (as opposed to the
Holy of Holies 9).

> ‘Greek “ recess."

¢ For assgrén =“ tenth part’ (of an ephah)=omer see
iii. 29 note; it is the word used in Lev. loc. cit., δ᾽ two tenth
parts (of an ephah) shall be in one cake.”

382

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, Π|. 141-145

lor the portion of the leg where the rings were
attached was hollowed out to reeeive them; nor
were the rings themselves continuous, but before
completing the eircle terminated in pins, of which
one was inserted into the projecting edge of the
table and the other into the leg. By these staves
it was carried on the march. On this table, which
was placed in the temple 5 on the northern side not
far from the sanetuary,® they set out twelve loaves Lev. xxiv. 5.
of unleavened bread, in two opposite rows of six, @***?")
made of perfectly pure flour of the amount of two
assarons,© that being a Hebrew measure equivalent
to seven Attie cotylae.¢ Above these loaves were
set two cups’ of gold filled with incense. After
seven days the loaves were replaced by others on |
the day which we call Sabbath, that being our name
for the seventh day. Of the reason which led them
to devise 411 this we shall speak elsewhere.’

(7) Faeing the table, near the south wall, stood The can-
a candelapruns of east gold, hollow, and of the weight ee ae
of a hundred minae ἢ this (weight) the Hebrews call
kinchares,? a word whieh, translated into Greek,
denotes a talent. It was made up of globules” ahd
lilies, along with pomegranates and little bowls,
numbering + seventy in all; of these it was composed

¢ There is an apparent error of about one half in this
estimate. In terms of pints, an assarén or omer τες. Θὲ pints
(arts. on Weights and Measnres in Hastings B.D. and
Eneyel, Bibl.) s an Attic cotyla=nearly ἃ pint, 7 cotylae=c.
3} pints.

¢ The representation on the Arch of Titus shows two cups
resting on the table.

f In the projected work on ‘‘ Customs and Causes” (i, 25).

σ Heb. kikkar, Ex. xxv. 39 (Luxx τάλαντον). The Greek
talent = 60 minas, not 100, as is here implied.

* “ Knops ᾿ in the English version of Exodus.

383

JOSEPHUS

συνετέθη πρὸς ὕψος, ποιήσαντος αὐτὴν συγ-
κειμένην εἰς μοίρας εἰς ὅσας τοὺς πλανήτας καὶ

§ Ad ’ 3 2 ᾿ ᾽ ¢ ‘
146 Tov ἥλιον κατανεμοῦσιν. ἀπαρτίζεται δὲ εἰς ἑπτὰ

147

κεφαλὰς καταλλήλας ἐν στίχῳ διακειμένας. λύχνοι

δ᾽ ἐπιφέρονται αὐταῖς ἑπτὰ κατὰ μίαν, τῶν πλα-

νητῶν τὸν ἀριθμὸν μεμιμημένοι, ὁρῶσι δὲ εἴς τε

τὴν ἀνατολὴν καὶ τὴν μεσημβρίαν λοξῶς αὐτῆς
;

κειμένης.

(8) δΔΙεταξὺ δ᾽ αὐτῆς καὶ τῆς τραπέζης ἔνδον,
ὡς προεῖπον, “θυμιατήριον ξύλινον μέν, ἐξ οὗ καὶ
τὰ πρότερα ἦν σκεύη μὴ σηπόμενα," στερεὰ δὲ
περιελήλατ᾽ αὐτῷ λεπίς, πηχυαῖον μὲν κατὰ
πλευρὰν ἑκάστην τὸ πλάτος ὕψος δὲ διπλάσιον.

148 ἐπῆν τε ἐσχάρα “χρυσεῖα ὑπερανεστῶσα “ἔχουσα

κατὰ γωνίαν ἑκάστην στέφανον καὶ τοῦτον δ᾽
ἐκπεριοδεύοντα χρύσεον, ἡ καὶ κρίκοι καὶ σκυταλί-
δες προσῆσαν, αἷς κατὰ τὰς ὁδοὺς ὑπὸ τῶν

149 ἱερέων ἐφέρετο. ἵδρυτο δὲ καὶ πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς

βωμὸς χάλκεος, ὑπόξυλος καὶ αὐτός, ἑκάστην
πλευρὰν πέντε πήχεσιν ἐκμεμετρημένος, τὸ δὲ
ὕψος τρίπηχυς, ὁμοίως τῷ χρυσῷ κεκοσμημένος,
χαλκείαις λεπίσιν ἐξησκημένος, δικτύῳ τὴν ἐσχά-

ΠῚ: ἐμφερής" ἐξεδέχετο γὰρ ἡ yn τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς

ἐσχάρας πῦρ καταφερόμενον τῆς βάσεως διὰ TaV-

150 TOS οὐχ ὑποκειμένης. ἀντικρὺ δ᾽ ἐτίθεντο τοῦ

χρυσέου" οἰνοχόαι τε καὶ φιάλαι σὺν θυΐσκαις καὶ

1 σηπόμενον Bernard. 2 προσήεσαν codd.
3 τοῦ χρυσ.Ἶ τοῦ βωμοῦ Τὰ: om. Lat.

2 See 8 182 for the ten degrees assigned to each of the
seven planets. >» Greek * heads.”

¢ § 139; as opposed to the altar of burnt-offering (below),
which stood in the court outside.

4 Meaning a little uncertain. The Bible speaks of horns

384

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 145-160

from its single base right up to the top, having been
made to consist of as many portions as are assigned
to the planets with the sun.? It terminated in seven
branches ὃ regularly disposed in a row. Eaeh braneh
bore one lamp, recalling the number of the planets ;
the seven lamps faeed south-east, the candelabrum
being placed cross-wise.

(8) Between this last and the table, within the
building as I have already said,° stood an ineense-
altar of wood, of the same imperishable material as
the previous utensils, but completely encased in a
massive sheet of metal; the breadth of each side
was a cubit and its height two. Superimposed upon
this was a brazier of gold, furnished at each corner
with a crown, forming a cirele likewise of gold 4;
here also rings and rods were attached, by which it
was borne by the priests on the march. There was
erceted moreover in front of the tabernacle an altar
of bronze, this too having a wooden interior ; each
side measured five cubits and it was three cubits
high ; while likewise adorned with gold, it was plated
with sheets of bronze and had a brazier ὁ resembling
network ; the ground was, in faet, the receptacle
for all burning fuel that fell from the brazier, the
base not extending beneath the whole of its surface.
Over against the altar were set wine-cans and cups,
along with censers and bowls; these were (of gold), and

at the corners and * a crown ” (7.e. “" rim” or “ moulding ”’)
* round about " it.
¢ So (ἐσχάρα) the txx; but the Hebrew mikbar is gener-
ally taken to be a “ grating’ (so A.V.) rising vertically
from. the ground as a support for the “ἡ ledge round the
altar,’ on which the priests presuinably stood. Josephus
strangely ignores the sacrosanct “* horns "’ of this altar.

385

Altar of
incense,
Ex. xxx. 1,

Altar of
burnt-
onering.
Ib. xxvii. 1.

155

158

JOSEPHUS

κρατῆρσιν ΤῆσανΤ' ὅσα te ἄλλα [σκεύη] πρὸς τὰς
ἱερουργίας πεποίητο χρύσεα πάντα ὑπῆρχε. καὶ
ἡ μὲν σκηνὴ τοιαύτη τε ἦν καὶ τὰ περὶ αὐτὴν
σκεύη.

(vu. 1) Pivortac δὲ καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι στολαὶ
πᾶσί τε τοῖς ἄλλοις, οὗς χααναίας" καλοῦσι, καὶ
δὴ καὶ τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ὃν ἀναραβάχην' προσαγο-
ρεύουσι: σημαίνει δὲ ἀρχιερέα. τὴν μὲν οὖν τῶν
ἄλλων στολὴν τοιαύτην εἶναι συμβέβηκεν. ὅταν
δὲ προσίῃ ταῖς ἱερουργίαις ὁ ἱερεὺς ἡγνευκὼς ἣν
ὃ νόμος ἁγνείαν προαγορεύει, πρῶτον μὲν περι-
τίθεται τὸν μαχανάσην" λεγόμενον: βούλεται δὲ
τοῦτο συνακτῆρα μὲν δηλοῦν, διάζωμα δ᾽ ἐστὶ
περὶ τὰ αἰδοῖα ῥαπτὸν ἐκ βύσσου κλωστῆς εἰργα-
σμένον᾽ ἐμβαινόντων εἰς αὐτὸ τῶν ποδῶν ὥσπερ
εἰς ἀναξυρίδας, ἀποτέμνεται δὲ ὑπὲρ ἥμισυ καὶ
τελευτῆσαν ἄχρι τῆς λαγόνος περὶ αὐτὴν ἀπο-
σφίγγεται.

(2) ᾿Επὶ δὲ τούτῳ λίνεον ἔνδυμα διπλῆς φορεῖ
ἦσαν) om E Lat.: ἐκ χρυσοῦ Bernard.
acrea aurea Lat.: χάλκεα Bernard.

Bernard: χαναίας ed. pr.: yavavaias codd.

ME (-txnv SP): ἀραβάχην rell.: ἀραβάρχην (ex Lat.)
Niese.
° Niese: προαγορεύει codd.

6 Bernard: μαναχάσην codd.
7 ROE: εἰργνύμενον rell.

ma 6 ἢ =

TT ee τ᾿ τς ΘΠ ι ι . ΌὈὃϑὃΦὃϑὃϑῬΤ'᾽'᾽᾽ ͵'͵ἐὦ

“ ‘The list of vessels differs from that in the parallel passage
in Ex. xxvii. 3, but the xx has one item (the φιάλαι, * cups "
or * pans “7 in common with Josephus. There is a further
difference as regards their material; according to Exodus
‘all the vessels thereof thou shalt make of brass," but

980

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 150-153

whatsoever other objects were made for the sacred
services were all of gold.2. Such was the tabernacle
with all its appurtenances.

(vii. 1) Moreover, vestments were made for the
priests. both for the general body, whom they call
chaanaeae,® and in particular for the high- priest,
whom they entitle anarabaches,° signifying ‘ ‘ high-
priest.” Now the vestments of the priests in
general were as follows.4 When the priest is pro-
ceeding to perform his sacred ministrations. after
undergoing the purification which the law prescribes,
first of all he puts on what is called the machanases.¢
The word denotes a “ binder,’’ in other words drawers
covering the loins, stitched of fine spun linen. into
which the legs are inserted as into breeches ; this

arment is cut short above the waist and terminates
at the thighs, around which it is drawn tight.

(2) Over this he wears a linen robe. of a double

Josephus has the support of the Old Latin version of the
Lxx (ἡ aurea" for χαλκᾶ) and the text may therefore stand.

ὁ Hellenized form of the Aramaic kahanya, δ᾽ priests "’
(Hebr. kohanim).

¢ Hellenization of Aramaic kahana rabba, “ high priest.”
with omission (or transposition) of the initia] ἃ.

4 This sentence is suspect, because, as Reinach justly
remarks, it is couched in a form which in good Greek is
applicable only to a description already given: δ Such then
were the vestments’ etc. He would therefore regard it
as a misplaced ‘doublet “ἡ to the last clause of ὃ 158:
while Niese indicates a Jacuna preceding it. But there are
indications that Josephus, as distinct from his assistants,
was not familiar with the word τοιόσδε, δ as follows.”’ and
used τοιοῖτος instead: a parallel occurs later in this book
(iii. 273 end).

‘ Heb. miknesaim (dual): Josephus, by his translation
συνακτήρ (“ binder ’’), clearly derives the word from the
verb kana (* gather,”’ * collect *’).

387

Vestments
of the
priests.
Ex, xxViil,

The
breeches.
10. 42.

The tunic,
1b. (4) 39.

JOSEPHUS

σινδόνος βυσσίνης, χεθομένη μὲν καλεῖται, λίνεον
δὲ τοῦτο σημαίνει: χέθον γὰρ τὸ λίνον ἡμεῖς
καλοῦμεν. ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔνδυμα ποδήρης
χιτὼν περιγεγραμμένος τῷ σώματι καὶ τὰς χειρῖ-

154 δας περὶ τοῖς βραχίοσιν κατεσφιγμένος, ὃν ἐπιζών-

156

~ 3 ~

νυνται κατὰ στῆθος ὀλίγον τῆς μασχάλης ὑπεράνω
τὴν ζώνην περιάγοντες, πλατεῖαν μὲν ὡς εἰς τέσ-

Le / 3 [ ,ὔ if
capas δακτύλους, διακένως δ᾽ ὑφασμένην ὥστε

, ~ wv ” 3 > > 8 3
λεβηρίδα δοκεῖν ὄφεως" ἄνθη δ᾽ εἰς αὐτὴν ἐν-
ύφανται φοίνικι' καὶ πορφύρᾳ μετὰ ὑακίνθου καὶ
βύσσου πεποικιλμένα, στήμων δ᾽ ἐστὶ μόνη βύο-
cos. καὶ λαβοῦσα τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς ἐλίξεως κατὰ
στέρνον καὶ περιελθοῦσα πάλιν δεῖται, καὶ κέχυται
μὲν πολλὴ μέχρι καὶ τῶν σφυρῶν ἕως οὗ μηδὲν
ὁ ἱερεὺς ἐνεργεῖ, πρὸς γὰρ εὐπρέπειαν οὕτως ἔχει
τοῖς ὁρῶσι καλῶς, ὅταν δὲ σπουδάζειν περὶ τὰς
θυσίας δέη καὶ διακονεῖν, ὅπως μὴ κινουμένης
ἐμποδίζηται πρὸς τὸ ἔργον, ἀναβαλόμενος ἐπὶ
τὸν λαιὸν ὦμον φέρει. Δίωυσῆς μὲν οὖν αβανὴθ'

» Α 3 ’ ¢ - ‘ A ὃ ,
αὐτὴν ἐκάλεσεν, ἡμεῖς δὲ παρὰ Βαβυλωνίων
μεμαθηκότες ἐμίαν αὐτὴν καλοῦμεν: οὕτως γὰρ
προσαγορεύεται παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς. οὗτος ὁ χιτὼν κολ-
ποῦται μὲν οὐδαμόθεν, λαγαρὸν δὲ παρέχων τὸν
βροχωτῆρα τοῦ αὐχένος ἁρπεδόσιν ἐκ τῆς was

1 ed. pr.: φοίνιξι codd. 2 ἀβαίθ RO.

aM. Weill adduces Yoma 71 b for the tradition that “* in
the texture of the priestly vestments each thread was doubled
several times.”

δ Heb. keténeth (Aramaic kituna)=“ tunic’: Aramaic
kitan =“ linen” (no Heb. equivalent). Josephus takes his
terms from the Aramaic, Hellenizes them, and perhaps traces
a connexion with the Greek χιτών used below.

ς ‘The sash is wound twice round the body (ὃ 155), at the

388

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 153-156

texture @ of fine byssus ; it is called chethomené, that
is to say “ of linen,’ chethon being our name for linen.?
This robe is a tunic descending to the ankles, en-
veloping the body and with long sleeves tightly laced
round the arms; they gird it at the breast, winding
to a little above the armpits ° the sash, which is of a
breadth of about four fingers and has an open texture?
giving 1t the appearance of a serpent’s skin. Therein
are interwoven flowers of divers hues, of crimson ὁ and
purple, blue and fine linen, but the warp is purely of
fine linen. Wound a first time at the breast, after
passing round it once again, it is tied and then hangs
at length, sweeping to the ankles, that is so long as
the priest has no task in hand, for so its beauty is
displayed to the beholders’ advantage ; but when it
behoves him to attend to the sacrifices and perform
his ministry, in order that the movements of the sash
may not impede his actions, he throws it back over
his left shoulder. Moses gave it the name of abanéth,
but we have learnt from the Babylonians to call it
hemian,® for so is it designated among them. This
tunic is nowhere folded, but has a loose opening at
the neck, and by means of strings fastened to the

breast and above; at the second winding it is carried up in
front, where it is tied, almost to the neck. Such seems to
be the meaning.

¢ This is perhaps to be connected with the “ἢ chequer
work " of Scripture (tashbéz, ** something of the nature of a
‘check,’ obtained by the weaver alternating threads of
different colours in warp and woof,” Driver), though that
word is applied to the tunic and not to the sash. Of the
sash the Bible gives no description. ἀπ εὐ: τον ἊΣ

‘ According to the Talmud it was 32 cubits (48 feet) long !

° Heb. ‘abnet (Ex. xxviii. 39).

λ The Aramaic equivalent used in the Targum, and said
to be of Persian origin.

389

The sash,

JOSEPHUS

καὶ τῶν κατὰ στέρνον καὶ μετάφρενον ἠρτημέναις
ἀναδεῖται ὑπὲρ ἑκατέραν κατακλεῖδα: μασσα-
βαζάνης καλεῖται.

157 (3 ) Ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς φορεῖ πῖλον ἄκωνον
οὐ διικνούμενον εἰς πᾶσαν αὐτὴν ἀλλ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ολίγον
ὑπερβεβηκότα μέσης" καλεῖται μὲν μασναεφθῆς,
γῇ δὲ κατασκευῇ τοιοῦτός ἐστιν ὡς στεφάνη δοκεῖν
ἐξ ὑφάσματος λινέου ταινία πεποιημένη παχεῖα"
καὶ γὰρ ἐπιπτυσσόμενον ῥάπτεται πολλάκις.

158 ἔπειτα σινδὼν ἄνωθεν αὐτὸν ἐκπεριέρχεται δι-
ἤκουσα μέχρι μετώπων, τήν τε βαφὴν τῆς ταινίας
καὶ TO ἀπ᾿ αὐτῆς ἀπρεπὲς καλύπτουσα καὶ ὅλῳ"
δὲ τῶ κρανίῳ γιγνομένη ἐπίπεδον" ἥρμοσται δὲ
ἀκριβῶς, ὡς ἂν μὴ ᾿περιρρυείη πονοῦντος περὶ
τὴν ἱερουργίαν. καὶ ὁποία μέν ἐστιν ἡ τῶν πολ-
λῶν ἱερέων στολὴ δεδηλώκαμεν.

109 (2) Ὁ δὲ ἀρχιερεὺς κοσμεῖται μὲν καὶ ταύτῃ
παραλιπὼν οὐδὲν τῶν προειρημένων, ἐπενδυσά-
μενος δ᾽ ἐξ ὑακίνθου πεποιημένον χιτῶνα, ποδήρης
δ᾽ ἐστὶ καὶ οὗτος, μεεὶρ καλεῖται κατὰ τὴν ἡμετέ-
ραν γλῶσσαν, ζώνῃ περισφίγγεται βάμμασιν οἷς
ἡ πρότερον ἤνθει διαπεποικιλμένῃ χρυσοῦ συν-

100 υφασμένου" κατὰ “πέζαν δ᾽ αὐτῷ προσερραμμένοι
θύσανοι ῥοῶν τρόπον ἐκ βαφῆς μεμιμημένοι ἀπ-
ἤρτηντο καὶ κώδωνες χρύσεοι κατὰ πολλὴν ἐπι-

1 ὅλη RO.

“ Heb. mishbezeth τε" chequer-work”’; the tunic is not
so named in Exodus, but cognate words are used of it in
xxviii. 4 “ἃ tunic of chequer work’ and 39 * thou shalt
chequer the tunic.”

" Heb. miznepheth (Ex. xxviii. 4, 39), In Exodus this is
the name given to the turban of the high-priest; those of
the ordinary priests are there called migbd oth (Ex. xxviii. 40)

390

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 156-160

border at the breast and at the back is supported on
each shoulder. It is called massabazanes.*

(3) Upon his head he wears a cap without a peak,
not covering the whole head but extending siehtly
beyond the: middle of it. It is called masnaephthes,°
and is so fashioned as to resemble a coronet, consisting
of a band of woven linen thickly compressed ; for
it is wound round and round and stitched repeatedly.
This is then enveloped by a muslin veil descending
from above to the forehead, thus concealing the
stitches of the head-band with their unsightly appear-
ance and presenting to the skull a completely even
surface. ‘This head-gear is adjusted with care so
as not to slip off while the priest is busy with his
sacred ministry. We have now described the nature
of the vestments of the ordinary priests.

(4) The high-priest is arrayed in like manner,
omitting none of the things already mentioned, but
over and above these he “puts on a tunic of blue Ὁ
material. This too reaches to the feet, and is called 3
in our tongue meer ὁ: it is girt about him with a
sash decked with the same gay hues as adorned the
first, with gold interwoven into its texture. To its
lower edge were stitched depending tassels, coloured
to represent pomegranates, along with bells of gold,

and, to judge from the etymology of that word, were appar-
ently conver, like the ordinary Greek πῖλος, ‘‘ in shape re-
sembling a half-egg ἡ (Driver in loc.). Josephus, in speaking
of a πῖλος &kwvos and in assimilating the turbans of the two
orders of priests (ef. § t72), directly contradicts this; his
account with its precise details, not derived from Scripture,
is doubtless drawn from personal recollection and accurately
represents the customs and terminology of his time.

SCO falar 3 6.

Or Violet” © Meb. me il.

The tu rban

Vestments

of the high-

priest ¢:

the tunic.

Ex. xxviii.
St.

10]

109

JOSEPHUS

τήδευσιν τῆς εὐπρεπείας, ὥστε μέσον ἀπολαμ-
βάνεσθαι δυοῖν τε κωδώνοιν ῥοΐσκον, καὶ ῥοῶν
κωδώνιον. ἔστι δ᾽ ὁ χιτὼν οὗτος οὐκ ἐκ δυοῖν
περιτμημάτων, ὥστε ῥαπτὸς ἐπὶ τῶν ὥὦμων εἶναι
καὶ τῶν παρὰ πλευράν, φάρσος δ᾽ ἕν ἐπίμηκες
ὑφασμένον σχιστὸν ἔχει βροχωτῆρα <ov>' πλάγιον,
ἀλλὰ κατὰ μῆκος ἐρρωγότα πρός τε τὸ στέρνον
καὶ μέσον τὸ μετάφρενον: πέζα δ᾽ αὐτῷ προσ-
έρραπται ὑπὲρ τοῦ μὴ διελέγχεσθαι τῆς τομῆς
τὴν δυσπρέπειαν: ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ ὅθεν αἱ χεῖρες δι-
εἴργονται σχιστός ἐστιν.

(5) "Eat δὲ τούτοις τρίτον ἐνδύεται τὸν λεγό-
μενον μὲν ἐφώδην, ᾿λληνικῇ δ᾽ ἐπωμίδι προσ-
εοικότα' γίνεται γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον. ὑφαν-
θεὶς ἐπὶ βάθος πηχυαῖον ἔκ τε χρωμάτων παν-
τοίων καὶ χρυσοῦ συμπεποικιλμένος ἀπερίπτυκτον
τοῦ στέρνου τὸ μέσον καταλιμπάνει, χειρῖσί τε
ἠσκημένος καὶ τῷ παντὶ σχήματι χιτὼν εἶναι
πεποιημένος. τῷ δὲ διακένῳ τοῦ ἐνδύματος σύν-
εισι περίτμημα σπιθαμῆς τὸ μέγεθος χρυσῷ τε
καὶ τοῖς αὐτοῖς τῷ ἐφώδῃ βάμμασι διηνθισμένον'
ἐσσὴν μὲν καλεῖται, σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο κατὰ τὴν

1 ins. (ex Lat.) Bernard.

@ As, we must infer, was the under tunic already described.

’ Cf. John xix. 23 ἔν ἣν δὲ ὁ χιτὼν Gpados, ἐκ τῶν ἄνωθεν
ὑφαντὸς δ᾽ ὅλου: though this is considered to be “ only a
verbal coincidence ; the idea of a high-priestly robe does not
enter here *’ (Bernard in /oc.).

¢ Itwas this slit which the high-priest prolonged by tear-
ing it further down the front when he “ rent his tunics ἢ
in token of horror or grief (Mk. xiv. 63).

392

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 160-163

disposed with a keen regard for beauty,sothat between
each pair of bells there hung a pomegranate and
between the pomegranates a little bell. But this
tunic is not composed of two pieces,? to be stitched
at the shoulders and at the sides : it is one long woven
cloth,® with a slit for the neck, parted not crosswise
but lengthwise from the breast to a point in the
middle of the back. A border is stitched thereto
to hide from the eye the unsightliness of the cut.
There are similar slits through which the hands
are passed.

(5) Above these vestments he puts on yet a third,
which is called an ephod and resembles the Grecian
epomis,? being made in the following fashion. A
woven fabric of the length of a cubit, of all manner
of colours along with gold embroidery, it leaves the
middle of the breast uncovered, is provided with
sleeves,¢ and in general presents the appearance of a
tunic. But into the gap in this vestment is inserted
a piece of the dimensions / of a span, variegated with
gold and with the same colours as the ephod; it
is called essén,? a word signifying in Greek speech

4 'Επωμίς is the txx version of the Heb. ephod. The
ep6mis was the upper part (in modern language “ bodice ”’)
of a woman's tunic, fastened on the shoulder by brooches.
The ephod was a kind of waistcoat having, like the epdmis,
shoulder-straps, on which were sardonyxes.

¢ Sleeves are not mentioned in Scripture or (according to
M. Weill) in tradition.

‘ Tt was “" foursquare,”’ of equal length and breadth (Ex.
XXvill. 16).

9 Heb. fdshen, English Bible ‘* breastplate,"’ more cor-
rectly “‘ pouch " (Driver). It was ° doubled ᾽" (Ex. loc. cit.)
to form a bag or pouch, in which the Urim and Thurnmim
were kept. The form ἐσσήν is attributed also to the unknown
‘* Hebrew *’ (ὁ ‘Egpaios) in mss. of the cxx (Ex. xxviii. 22).

393

The ephod,
Ex, xxvii.6.

The essen (or
‘ breast-
plate‘).
POTS;

164"

165

166

101

108

JOSEPHUS

Ελλήνων γλῶτταν λόγιον," πληροῖ δὲ ἀκριβῶς
τοῦ ἐφώδου ὅπερ ὑφαίνοντες κατὰ στῆθος ἐξέλιπον,
ἑνοῦται δ᾽ ὑπὸ κρίκων χρυσέων αὐτῷ τε κατὰ
γωνίαν ἑκάστην κἀκείνῳ τῶν ἴσων προσκεκοινω-
μένων, ῥάμματος ὑακίνθου παραληφθέντος εἰς τὴν
πρὸς ἀλλήλους κατάδεσιν τοῖς κρίκοις. πρὸς δὲ
τὸ μὴ χαλαρὸν εἶναι τὸ ἐν μέσῳ τῶν κρίκων
καταλιμπανόμενον ῥαφὴν αὐτοῦ νήμασιν ὑακινθί-
νοις ἐπενόησαν. πορποῦσι δὲ τὴν ἐπωμίδα σαρ-
δόνυχες δύο κατὰ τῶν ὥμων, ἑκάτερον τέλος ἐπ᾽
αὐτοὺς ἐπιθέον χρύσεον ἔχοντες, πρὸς τὸ ταῖς
περονίσιν ἐπιτήδειον εἶναι. ἐγγέγραπται δὲ τού-
τοις τῶν ᾿Ιακώβου παίδων τὰ ὀνόματα γράμμασιν
ἐπιχωρίοις γλώσσῃ τῇ ἡμετέρᾳ κατὰ ἕξ τῶν
λίθων ἑκατέρῳ, οἱ πρεσβύτεροι δ᾽ εἰσὶ κατὰ ὦμον
τὸν δεξιόν. ἐπίασι δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐσσήνην λίθοι δώ-
δεκα μεγέθει καὶ κάλλει διαφέροντες, οὐ κτητὸς
ἀνθρώποις κόσμος διὰ τιμῆς ὑπερβολὴν ὄντες"
χὰ f \ 4 ~ > 8 /

οὗτοι μέντοι κατὰ στίχον τρεῖς ἐπὶ τεσσάρων
διακείμενοι γραμμῶν ἐνήσκηνται τῷ ὕφει, χρυσὸς
5° αὐτοὺς ἐκπεριέρχεται τὰς ἕλικας ἐντιθεὶς τῷ
ὑφει πρὸς τὸ μὴ διαρρεῖν οὕτως πεποιημένος. καὶ
ἡ μὲν πρώτη τριάς ἐστι σαρδόνυξ τόπαζος σμά-
ραγδος, ἡ δευτέρα δὲ ἄνθρακα παρέχεται καὶ
ἴασπιν καὶ σάπφειρον, τῆς δὲ τρίτης λίγυρος μὲν

1 λογεῖον SPL.

α λόγιον is the πχχ version, from which Josephus again
borrows: Philo similarly uses λογεῖον (De vita Mos. ii. 13,
154 M.). Josephus attributes the oracular properties of the
essén to the precious stones on its surface (iii. 215 ff.), not to
the Urim and ‘Thummim beneath ; on these last mysterious
objects he is silent.

90:

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 164-168

logion (‘‘ oracle *’).2 This exactly fills the space in
the fabric which was left vacant at the breast, and
is united by gold rings at each of its angles to corre-
sponding rings attached to the ephod,? a blue thread
being passed through the rings to bind them together.
Furthermore, to prevent any sagging of the middle
portion between the rings, they devised the plan of
stitching it with blue thread. The epéiis is buckled
on to the shoulders by two sardonyxes,° fitted on this
side and that with golden extremities ? extending
over the shoulders and serving to hold the pins. On
these stones are graven the names of the sons of
Jacob in our tongue and in the native characters,
six on each stone, those of the elder sons being on
the right shoulder.@ On the essén also there are
stones, twelve in number, of extraordinary size and
beauty—ornament not procurable by man by reason
of its surpassing value. Now these stones are ranged
three in a row, in four lines, and worked into the
fabric, being enclasped in gold wire whose coils are
so inserted into the fabric as to prevent them from
slipping out. The first triad comprises sardonyx,f
topaz, emerald; the second exhibits carbuncle,
jasper, sapphire; the third begins with jacinth,’

> IT give the general sense: the exact meaning of προσ-
κεκοινωμένων ts doubtful.

e“ Heb. shokam, EV. “onyx” (oiargin. “ beryl“), 15x
σμάραγδος (** emerald ”’).

4 i.e. ** enclosed in filigree settings (or “ rosettes,” E.V.
‘‘ouches *’) of gold "’ (Driver).

© Ex, xxviii. 10 Says merely “according to their birth
(i.e. according to their ages ’’).

‘ * Sardius ᾿" in Exodus (1xx and E.V.), as also in the
parallel passage in BJ. ν. 234.

¢ Or ‘*‘amber’’; the Heb. word in Exodus perhaps
means ** cairngorm,”’

ν᾽

905

The two
sardonyx
stones on
the
shoulders,
EX, xxvili. 9,

The twelve
stones on
the essen,
LENT.

169

170

171

JOSEPHUS

ν . > + > ‘ ’ ”
ἄρχει εἶτα ἀμέθυσος ἀχάτης δὲ τρίτος, ἔνατος
Ἅ ~ ~ ’ \
ὧν τοῖς πᾶσι, τετάρτου δὲ στίχου χρυσόλιθος μὲν
>
πρόκειται μετὰ δὲ αὐτὸν ὄνυξ εἶτα βήρυλλος
τελευταῖος οὗτος. γράμματα δὲ ἐπετέτμητο πᾶσι
~ 2 7 cma «a A i“ /
τῶν ᾿Ιακώβου vidy, ots καὶ φυλάρχους νομίζομεν,
e ~
ἑκάστου τῶν λίθων ὀνόματι τετιμημένου κατὰ
ἃ a“ itd 3 ~ , /
τάξιν ἣν ἕκαστον αὐτῶν γενέσθαι συμβέβηκε.
~ ~ > >
τῶν οὖν Kpikwy ἀσθενῶν ὄντων Kal’ αὑτοὺς ev-
“a 4 7ὔ ~ / ¢ ,ὔ , ,
εγκεῖν τὸ βάρος τῶν λίθων ἑτέρους δύο κρίκους
, ~ ~ e 3 Ἁ
μείζονας τῇ πέζη τοῦ ἐσσήνου, ἧπερ ἀνήκει πρὸς
Α ~ ~
Tov τράχηλον, ἐμβεβηκότας TH ὑφάσματι ποιοῦσι,
“ >
δεξομένους ἁλύσεις εἰργασμένας, at συνῆσαν' κατ
ἄκρον τῶν ὦμων σειραῖς ἐκ χρυσοῦ πεπλεγμέναις
συνάπτουσαι, ὧν τὸ ἄκρον ἀνεστραμμένον ἐν-
ἔβαινε κρίκῳ προέχοντι τῆς νωτιαίας πέζης τοῦ
4 , 4 ~ > 9 , ~ 4 7 4
ἐφώδου: καὶ τοῦτο ἦν ἀσφάλεια TH ἐσσήνη πρὸς
A 4 - ~
TO μὴ περιρρεῖν. ζώνη δὲ τῷ ἐσσήνη προσ-
έρραπτο βάμμασιν οἷς προεῖπον μετὰ χρυσίου προσ-
, « 7 “- ,ὔ 3 ‘ ~ « ~
φερής, 7) περιοδεύσασα δεῖται πάλιν ἐπὶ τῇ pady
A ~
Kal κατακρεμνᾶται: τοὺς δὲ θυσάνους γρύσεαι
/ 3 ~
σύριγγες Kal’ ἑκατέραν ἄκραν ἐκλαβοῦσαι πάντας

2 a
ἐμπεριέχουσιν [αὗται].

1 σινήεσαν R20.

¢ In emphasizing the order in the last two rows Josephus
is deliberately correcting that which he has given in his
earlier work, BJ. v. 234. The order in the respective texts
is as follows :

396

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 168-171

then comes amethyst, and in the third place stands
agate, ninth in the whole series ; the fourth row is
headed by chrysolite, next onyx, and then beryl,
last of the serics.2 All the stones have letters graven
upon them, forming the names of the sons of Jacob,
whom we esteem withal as our tribal chiefs, each
stone being honoured with one name, according to
the order in which each of them was born. And
since the rings were too feeble by themselves to
support the weight of the gems, they made two other
larger rings and inserted them into the fabric at
the border of the essén nearest to the neck; these
were designed to receive wrought chains, which
on the top of the shoulders joined and were linked
to cords of golden twine, whose extremity in the
reverse direction passed through a ring projecting
from the border at the back of the ephod. This
secured the essén against any slip. ‘The essén more- kx. xxviii. 8,
over had stitched to it a band, of the like hues of
which I have spoken, along with gold; this after
passing round the body was then tied at the seam ὃ
and hung down. The tassels at either extremity of
this band were caught into golden sheaths which
embraced them all.¢

| Exodus. Josephus, BJ. Josephus, And.

ee ee | ee

Row 3 jacinth, agate, agate, amethyst, | jacinth, amethyst,

amethyst jacinth agate
Row 4 beryl, onyx, onyx, beryl, chry-| chrysolite, onyx,

jasper solite beryl |

δ i.e. at the point where the essén was stitehed to the ephod.
¢ This detail, among others, is peculiar to Josephus.

VOL. IV O 397

172

173

174

JOSEPHUS

(6) IltAos* δὲ ἦν μὲν ὁ Kai πρότερον αὐτῷ mapa-
πλησίως εἰργασμένος τοῖς πᾶσιν ἱερεῦσιν, ὑπὲρ"
αὐτὸν δὲ συνερραμμένος ἑ ἕτερος ἐξ ὑακίνθου πεποι-
κιλμένος, περιέρχεται δὲ" στέφανος χρύσεος ἐπὶ τρι-
στιχίαν κεχαλκευμένος. θάλλει δ᾽ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ καλυξ
χρύσεος τῇ σακχάρῳ βοτάνῃ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν λεγομένῃ
ἀπομεμιμημένος, ὑὸς δὲ κύαμον “Ἑλλήνων οὗ περὶ
τομὰς ριζῶν ἐμπείρως ἔχοντες προσαγορεύουσιν.
εἰ δέ τις Ν θεασάμενος τὴν βοτάνην ἀμαθίᾳ
τούτου ἀγνοεῖ τὴν φύσιν αὐτῆς 7 "τὴν κλῆσιν ἐπι-
στάμενος οὐκ ἰδὼν δ᾽ ἂν γνωρίσειε, τοῖς οὕτω
δὴ ἔχουσι σημανῶ τὸν τρόπον᾽ βοτάνη μέν ἐστιν
ὑπὲρ τρεῖς σπιθαμὰς πολλάκις αὐξανομένη τὸ
ὕψος, τὴν δὲ ῥίζαν ἐμφερὴς βουνιάδι, ταύτῃ γὰρ
οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι τις εἰκάζων αὐτήν, τὰ δὲ φύλλα
τοῖς εὐζώμων: ἐκ μέντοι τῶν κλάδων ἀνίησι

1 πῖλον RO. 2 ed. pr.: um codd.
8. δὲ ins. Lat., ed. pr.: om. codd. 4 yl. un, ἣ μὴ.

¢ This paragraph on the head-dress is, apart from the
allusion to the plate of gold at the close, peculiar to Josephus;
the Scriptural description is confined to a few verses, Ex.
xxviii. 36-39 (with the parallel passage xxxix. 30 f.). Very
curious is the botanical lore displayed, no less than seven plants
being named. A simpler and rather different description
appears in BJ. v. 235. See the full discussion in Kneyl.
Bibl. 9.0. δ Mitre.”

> Or perhaps “* that already (described).”’

“Or violet,”

4 Exodus knows of no “ crown,” but only of the “ plate
of gold ** mentioned below ; with Josephus cf. Ecclesiasticus
xlv. 12 " ἃ crown of gold upon the mitre.”

‘ Aramaic shakruna (connected with Heb. shdadkar=
“be intoxicated ᾽). See Low, Aramdische Pflanzennamen,
Leipzig, 1881, p. 381 (quoted by Weill).

398

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, HT. 172-174

(6) For head-dress? the high-priest had first δ᾽ a The turban
cap made in the same fashion as that of all the priests 3 Οἱ κοι ον
but over this wasstitched a second of blue‘ embroidery,
which was encircled by a crown of gold 4 wrought in
three tiers, and sprouting above this was a golden
calyx recalling the plant which with us is called
saccharon,? but which Greeks expert in the cutting
of simples term henbane.’ In case there are any
who, having seen the plant, never learnt its name
and are ignorant of its nature, or, though knowing
the name, would not recognize it if they saw it, for
the benefit of sueh I proeeed to describe it. It is a
plant whieh often grows to a height of above three
spans, with a root resembling a turnip ’—one may
not incorreetly draw this comparison-—and_ leaves
like those of the rocket.* Now out of its branches it

! Hyoscyamus niger. | am indebted for the following to

Mr. F. Howarth, B.Se., Lecturer in Botany in the Imperial

College of Science and Technology.

“ Botanically there wonld appear

to be a slight confusion in the

description. The ‘husk which

2 detaches itself’ is, no donbt, the

( Calyx corolla, which is shed—but which

ς. το 4 does not envelope the calyx but

the ovary, which later becomes the

fruit. ‘The mistake probably arises

ti~-fouté ‘trom the fact that, before the

corolla is shed, the calyx is small

and inconspicuous, but becomes

large and prominent afterwards,

ué. as the fruit develops. The

lid mentioned is not on the calyx but on the fruit (matured

ovary): the fruit and calyx are qnite distinct throughout,

though the fruit is enveloped in the spiky calyx. The fruit

dehisces by throwing off the cap, splitting at the well-marked
nim at X."

9 Brassica rapa. ἡ Brassica eruca.

39Y

175

176

177

178

JOSEPHUS

/ ~ ~ 4 ᾽ > > ‘
κάλυκα προσεχῆ τῷ κλωνί, περίεισι δ᾽ αὐτὴν
3 tr > / b ς ‘ A A
ἔλυτρον, ὅπερ ἀποκρίνεται καθ᾽ αὑτὸ πρὸς τὸν

‘ ~ > f ¢€ 4 vA ,ὔ
καρπὸν μεταβαλεῖν ἠργμένης" ὁ δὲ κάλυξ μεγέθους
ἐστὶ σκυταλίδος τοῦ μικροῦ δακτύλου, κρατῆρι

3 ~ ~
ὃ ἐμφερὴς τὴν περιγραφήν. σημανῶ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο
τοῖς οὐ μεμαθηκόσι: σφαιρίδος εἰς δύο τετμη-

~ i
μένης περὶ τῷ πυθμένι τὴν ἑτέραν τομὴν ἔχει
φυόμενος ἀπὸ ρίζης περιφερής" εἶτα συνιὼν κατ᾽
ὀλίγον ὑποκοιλαινούσης εὐπρεπῶς τῆς ὑποχωρή-
> ~
σεως ἀνευρύνεται πάλιν ἠρέμα κατὰ χεῖλος,

¢ , 3 ~ e ~ Νὰ 3 7 3

ὁμοίως ὀμφαλῷ ῥοιᾶς τετμημένος. ἐπίθεμα ὃ
~ ς 4 ay
αὐτῷ ἡμισφαίριον προσπέφυκεν ἀκριβῶς <wes>'
ἂν εἴποι τις τετορνευμένον, ὑπερανεστώσας ἔχον
τὰς ἐντομάς, ἃς εἶπον τῇ ῥοιᾷ παραπλησίως
7 3 7 A 3 > A ~
βλαστάνειν, ἀκανθώδεις καὶ εἰς ὀξὺ παντελῶς
32 > ~
ἀποληγούσας τὸ ἄκρον. φυλάττει δ᾽ ΤύπὸοΣ τῶ
ἐπιθέματι τὸν καρπὸν διὰ παντὸς τοῦ κάλυκος,
ὄντα βοτάνης σπέρματι τῆς σιδηρίτιδος ὅμοιον,
ἀφίησι δ᾽ ἀνθος τῷ TH ἥἤκωνος πλαταγωνί
7) 5 ! YS μὴ 5 a ῳ
nn > A >

δυνάμενον δοκεῖν ἐμφερὲς εἶναι. ἐκ τούτου μὲν
στέφανος ἐκκεχάλκευται ὅσον ἀπὸ τοῦ ἰνίου πρὸς
ἑκάτερον τῶν κροτάφων. τὸ δὲ μέτωπον ἡ μὲν

3 Ά 3 + ὔ A a ς 4
ἐφιελὶς οὐκ ἔπεισι, λεγέσθω yap οὕτως ὁ καλυξ,
τελαμὼν δ᾽ ἐστὶ χρύσεος, ὃς ἱεροῖς γράμμασι τοῦ

1 ins. Niese. 2 ἐπὶ codd.
° Or “ projecting top.” ὃ The mss. have *‘ on.”’
¢ (2) Verbena. ¢ Meaning unknown.

400

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 174-178

puts forth a calyx closely adhering to the twig, and
enveloped in a husk w hich detaches itself automati-
cally when it begins to turn into fruit; this calyx is
as big as a joint of the little finger and resemblesa bowl
in contour. This too I will describe for those un-
familiar with it. Imagine a ball cut in two: the
calyx at the stem presents the lower half of this,
emerging from its base in rounded form; then
gradually converging with a graceful re-entrant
Curve,cit broadens out again gently near the rim,
where it is indented like the navel ἃ of a pomegranate.
Its hemispherical lid adheres closely to it, turned
(as one might say) to a nicety, and is surmounted
by those jagged spikes whose growth I compared
to that on the pomegranate, prickly and terminating
in quite a sharp point. Beneath ἢ this lid the plant
preserves its fruit which fills the whole of the calyx

and resembles the seed of the herb sideritis¢; while
the flower which it produces may be thought com-
parable to the broad petals of a poppy. It was,
then, on the model of this plant that was wrought
the crown extending from the nape of the neck to
the two: teniples:; the forehead, however, was not
covered by the ephielts 4 (for so we may call the calyx),
but had a plate ὁ of gold, bearing graven in sacred /

* Or “band” (Gr. reXauwv): Heb. ziz, Lxx méradov
(“leaf”), E.V.* plate.” The Hel. siz (normally =""‘flower’)
has here been variously interpreted as (1) a burnished plate
(the commonly accepted view), (2)a flower-like ornamentation,
(3) a garland or fillet. One may suspect that the foregoing
elaborate description of a portion of the head-dress in botane-
eal terms—thoucgh referring not to the ὁ plate’? but to the
“calyx ’—has been evolved out of interpretation (2).

‘ i.e. the older Hebrew characters found on inscriptions,
as opposed to the later ** square ’’ characters: ef. Aristeas
§ 9S γράμμασιν ἁγίοις.

40]

Ex. xxviii.
36 f., XXXIX.
Sef,

179

180

181

182

JOSEPHUS

~ AY f 3 ? \
θεοῦ τὴν προσηγορίαν ἐπιτετμημένος ἐστί. Kal
τοιοῦτος μὲν ὁ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως κόσμος ἐστί.
~ 4 3 ” ~ 3 4 \
(7) Θαυμάσειε δ᾽ av τις τῶν ἀνθρώπων τὴν
\ ¢€ ~ 3 ’ὔ “ ς 9 / ¢€ ~
πρὸς ἡμᾶς ἀπέχθειαν, ἣν ws ἐκφαυλιζόντων ἡμῶν
‘ ~ ef 3 Α , ᾽ éf
τὸ θεῖον ὅπερ αὐτοὶ σέβειν προήρηνται διατετελέ-
3 3 ~ ~
κασιν ἐσχηκότες. εἰ γάρ τις τῆς σκηνῆς κατα-
νοήσειε τὴν πῆξιν καὶ τοῦ ἱερέως ἴδοι τὴν στολὴν
, e \ \ ς ͵
τά τε σκεύη, οἷς περὶ τὴν ἱερουργίαν χρώμεθα,
τόν τε νομοθέτην εὑρήσει θεῖον ἄνδρα καὶ μα-
/ ¢€ a ἢ \ ~ + ‘ ,
Tatws ἡμᾶς ὑπὸ τῶν ἄλλων tas βλασφημίας
3 ¢ 93 3 ,
ἀκούοντας’ ἕκαστα yap τούτων εἰς ἀπομίμησιν
~ ¢ ᾽ 3 ’, 3
καὶ διατύπωσιν τῶν ὅλων, εἴ τις ἀφθόνως ἐθέλοι
Ἁ “ ’ ΄
καὶ μετὰ συνέσεως σκοπεῖν, εὑρήσει γεγονότα.
~ > ᾽ὔ
τήν τε γὰρ σκηνὴν τριάκοντα πηχῶν οὖσαν νείμας
~ 3 Ἁ ~ ¢€ “~
εἰς τρία καὶ δύο μέρη πᾶσιν ἀνεὶς Tots ἱερεῦσιν
if , 4 A \ , ‘ -
ὥσπερ βέβηλόν τινα καὶ κοινὸν τόπον, τὴν γὴν
3 ΄ ‘ A κ᾿
καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀποσημαΐνει: καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα
~ , > 3 “ ‘ Ἁ 4 ~ 4
πᾶσίν ἐστιν ἐπίβατα: THY δὲ τρίτην μοῖραν μόνῳ
“a A \ \ 4 ‘ 3 ’,
περιέγραψε τῷ θεῷ διὰ τὸ καὶ τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνεπί-
5 > » ὡς , \
βατον εἶναι ἀνθρώποις. ἐπί τε τῇ τραπέζῃ τοὺς
93 , 4 ? \ >
δώδεκα Beis’ ἄρτους ἀποσημαίνει TOV ἐνιαυτὸν εἰς
/ “a 4 ‘ \ , 3
τοσούτους μῆνας διῃρημένον. τὴν δὲ λυχνίαν ἐξ
‘ κι
ἑβδομήκοντα μορίων ποιήσας συγκειμένην τὰς τῶν

1 τιθεὶς RO:

¢ The tetragrammaton yuvu (Anglice ‘Jehovah’): so
BJ. v. 235 (note) and Aristeas § 98, rather than as in
Exodus *‘ Holy (or “ Holiness ’’) to yuvu.”’

402

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 178-182

characters the name of God.? Such is the apparel
of the high-priest.

(7) But one may well be astonished at the hatred Symbolism
whieb men have for ns and which they have so per- Solem
sistently maintained, from an idea that we slight the πὰ the |
divinity whom they themselves profess to venerate.

For if one refleets on the construction of the taber-
nacle and looks at the vestments of the priest and
the vessels which we use for the saered ministry, he
will diseover that our lawgiver was a man of God and
that these blasphemous charges brought against us
by the rest of men are idle. In faet, every one of
these objects is intended to recall and represent the
universe, as he will find if he will but consent to
examine them without prejudice and with under-
standing. ‘Thus, to take the tabernacle, thirty
eubits long, by dividing this into three parts and
giving up two of them to the priests, as a place
approachable and open ἴο all, Moses signifies the
earth and the sea, since these too are accessible to all ;

but the third portion he reserved for God alone, because
heaven also is inaccessible to men. Again, by placing
upon the table the twelve loaves, he signifies that
the year is divided into as many months. By making
the eandelabrum to consist of seventy portions,° he

> Josephus has already touched on this allegorical interpre-
tation above ( 123 μίμησιν τῆς τῶν ὅλων φύσεως) and in his
earlier work (3.J. v. 212 f. εἰκόνα τών ὅλων). Philo gives a
similar explanation, De vita Mos. ii. 6 (88) and 12 (117 ff.),
which indeed appears to have been fairly widespread; Weill
quotes parallels from the Midrashim and even from the
Samaritan liturgy.

¢ § 145. But the eomponent portions enumerated in Ex.
xxv. 33 ff. seem to amount to 69 only (see “neycl. Bibl. 1.
645 n. 3).

403

18

18:

3

"

9

JOSEPHUS

πλανητῶν dexapouptas' ἠνίξατο, καὶ λύχνους ὑπὲρ
αὐτῆς ἑπτὰ τῶν πλανητῶν τὴν φοράν’ τοσοῦτοι
γάρ εἶσι τὸν ἀριθμόν. τά τε φάρση ἐκ τεσσάρων
ὑφανθέντα τὴν τῶν στοιχείων φύσιν δηλοῖ: 7H τε
γὰρ βύσσος τὴν νῆν ἀποσημαίνειν ἔοικε διὰ τὸ
ἐξ αὐτῆς ἀνεῖσθαι τὸ λίνον, 7 τε πορφύρα τὴν
θάλασσαν τῷ πεφοινῖχθαι τῶν ἰχθύων τῷ αἵματι,
τὸν δὲ ἀέρα βούλεται δηλοῦν ὃ ὑάκινθος, καὶ ὁ
φοῖνιξ δ᾽ ἂν εἴη τεκμήριον τοῦ πυρός. ἀπο-
σημαίνει δὲ καὶ ὃ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως χιτὼν τὴν γῆν
λίνεος ὦν, ὁ δὲ ὑάκινθος τὸν πόλον, ἀστραπαῖς
μὲν κατὰ τοὺς ῥοΐσκους ἀπεικασμένος βρονταῖς δὲ
κατὰ τὸν τῶν κωδώνων ψόφον. καὶ τὴν ἐφαπτί-
δα τοῦ παντὸς τὴν φύσιν ἐκ τεσσάρων δοχθεῖσαν
γενέσθαι: τῷ θεῷ, χρυσῷ συνυφασμένην κατ᾽
ἐπ ίνοιαν οἶμαι THs προσούσης ἅπασιν αὐγῆς. καὶ
τὸν ἐσσῆνα μέσον. ὄντα τῆς ἐφαπτίδος ἐν τρόπῳ
γῆς ἔταξε: καὶ γὰρ αὕτη τὸν μεσαίτατον τόπον
ἔχει: ζώνῃ τε περιοδεύσας τὸν ὠκεανὸν ἀπο-
σημαίνει: καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἐμπεριείληφε τὰ πάντα.
δηλοῖ δὲ καὶ τὸν ἥλιον καὶ τὴν σελήνην τῶν σαρ-
1 ex Lat. Bernard: δωδεκαμοιρίας (δώδεκα μοίρας) codd.
2 δοχθ γεν. RO: γενέσθαι δειχθεῖσαν rell.

α The reading of the old Latin version, decamoriae, must
on arithmetical grounds (70=7x10) be preferred to the
text of the Greek mss. indicating a twelve-fold division.
Δεκαμοιρία is a synonym for dexavés, the vulgar term used
by ancient astronomers to denote a portion of the heavens
occupying 10 degrees of the Zodiac or a power presiding
over those 10 degrees. ** Astrologers for the most part allot
[these divisions of 10°] to the seven planets,’ Housman,
Manilii Astronomicon lib. iv. p. vii. But it must be noted
that the Zodiac, with its 860°, comprises 36 * decans’ in all;
of this Josephus says nothing. Prof. Housman has kindly

404

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. $5

hinted at the ten degree provinces ἃ of the planets,
and by the seven lamps thereon the course of the
planets themselves, for such is their number.? The
tapestries woven of four materials denote the natural
elements : thus the fine linen appears to typify the
earth, because from it springs up the flax, and the
purple the sea, since it is incarnadined with the blood
of fish; the air must be indicated by the blue, and
the crimson © will be the symbol of fire. The high-
priest’s tunic likewise signifies the earth, being of
linen, and its blue the arch of heavy en, while it recalls
the lightnings by its pomegranates, the thunder
by fhe. sound of its bells. His upper garment,? too,
denotes universal nature, which it pleased God to
make of four elements; being further interwoven
with gold in token, I imagine, of the all-pervading
sunlight. The essén, again, he set in the midst of
this garment, after the manner of the earth, which
occupies the midmost place ἐς: and by the girdle ἢ
wherewith he encompassed it he signified the ocean,
which holds the whole in its embrace. Sun and moon
are indicated by the two sardonyxes wherewith he

confirmed this interpretation and referred me for another
instance of δεκαμοιρία = dexavéds to an anonymous treatise
printed in Wachsmuth’s Lydus, De ostentis, ed. 2 p. 174,
lines 8 and 10.

> viz. Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, Venus, Mercury, with Sun
and Moon; cf. Philo, De vita Mos. ii. 9 (102) τὴν λυχνίαν δι᾽
ἧς αἰνίττεται Tas τῶν φωσφύρων κινήσεις ἀστέρων. In BJ. vii.
149 the seven lamps “ indicate the honour paid to that number
(or perhaps “" to the week,” τῆς ἑβδομάδος) by the Jews.”

€ Or “searlet =xéxxos, the word used in Exodus (Lxx)
and in the parallel passage in BJ. v. 213.

4 Mphaptis, another term for what has previously been
called the ephod or epdémis (§ 162).

¢ In the universe. £ Or “ sash.”

VOL. IV 02 405

180

187

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188

189

JOSEPHUS

δονύχων ἑκάτερος, οἷς ἐνεπόρπωσε TOV ἀρχιερέα.
τήν τε δωδεκάδα τῶν λίθων εἴτε τοὺς μῆνάς τις
θέλοι νοεῖν, εἴτε τὸν οὕτως ἀριθμὸν τῶν ἀστέρων,
“a A 4 7 ~ ~ >
ov ζωδιακὸν κύκλον “EAAnves καλοῦσι, τῆς κατ
3 A ~ ?
ἐκεῖνον γνώμης οὐκ ἂν ἁμάρτοι: Kal ὁ πῖλος δέ
μοι δοκεῖ τὸν οὐρανὸν τεκμηριοῦν ὑακίνθινος πε-
ποιημένος, οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἄλλως ὑπερανετίθετο αὐτῷ
τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ "θεοῦ τῇ στεφάνῃ “ἡγλαϊσμένον καὶ
ταύτῃ χρυσέᾳ, διὰ τὴν αὐγήν, ἡ μάλιστα χαίρει
τὸ θεῖον. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτόν μοι δεδη-
λ ’ θ ’ ‘ > a ‘ > A “a
wobw πολλάκις τε καὶ ἐν πολλοῖς THY ἀρετὴν τοῦ
νομοθέτου παρεξόντων ἡμῖν διελθεῖν τῶν πραγ-
μάτων.

(vill. 1) ‘Os δὲ τὸ προειρημένον πέρας εἶχε, τῶν
ἀναθημάτων μήπω καθιερωμένων ἐπιστὰς ὁ θεὸς
Μωυσεῖ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ᾿Λαρῶνι τἀδελφῷ προσ-
ἔταξε δοῦναι ὡς ἁπάντων δι᾿ ἀρετὴν τῆς τιμῆς
δικαιοτέρῳ τυχεῖν. καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν
τὸ πλῆθος τήν τε ἀρετὴν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν εὔνοιαν
διεξήει καὶ τοὺς κινδύνους οὗς ὑπομείνειεν ὑπὲρ
αὐτῶν. μαρτυρούντων δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἅπασιν αὐτῷ καὶ
τὸ περὶ αὐτὸν πρόθυμον ἐνδεικνυμένων, ᾿ ἄνδρες,"
εἶπεν, ᾿Ισραηλῖται, τὸ μὲν ἔργον ἤδη τέλος ἔχει
οἷον αὐτῶ τε τῷ θεῷ ἥδιστον ἢ ἣν καὶ δυνατὸν ἡμῖν,
ἐπεὶ δὲ δεῖ τοῦτον τῇ σκηνῇ ᾿καταδέχεσθαι, δεῖ
πρῶτον ἡμῖν" τοῦ ἱερατευσομένου καὶ ὑπηρετή-
σοντος ταῖς θυσίαις καὶ ταῖς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν εὐχαῖς.

1 χρυσείᾳ SP. 5. ὑμῖν ROSP : om. Lat,

α ξ1ρ5ὅ. So Clement of Alexandria, Strom. v. 668 P. οἱ δύο
ἄνθρακες διά τε τὸν Κρόνον καὶ τὴν NedNjvnv; Philo inentions
this explanation but prefers another, De vita Mos. ii. 19 (122).

406

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 185-189

pinned the high-priest’s robe.* As for the twelve
stones, whether one would preter to read in them the
months or the constellations of like number, which
the Greeks call the eircle of the zodiac, he will not
mistake the lawgiver’s intention. Furthermore, the
head-dress appears to me to symbolize heaven, being
blue ; else it would not have borne upon it the name
of God, blazoned upon the erown—a crown, more-
over, ae gold by reason of that sheen in which the
Deity most delights.? Let it sufhee me to have
pursued this topic thus far, since my subject will afford
me frequent and ample oecasion to discourse upon
the merits of the lawgiver.

(viii, 1) Now when the work of which I have Aaron
spoken was complete but the offerings had not ΟΣ
‘et been consecrated, God appeared to Moses and es

ν΄. να, 1.
charged him to confer the priesthood upon Aaron his
brother, as the man whose virtues rendered him
more deserving than all to obtain this dignity. So,
convening the people in assembly, he recounted his
own merits, his benevolence. and the perils which
he had sustained on their behalf. And when they
attested that all his words were true and displayed
their devotion to him, “ Men of Israel,” said he,
“the work has now reached its end, as was best
pleasing to God himself and as we had power to
accomplish it; but since it behoves us to receive
Him into the tabernacle, we need first of all one to
discharge the office of priest and minister for the
sacrifices and for the intereessions on our behalf.

* Cf, § 184: and Milton, “ar. Lost iti. 3 **since God is
light, And never but in unapproached light Dwelt from
eternity.”

407

JOSEPHUS

190 Kat ἔγωγε ταύτης ἐμοὶ τῆς σκέψεως ἐπιτραπείσης

10]

192

193

ἐμαυτὸν ἂν τῆς τιμῆς ἄξιον ἔκρινα, διά τε τὸ
φύσει πάντας εἶναι φιλαύτους καὶ ὅτι πολλὰ
ἐμαυτῷ καμόντι περὶ σωτηρίας τῆς ὑμετέρας
σύνοιδα" νῦν δ᾽ αὐτὸς ὁ θεὸς ᾿Ααρῶνα τῆς τιμῆς
[ταύτης] ἄξιον ἔκρινε καὶ τοῦτον ἤἥρηται ἱερέα,
τὸν δικαιότερον ἡμῶν" μᾶλλον εἰδώς, ὡς οὗτος
ἐνδύσεται στολὴν τῷ θεῷ καθωσιωμένην καὶ
βωμῶν ἐπιμέλειαν ἕξει καὶ πρόνοιαν ἱερείων καὶ
τὰς ὑπὲρ ἡμῶν εὐχὰς ποιήσεται πρὸς τὸν θεὸν
ἡδέως ἀκουσόμενον, ὅτι τε κήδεται γένους τοῦ
ἡμετέρου καὶ παρ᾽ ἀνδρὸς ὃν αὐτὸς ἐπελέξατο
γινομένας προσδέχεται ταύτας. “Εβραῖοι δὲ ἠρέ-
σκοντο τοῖς λεγομένοις καὶ συνήνουν τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ
χειροτονίᾳ" ἣν γὰρ ᾿ΑΛαρὼν διά τε τὸ γένος καὶ
τὴν προφητείαν καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν τἀδελφοῦ πρὸς
[τὴν] τιμὴν ἁπάντων ἀξιολογώτερος. ἦσαν δ᾽
αὐτῷ καὶ παῖδες κατ᾽ ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον τέσσαρες
Νάβαδος ᾿Αβιοῦς. ᾿Ελεάζαρος ᾿Ιθάμαρος.

(9) Ὅσα δὲ τῶν πρὸς τὴν τῆς σκηνῆς κατα-
σκευὴν παρεσκευασμένων mV περιττά, ταῦτ᾽ ἐκέ-
λευσεν εἰς φάρση σκεπαστήρια τῆς τε σκηνῆς
αὐτῆς καὶ τῆς λυχνίας καὶ τοῦ θυμιατηρίου καὶ
τῶν ἄλλων σκευῶν ἀναλῶσαι, ὅπως κατὰ τὴν
ὁδοιπορίαν ταῦτα μήτ᾽ ἐξ ὑετοῦ μηδὲν μήτ᾽ ἐκ

194 κονιορτοῦ βλάπτηται. τό τε πλῆθος ἀθροίσας

1 om. RO. 2 ex Lat.: ὑμῶν codd.
3 ins. MSL (Lat.): om. rel].

“ So the Jewish Midrash on Lev. viii. 1 (quoted by Weill).

® Or ‘“‘ the more deserving of us (twain) ’’; or possibly
“knowing better than ourselves who is the more worthy to
don ”’ ete.

+08

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IIT. 190-194

For my part, had the weighing of this matter been
entrusted to me, I should lane adjudged myself
worthy of the dignity,? alike from that self-love that
is innate in all, as also beeause I am eonseious of
having laboured abundantly for your salvation. But
now God himself has judged Aaron worthy of this
honour and has chosen him to he priest, ‘knowing
him to be the most deserving among us.° So it is he
who will don the vestments econseerated to God, have
eharge of the altars, attend to the saerifiees, and
afer the prayers on our behalf to God, who will
gladly hear them, both from the eare that He has for
our raee, and ἜΗΝ eoming from a man of His own
choosing. He eannot but aceept them.” The Hebrews
were pleased with this speeeh and aequicseed in the
divine eleetion ; for Aaron, by reason of his birth,
his prophetieal gift, and his brother’s virtues. was
more highly qualified than all for the dignity. He
had at that time four sons: Nabad,¢ Abihu, Eleazar,
and Ithamar.

(2) As for the surplus @ of the materials provided
for the furniture of the tabernacle, all these Moses
ordered to be devoted to making proteetive coverings
for the tabernaele itself, for ihe eandelabrum, fe
the altar of ineense, and for the other vessels, in order
that these should suffer no injury on thie march,
whether from rain or dust. Then, assembling the

© So, with transposition of consonants ina few LXX Mss., aS
opposed to the ordinary form ‘ Nadab ” (fx. xxviii. 1).

4 This sentence finds no parallel in Scripture. Weill
suggests that δ᾽ surplus’? comes from Josephus having read
the obseure word serdd, rendered “ finely w ronght. (gar-
ments)’ in Ix, xxxi. 10 ete., as saréd ‘remaining over";
but the context of Exodus has nothing about protective
coverings.

Coverings
for the
tabernacle,

JOSEPHUS

/ 2 ‘ ? ~ ’
πάλιν εἰσφορὰν αὐτῷ προσέταξεν εἰσφέρειν σίκλου

\ “ δ; ) ς \ , ,
195 ΤῸ ἡμίσυν κα Εεκαστον, O δὲ σίκλος νομίσμα

‘EBpatwy ὧν ᾿Αττικὰς δέχεται δραχμὰς τέσσαρας"

¢ δ᾽ ¢ é ς 7 = ? , ’ ~ \
196 οἱ ἐτοίμως ὑπήκουον οἷς ἐκέλευσε Mears Kat

107

198

199

τὸ πλῆθος τῶν εἰσφερόντων ἦν ἑξήκοντα μυριάδες
͵ \
καὶ πεντακισχίλιοι καὶ πεντακόσιοι καὶ πεντή-
wv δὲ A 3 ? ~ 3 ,ὔ ς
κοντα. ἔφερον δὲ τὸ ἀργύριον τῶν ἐλευθέρων οἱ
3 ~ Mv
ἀπὸ εἴκοσι ἐτῶν ἄχρι πεντήκοντα γεγονότες. TO
‘ > ‘ \ \
δὲ συγκομισθὲν εἰς τὰς περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν χρείας
ἀναλοῦτο.
o Vip δὲ A ‘ \ ΗΝ ‘ e ,
(3) “Hyvele 0€ καὶ τὴν σκηνὴν καὶ τοὺς ἱερέας
/ 4 ~
τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ποιούμενος αὐτῶν τὴν κάθαρσιν.
’ ᾽
σμύρνης ἐπιλέκτου σίκλους πεντακοσίους καὶ ἴρεως
\ ‘
ἴσους, κινναμώμου δὲ Kal καλάμου, ἔστι δὲ Kat
a s 7, ec oF wm
τοῦτο εἶδος θυμιάματος, ἡμίσειαν τῶν πρότερον
vA 3 ¢
ὁλκὴν κεκομμένα devew ἐκέλευσεν, ἐλαίου τε
3 he °” ? 5° > \ “- δ] ’ 7
ἐλαΐνου εἵν, μέτρον ἐστὶ τοῦτο ἐπιχώριον δύο
Ὁ , 3 ,
yoas ᾿Αττικοὺς δεχόμενον, ἀναμίξαντας καὶ καθ-
, ͵ ~ a
εψήσαντας σκευάσαι τέχνῃ μυρεψῶν χρῖσμα εὐ-
~ \ ᾿ς
ωδέστατον. κάπειτα τοῦτο λαβὼν αὐτούς τε τοὺς
~ \ 4 ’ὔ
ἱερέας καὶ πᾶσαν τὴν σκηνὴν χρίων κεκάθαρκε,
‘ 9 » \ ~
τά Te θυμιώμενα, πολλὰ δ᾽ ἐστὶ ταῦτα καὶ ποικίλα,
‘ ~ ~
κατὰ τὴν σκηνὴν ἐπὶ τοῦ χρυσοῦ θυμιατηρίου
~ , ,
μεγάλης πάνυ τιμῆς ὄντα συνεφέρετο, ὧν Tapa-
7 ‘ , 3 ~ \ > »
λείπω τὴν φύσιν ἐκδιηγεῖσθαι, μὴ δι΄ ὄχλου
a 3 ? \ A ~ e /
γένηται τοῖς ἐντυγχάνουσι. dis δὲ THs ἡμέρας
- a oY \ ~
πρίν τε ἀνασχεῖν τὸν ἥλιον Kat πρὸς δυσμαῖς
μῆς ~ 9 , / >
θυμιᾶν ἐχρῆν ἔλαιόν τε ἁγνίσαντας φυλάσσειν ets
> \ LY ~ > \ ~ ς ~
τοὺς λύχνους, ὧν τοὺς μὲν τρεῖς ἐπὶ TH ιερᾷ

δι ΞΕ ΞΕ -.---.

4 The annual poll-tax imposed on Jews for the upkeep of
410

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 194-199

people again, he imposed on them a eontribution The halt-

of half a “shekel ‘ α for each man, the shekel bei

ere obeyed this behest of Moses and the are
of contributors amounted to 605,550,¢ the money
being brought by all free men aged from twenty
years up to fifty. The sum thus colleeted was ex-
pended upon the needs of the tabernacle.

(3) Furthermore he sanctified both the tabernacle
and the priests, proceeding on this wise to their
purification. Five hundred shekels of choice myrrh.
an equal quantity of iris, with half that w eight of
einnamon and ealamus ὦ (another species of perfume)
were, by his orders, to be pounded and soaked; a
hin of olive oil (the hin being a native measure equi-
valent to two Attic choes) was to be mixed therewith
and the whole conecoeted and boiled down by the
perfumer’s art into an ointment of sweetest fragrance.
Then, taking this, he anointed both the priests them-
selves and all the tabernacle, thus purifying all.
Also the perfumes, of which there were many of
divers kinds. were all assembled in the tabernacle on
the golden altar of ineense. being of exceeding value ;
their nature 1 forbear to deseribe from fear of w eary-
ing my readers. But twiee each day, before sunrise
and at sunset, it was requisite to burn ineense and
to sanctify oil in reservation for the lamps, three of
the temple up to its destruction in a.p. 70, when the tax was
confiscated by the Romans (B.J. vii. 218).

ὑ Reinach disputes this computation; but at least it
accords with the use of δίδραχμον for the half-shekel tax, which
is found not only in Josephus (A. xviii. 3t2, ef. BJ. loc. cit.)
but in Matt. xvii. 2+.

ς 1160. and: Exx -) 608.550" (Βχκ. χχχυῆης 26).

¢ ‘The Greek names for these perfumes are those used
itt LXX.

41]

shekel con-

ee a cao:

The anoint-
ing oil and
perfumes of

purification,
ἰδ. Ὁ;

Cf, 2 Chron.
ΧΕΙ, 1].

200

20]

202

203

JOSEPHUS

λυχνίᾳ φέγγειν ἔδει τῷ θεῷ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν,
τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς περὶ τὴν ἑσπέραν ἀπτοντὰς.

(4) ᾿Απάντων δ᾽ ἤδη πέρας εἰληφότων ἔδοξαν
ἄριστοι. τῶν δημιουργῶν Βεσελέηλος" καὶ ᾿λία-
Bos, τῶν γὰρ ἐξευρημένων τοῖς προτέροις αὐτοὶ
προεθυμήθησαν ἀμείνονα προσεξεργάσασθαι, λαβεῖν
τε ἐπίνοιαν ὧν πρότερον ἠγνόουν τὴν κατασκευὴν
ἱκανώτατοι: τούτων μέντοι [βεσελέηλον συνέβη
κριθῆναι τὸν κράτιστον. ὁ δὲ πᾶς χρόνος εἰς τὸ
ἔργον διῆλθε μηνῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο ad’ οὗ
τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἐξέλιπον ἐνιαυτὸς αὐτοῖς πρῶτος
ἐτελειοῦτο. ἀρχομένου δὲ τοῦ δευτέρου ἔτους,
μηνὶ Ξανθικῷ κατὰ Μακεδόνας Νισὰν δὲ κατὰ
Ἑβραίους, νουμηνίᾳ τὴν σκηνὴν ἀφιεροῦσι καὶ
πάνθ᾽ ὅσα περὶ αὐτὴν σκεύη μοι δεδήλωται.

(5) ᾿Ιπέδειξε δὲ ὁ θεὸς αὑτὸν ἡσθέντα τῷ ἔργῳ
τῶν “EBpaiwy καὶ μὴ μάτην αὐτοὺς πονήσαντας
ὑπερηφανίᾳ τῆς χρήσεως, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεξενώθη καὶ
κατεσκήνωσεν ἐν: τῷ ναῷ τούτῳ. τὴν δὲ παρ-
ουσίαν οὕτως ἐποίησεν" ὁ μὲν οὐρανὸς καθαρὸς ἢ ἦν,
ὑπὲρ δὲ τὴν σκηνὴν μόνην ἤχλυσεν οὔτε βαθεῖ
πάνυ νέφει καὶ πυκνῷ περιλαβὼν αὐτήν, ὥστ᾽
εἶναι δόξαι χειμέριον, οὔτε μὴν λεπτὸν οὕτως,
ὥστε τὴν ὄψιν ἰσχύσαι τί δι᾿ αὐτοῦ κατανοῆσαι"
ἡδεῖα δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ δρόσος ἔρρει καὶ θεοῦ δηλοῦσα
παρουσίαν τοῖς τοῦτο καὶ βουλομένοις καὶ πε-

,
πιστευκόσι.

1 Βεσέβηλος RM: sic infra Βεσέβηλον M; cf. ὃ 105.

* From the Bible it appears: that the lamps were lit only
at even (Ex. xxx. 8, 1 Sam. iii. 3), but ambiguous phrases in
other passages gave rise to conflicting traditions. That
given by Josephus is said to have the support of the oldest

412

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 199-203

whieh had to be kept burning on the holy eandela-
brum in God’s honour throughout the day, the rest
being lit at even.”

(4) Everything having now been eompleted, the
craftsmen who were pronounced the most excellent
were Beseleél and Eliab, for to the inventions of
their predeeessors they were zcalous to add others
yet better and were most capable in contriving
objeets the fabrication of whieh was till then un-
known; but of the two Beseleél was adjudged the
best. The whole time occupied upon the work was
seven months,® at the elose of which was completed
their first year sinee their departure from Egypt.
It was at the beginning of the seeond year, in the
month of Xanthicus aeeording to the Maeedonians
and of Nisan aecording to the Hebrews, on the new
moon, that they consecrated the tabernaele with all
the vessels pertaining thereto which I have deseribed.

(5) Then did God manifest that He was well
pleased with the work of the Hebrews and, far from
rendering their labour vain by disdaining to make
use of it,” He eame as their guest and took up His
abode in this sanetuary. And it was on this wise
that He made his entry. While the heaven was
serene, over the tabernaele alone darkness descended,
enveloping it in a cloud not so profound and dense
as might be attributed to winter storm, nor yet so
tenuous that the eye could perceive a thing through
it; but a delicious dew ὁ was distilled therefrom,
revealing God’s presence to those who both desired
it and believed in it.
Rabbinical commentary on Numbers and Deuteronomy
(Sifré, p. 16 a, quoted by Weill).

® Reekoning not in Scripture.

¢ Text doubtful. ¢ Not in Scripture.

413

The
craftsmen,

The conse-
cration of
tie
tabernacle,
Kix. xl. 17,

Mantfesta-
tion of God 3
presence,

[b. 34.

204

205

206

207

208

JOSEPHUS

(6) διΙωυσῆς δὲ τοὺς τέκτονας οἵαις εἰκὸς ἦν
δωρεαῖς τοὺς τοιαῦτα ἐργασαμένους τιμήσας ἔθυεν
ἐν τῷ τῆς σκηνῆς ᾿αἰθρίῳ κατὰ προσταγὴν τοῦ
θεοῦ ταῦρον καὶ κριὸν καὶ ἔριφον ὑ ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτάδων,
καὶ δή, λέγειν γὰρ ἐν τοῖς περὶ θυσιῶν μέλλω τὰ
πρασσόμενα περὶ τὰς ἱερουργίας ἐν ἐκείνοις δηλώ-
σων περί τε ὧν ὁλοκαυτεῖν κελεύει καὶ ὧν Μμετα-
λαμβάνειν τῆς βρώσεως ἐφίησιν ὁ νόμος, κακ τοῦ
αἵματος τῶν τεθυμένων τήν τε στολὴν τοῦ ᾿Ααρῶ-
νος καὶ αὐτὸν σὺν τοῖς παισὶν ἔρραινεν ἀφαγνίσας
πηγαίοις τε ὕδασι καὶ μύρῳ, ἵνα τοῦ θεοῦ γί-
γνοιντο. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν ἡμέρας ἑπτὰ τοῦτον τὸν
τρόπον αὐτούς τε καὶ τὰς στολὰς ἐθεράπευε τήν
τε σκηνὴν καὶ τὰ περὶ αὐτὴν σκεύη ἐλαίῳ τε
προθυμιωμένῳ,' καθὼς εἶπον, καὶ τῷ αἵματι τῶν
ταύρων καὶ κριῶν σφαγέντων καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν
ἑνὸς κατὰ γένος, τῇ δὲ ὀγδόῃ κατήγγειλεν ἑορτὴν
τῷ λαῷ καὶ θύειν προσέταξε κατὰ δύναμιν. οἵ
δ᾽ ἀλλήλοις ἁμιλλώμενοι καὶ ὑπερβάλλειν φιλο-
τιμούμενοι τὰς θυσίας, ἃς ἕκαστος ἐπιφέροι, τοῖς
λεγομένοις ὑπήκουον. ἐπικειμένων δὲ τῶν ἱερῶν"
τῷ βωμῷ αἰφνίδιον ἐξ αὐτῶν" πῦρ ἀνήφθη αὐτό-
ματον, καὶ ὅμοιον ἀστραπῆς λαμπηδόνι ὁρώμενον
τῇ φλογὶ πάντα ἐδαπάνα τὰ ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ.

(7) Συνέβη δὲ καὶ ᾿Λαρῶνι συμφορά τις ἐκ τού-

ὯΝ 15 προθυομένῳ SPE: προχριομένωνί νὴ) OCR).
2 ἱερείων SPL. 3. αὐτοῦ: KO.

43

α The projected work on “C ustoms and Causes’ often
mentioned προ Ns : not. [ think, ‘‘ when I come to speak
of the sacrifices later on’: §§ 224 ff. do not contain the
detailed information here promised. The text here (a paren-
thesis, perhaps a p.s.) and below (§§ 215 ἢν, 218, 223 ἢ)

414

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠΠ. 204-208

(6) Moses, after reeompensing with fitting bounties Imaugural
ceremonies,
the ποτ δ αχθς who had executed works so excellent, gx, χχίχοις
saerificeed in the outer court of the tabernaele, as /e Vv! 1.
enjoined by God, a bull, a ram, and a kid as atone-
ment for sins. (I propose in my treatise on saerifiees “
to speak of the ritual of these sacred ceremonies, and
to indicate there in which cases the law ordains a
holocaust of the victim, and in which it permits a
portion to be used for consumption.) Then, with the
blood of the victims, he sprinkled Aaron’s vestments
and Aaron himself, together with his sons, purging
them with water from the spring and with sweet oil,
in order to devote them to God. So for seven days
he continued this process, purifying both them and
their vestments, as also the tabernacle and _ its
vessels, both with oil that had been previously fumi-
gated, as 1 have said,’ and with the blood of bulls and
of goats, of which they slaughtered every day one of
each sort; then on the eighth day he announced a
feast for fhe people and bade them offer sacrifices,
each according to his means. They thereupon,
vying with and striving to surpass one another in
ὙΠῈ ἡ respective offerings, obeyed these behests.
And when the vietims were Jaid™ upon the altar, of a 1, ix. 24.
sudden a fire blazed up therefrom spontaneously,
and, like a flash of lightning before their eyes, con-
sumed everything upon the sale in flame.
(7) But this fire was also the cause of a misfortune

hetrays signs of rewriting. The author seems to be in
doubt how much to inelude in the present work on the
sacrifices, how much to reserve for a separate treatise, and
breaks off more than once from the subject. Probably,
when the projected treatise was finally abandoned, be
incorporated much more of its intended contents in. later
editions of the latiquélies, δ δ 190.

415

209

210

212

213

JOSEPHUS

tov λογιζομένῳ ws ἐπ᾽ ἀνθρώπῳ Kai πατρί, yev-
vatws δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ καρτερηθεῖσα, ὅτι καὶ τὴν
ψυχὴν πρὸς τὰ συμπίπτοντα στερρὸς ἦν καὶ κατὰ
βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ ἡγεῖτο τὸ πάθος γεγονέναι" τῶν
γὰρ υἱῶν αὐτοῦ τεσσάρων ὄντων, ὡς προεῖπον,
δύο οἱ πρεσβύτεροι NaBados καὶ ᾿Λβιοῦς κομί-
σαντες ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν οὐχ ὧν προεῖπε Μωυσῆς
θυμιαμάτων,, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς ἐχρῶντο πρότερον, κατεκαύ-
θησαν τοῦ πυρὸς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς τὴν ὁρμὴν βαλόντος
καὶ τὰ στέρνα καὶ τὰ πρόσωπα φλέγειν αὐτῶν
ἀρξαμένου καὶ σβέσαι μηδενὸς δυναμένου. καὶ οἱ
μὲν οὕτως ἀπέθανον, δίωυσῆς δὲ κελεύει τὸν
πατέρα αὐτῶν καὶ τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς βαστάξαντας
τὰ σώματα καὶ κομίσαντας τῆς παρεμβολῆς ἔξω
θάψαι μεγαλοπρεπῶς. πενθεῖ δὲ αὐτοὺς τὸ πλῆθος
χαλεπῶς ἐπὶ τῷ θανάτῳ παρὰ δόξαν οὕτω γεγενη-
μένῳ διατεθέν. μόνους δὲ Mwvorjs τοὺς ἀδελφοὺς
αὐτῶν καὶ τὸν πατέρα μὴ φροντίζειν τῆς ἐπ᾽
αὐτοῖς λύπης ἠξίωσε, προκρίναντας τὴν εἰς τὸν
θεὸν τιμὴν τοῦ περὶ αὐτοὺς σκυθρωποῦ" ἤδη yap
᾿Ααρὼν καὶ τὴν στολὴν τὴν ἱερὰν ἠμφίεστο.

(8) Μωυσῆς δὲ πᾶσαν τιμὴν παραιτησάμενος, ἣν
ἑώρα τὸ πλῆθος αὐτῷ παρασχεῖν ἕτοιμον, πρὸς
μόνῃ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ θεραπείᾳ διετέλει. καὶ τῶν
μὲν εἰς τὸ Σιναῖον ἀνόδων ἀπείχετο, εἰς δὲ τὴν
σκηνὴν εἰσιὼν ἐχρηματίζετο περὶ ὧν ἐδεῖτο παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ, ἰδιωτεύων καὶ τῇ στολῇ καὶ πᾶσι τοῖς
ἄλλοις ἄγων ἑαυτὸν δημοτικώτερον καὶ μηδὲν
βουλόμενος τῶν πολλῶν διαφέρειν δοκεῖν ἢ μόνῳ
τῷ προνοούμενος αὐτῶν βλέπεσθαι. ἔτι δὲ τὴν

LO: θιμάτων rell.

α § 192, > Bibl. Nadab (§ 199 note).

416

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 208-213

for Aaron, if regarded as a man and a father, albeit
the blow was valiantly borne by him, because he had
a soul steeled against accidents and believed that it
was by God’s will that the tragedy befell. For he
had four sons, as I have already mentioned,? and of
these the two eldest, Nabad® and Abihu, having
brought to the altar, not the incense which Moses
had prescribed, but such as they had used aforetime,
were burnt to death, the fire darting out upon them
and beginning to consume their breasts and faces
while none could extinguish it. Thus they died ;
and Moses bade their father and their brethren ¢
take up their corpses, convey them without the camp,
and give them lordly burial. They were mourned by
the multitude, who were grievously affected by the
death which had so unexpectedly befallen them ;
their brethren and their father alone did Moses
require to refrain from any thoughts of grief for
them, putting the homage due to God above any
frowning over their loss. Tor Aaron had already
been invested with the priestly robes.

(8) Moses, for his part, having declined every
honour which he saw that the people were ready to
confer on him, devoted himself solely to the service
of God. Desisting from further ascents of Sinai,
he now entered the tabernacle and there received

responses on all that he besought from God ; dressed ἡ

like any ordinary person, in all else he bore himsclf
as a simple commoner, who desired in nothing to
appear different from the crowd, save only in being
seen to have their interests at heart. Furthermore,

ὁ In Lev. x. 4 it is “* Mishael and Elzaphan, the sons of

Uzziel the uncle of Aaron ’’ who are instructed to remove the
corpses.

447

Death of
two sons of
Aaron,
Geve Xd

Moses
engaged in
writing the
Laws.

Numb. vii.
39,

214

215

JOSEPHUS

πολιτείαν καὶ νόμους [αὐτῶν ἔγραφε, καθ᾽ ovs
κεχαρισμένως τῷ θεῷ βιώσονται μηδὲν ἀλλήλοις
ἐγκαλεῖν ἔχοντες: ταῦτα “μέντοι κατὰ τὴν ὑπ-
αγόρευσιν τοῦ θεοῦ συνετάττετο. διέξειμι μὲν οὖν
περὶ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ τῶν νόμων.

(9) “O μέντοι περὶ τῆς τοῦ ἀρχιερέως “στολῆς
παρέλιπον διελθεῖν βούλομαι: οὐδαμόθεν γὰρ προ-
φητῶν" κακουργίαις κατέλιπεν ἀφορμήν, εἰ Kal’
τίνες τοιοῦτοι γένοιντο παρεγχειρεῖν τῷ τοῦ θεοῦ
ἀξιώματι, αὐτοκράτορα δ᾽ εἶναι τὸν ϑεὸν παρα-
τυγχάνειν τοῖς ἱεροῖς. κατέλιπεν ὁ ὁπότε θελήσειε καὶ
μὴ παρεῖναι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ οὐχ Ἑβραίοις δῆλον εἶναι
μόνον ἠθέλησεν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ξένων τοῖς παρα-
τυγχάνουσι. τῶν γὰρ λίθων, οὗς ἐπὶ τοῖς ὦμοις
φέρειν τὸν ἀρχιερέα προεῖπον, σαρδόνυχες δὲ ἦσαν
καὶ σημαίνειν. αὐτῶν τὴν φύσιν ἡγοῦμαι περισσὸν
πᾶσιν εἰς γνῶσιν ἀφιγμένων, συνέβαινε “λάμπειν,
ὁπότε ταῖς ἱερουργίαις ὁ θεὸς παρείη, τὸν ἕτερον
τὸν ἐπὶ τῷ δεξιῷ τῶν ὦμων πεπορπημέν ov αὐγῆς
ἀποπηδώσης καὶ τοῖς πορρωτάτω φαινομένης, οὐ
πρότερον ταύτης ὑπαρχούσης τῷ λίθῳ. θαυμαστὸν
μὲν οὖν καὶ τοῦτο τοῖς μὴ τὴν σοφίαν ἐπ᾽ ἐκ-

Vans, KO: -om, rell.
2 συκοφαντῶν SPL. 3 O: δέ rell.

@ In fact we have a little below chapters on the sacrifices
and laws of purity connected therewith ($§ 224-273), followed
by marriage and other laws (§§ 274-286); the summary of
the ‘constitution’ or Mosaic code as a whole is postponed
to the next book (iv. 196 ff.). See notes on ὃ 205 and
$227.

δ καὶ 168.

¢ What follows is the author's interpretation of the mysteri-
ous Urim and Thummim (words meaning * Lights and Per-

415

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 213-216

he was committing to writing their constitution and
laws, in accordance with which they would live a life
well-pleasing to God, without any cause for mutual
reproach ; all this, however, he drew up under the
inspiration of God. I will proceed, then, to dilate
on the constitution and the laws.

(9) However, I would here record a detail which
I omitted concerning the vestments of the high-
priest. For Moses left no possible opening for the
malpractices of prophets, should there in fact be any
capable of abusing the divine prerogative, but left
to God supreme authority whether to attend the
sacred rites, when it so pleased Him, or to absent
himself; and this he wished to be made manitest
not to Hebrews only but also to any strangers who
chanced to be present. Well, of those stones which,
as 1 said before,? the high-priest wore upon his
shoulders—they were sardonyxes, and I deem. it
superfluous to indicate the nature of jewels familiar
to all—it came about, whenever God assisted at the
sacred ceremonies, that the one that was buckled
on the right shoulder began to shine,° a light glancing
from it, visible to the most distant, of which the
stone had before betrayed no trace. That alone
should be marvel enough for such as have not culti-

fections ’’), and an erroneous one. All that can be said with
certainty about these primitive objects of divination is that
they were something distinct from the stones on shoulder
and breastplate and were kept within the latter: ** And
thou shalt put in the breastplate (or ‘* pouch ’’) of judgement
the: Utim: and: the: fhunimim: Chex -xxvillie 30h ΕΠ δ᾽ txx
rendering of that passage, καὶ ἐπιθήσεις ἐπὶ (on) τὸ Noyeov τῆς
κρίσεως τὴν δήλωσιν καὶ τὴν ἀλήθειαν, and its rendering
elsewhere (Numb. xxvii. 21) of Urim by δῆλοι (se. λίθοι,
δ conspicuous stones ’’) seems to have led to the interpreta.
tion in the text. See Hastings, D.B. s.v.

419

Oracular
flashing of
the stones
on the high-
priest's
robes.

td
—
~]

OTs

210

220

JOSEPHUS

φαυλισμῷ τῶν θείων ἡσκηκόσιν, 6 δ᾽ ἐστὶ τούτου
θαυμασιώτερον ἐρῶ: διὰ γὰρ τῶν δώδεκα λίθων,
ods κατὰ στέρνον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐνερραμμένους τῷ
ἐσσῆνι φορεῖ, νίκην μέλλουσι πολεμεῖν προεμήνυεν
ὁ θεός" τοσαύτη γὰρ ἀπήστραπτεν am’ αὐτῶν αὐγὴ
μήπω τῆς στρατιᾶς κεκινημένης, ὡς τῷ πλήθει
παντὶ γνώριμον εἶναι τὸ παρεῖναι τὸν "θεὸν εἰς
τὴν ἐπικουρίαν, ὅθεν Ἕλληνες οἱ τὰ ἡμέτερα
τιμῶντες ἔθη διὰ τὸ μηδὲν ἀντιλέγειν δύνασθαι
τούτοις τὸν ἐσσῆνα λόγιον καλοῦσιν. ἐπαύσατο
μὲν οὖν ὅ τε ἐσσὴν καὶ ὁ σαρδόνυξ τοῦ λάμπειν
ἔτεσι διακοσίοις πρότερον ἢ ταύτην ἐμὲ συνθεῖναι
τὴν γραφήν, τοῦ θεοῦ δυσχεράναντος ἐπὶ τῇ
παραβάσει τῶν νόμων, περὶ ὧν ἐροῦμεν εὐκαιρό-
τερον. τρέψομαι δὲ νῦν ἐπὶ τὸν ἑξῆς λόγον.

(10) ἰκαθιερωμένης. γὰρ ἤδη" τῆς σκηνῆς καὶ
διακεκοσμημένων τῶν περὶ τοὺς ἱερέας τό τε
πλῆθος ὁμόσκηνον αὐτῷ τὸν θεὸν ἔκρινεν εἶναι
καὶ τρέπεται πρὸς θυσίας τε καὶ ἀνέσεις" ὡς
ἅπασαν ἤδη κακοῦ προσδοκίαν ἀπεωσμένον, καὶ
περὶ τῶν μελλόντων ὡς ἀμεινόνων εὐθυμοῦντες"
δωρεάς τε τῷ θεῷ τὰς μὲν κοινῇ τὰς δὲ [καὶ]
κατ᾽ ἰδίαν ἀνετίθεσαν κατὰ φυλάς. οἵ τε γὰρ
φύλαρχοι κατὰ δύο συνελθόντες ἅμαξαν καὶ δύο
βόας προσκομίζουσιν: ἕξ μὲν οὖν ἦσαν αὗται καὶ

1 δὴ RO. 2 ex Lat. requiem: αἰνέσεις codd.
> conj. Cocceii: ἐπιθυμοῦντες codd. 4 om. RO.

α λόγιον is the Lxx version of the Heb. word rendered in
the E.V. “ breastplate,”” Ex. xxviii. 15 ete.

ὑ The work was completed in a.p. 93-94 (xx. 267) and was
probably 15 or more years in the making. The 200 years
420

—

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 216-220

vated a superior wisdom to disparage all religious
things; but I have yet a greater marvel to record.
By means of the twelve stones, which the high-priest
wore upon his breast stitched into the essén, God
foreshowed victory to those on the eve of battle. For
so brilliant a light flashed out from them, ere the
army was yet in motion, that it was evident to the
whole host that God had come to their aid. Hence
it is that those Greeks who revere our practices,
because they can in no way gainsay them, call the
essén logion (“ oracle ’’).2 Howbeit, essén and sar-
donyx alike ceased to shine two hundred years before
I composed this work.? beeause of God’s displeasure
at the transgression of the laws. But of them we
shall have a better opportunity to speak; for the
present 1 will revert to the course of my narrative.
(10) The tabernacle having now been consecrated
and all arrangements made relating to the priests,
the people, assured of God’s fellowship with them
in the tent, gave themselves up to the offering of
sacrifices ad to relaxation,® believing themselves
at last to have banished all prospect “of ill and in
cheerful confidence that the future had _ better
things in store : and, tribe by tribe, they offered
ifis, whether publie or private, to God: Thus the
tribal leaders eame two and two, each pair bringing
a wagon and two oxen, there being six such wagons

take us back to the close of the theocracy at the death of
John Hyreanns (135-05 B.c.), the prophet who ‘‘ was so
closely in touch with the Deity that he was never ignorant
of the future’’ (B.J. i. 69) But the statement is nn-
supported. According to Palestinian tradition the oracle
of Urim and Thummiin ceased earlier, “ at the death of the
first prophets ’’ after the return from captivity (Sota ix. 14,
quoted by Weill).
¢ Or, with another reading, ‘ praises.”

42]

Offerings of
the tribal
chiefs.
Numb. vii. 1.

2

no

2)

JOSEPHUS

‘ \ > “-ι

τὴν σκηνὴν ἐν ταῖς ὁδοιπορίαις παρεκόμιζον. πρὸς
, “ , ͵ \ ,

τούτοις ἕκαστος φιάλην τε κομίζει καὶ τρύβλιον
\ oh Ἁ

καὶ θυΐσκην, τὴν μὲν δαρεικοὺς δέκα δυναμένην
\ a 4 Ἁ \ “ ‘ «

καὶ πλήρη θυμιαμάτων: τὸ δὲ τρύβλιον καὶ ἡ
(λ 2 “A δὲ ἰοὺ 'κλ A € δύ ὃ
ιάλη, ἀργυρᾷ δὲ ἦν, σίκλους μὲν αἱ δύο δια-

7 -

κοσίους εἷλκον, εἰς δὲ τὴν φιάλην ἑβδομήκοντα
/ ὃ ὃ / λ “ δὲ εν LA /

μόνοι δεδαπάνηντο, πλήρεις δὲ ἦσαν ἀλεύρων

3 é 7 a o~ aA “A

ἐλαίῳ πεφυραμένων, οἷς ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ χρῶνται πρὸς
Ἁ ¢€

τὰς ἱερουργίας: μόσχον τε καὶ κριὸν σὺν ἀρνίῳ
~ 3 4 ~ a

τῶν ἐτησίων' ὁλομελῆ καυθησόμενα καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς
/ 33ϑΆ " , ao

χίμαρον ἐπὶ παραιτήσε. ἁμαρτημάτων. προσῆγε
3 “ 3 , Ὁ A « ’ὔ

δὲ τῶν ἀρχόντων ἕκαστος καὶ ἑτέρας θυσίας

4 ¢e

σωτηρίους λεγομένας Kal? ἑκάστην ἡμέραν δύο
7] Ἁ

βόας καὶ πέντε κριοὺς σὺν aprdow ἐτείοις καὶ

Ὁ e \ 4 / Ae | « , *

ἐρίφοις. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ θύουσιν ἐπὶ ἡμέρας δώδεκα

κατὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέραν εἷς: Μωυσῆς δὲ οὐκέτ᾽ ἀνα-
, Birk oN \ ~ > 3 > \ \ > Ἁ

βαίνων ἐπὶ τὸ Σιναῖον ἀλλ᾽ εἰς τὴν σκηνὴν εἰσιὼν

“-- ,ὔ o~
ἀνεμάνθανε παρὰ θεοῦ περί τε τῶν πρακτέων Kal
τῶν νόμων τῆς συντάξεως: οὗς κρείττονας ἢ κατὰ
“ 3 \ ͵

σύνεσιν ἀνθρωπίνην ὄντας εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα βεβαίως

αἰῶνα συνέβη φυλαχθῆναι, δωρεὰν εἶναι δόξαντας

τοῦ θεοῦ, ὡς μήτ᾽ ἐν εἰρήνῃ ὑπὸ τρυφῆς μήτ᾽ ἐν

/ > > ? eT ’ “- 4

πολέμῳ κατ᾽ ἀνάγκην ᾿Ιἱβραίους mapaPivat twa
“A \ A Ἁ v4 /

τῶν νόμων. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων παύομαι

1 τῶν ἐτ.} ἐτείῳ RO.

4 Or “ platter’’; the Greek terms used for the three
articles are those employed by the txx (Numb. vii. 13 Εν
Ev δ ρέει < bowl. τ -spoon.’’):

422

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 220-223

which transported the tabernacle on the march.
lurthermore, each of them brought a salver,? a bowl,
and a censer, this last being of the value of ten
darics © and filled with materials for incense. As
for the bow] and the salver, which were of silver, the
two together weighed 200 shekels, but to the salver
were devoted but seventy ; these were full of flour
of wheat saturated in oil, such as they use on the
altar for the sacrifices. They brought too a calf and
a ram, with a lamb of a year old, all these to be burnt
whole, along with a kid to make intercession for sins.
Each of the chiefs brought moreover other sacrifices
called those “ of salvation,’ © each day two oxen,
five rams, with as many lambs of a year old and kids.
These chiefs thus continued to sacrifice for twelve
days, one on each day.

Meanwhile Moses,? no longer ascending Mount
Sinai but entering into the tabernacle, was there
diligently seeking | instruction from God on duties to
be done and on the compilation of the laws. Those
laws, excellent beyond the standard of human
wisdom, have, so it has come to pass, been in every
age rigidly observed, because they are belicved to
be a gift of God, insomuch that neither in peace,
through luxury, nor in war, under constraint, have
IIcbrews transgressed any one of them. But I for-

δ A Persian gold coin; Heb. and txx (Numb. vii. 14)
name no coin; E.V. “ ten shekels.”’

¢ Or“ deliverance ’’ “* welfare,” after Lxx : Tleh. sheldmim,
BAN, © peace-offerings.’ a They are referred to below as
‘ thank-offerings ” (ἢ χαριστήριος § 225

4 This sentenee is a repetition of part Of O8:312-To%: the
** doublet ’’ again suggests (ef. § 205 note) that the text has
been worked over without being thoroughly revised. For
“doublets” as indicating interpolation see Laqueur, Der
jiid. Historiker Fl. Josephus, pp. 65, 88 ete.

428

Numb. vib

€
Mile

JOSEPHUS

/ A ceed > A “A A ~
λέγων γραφὴν ἑτέραν ἠξιωκὼς συνθεῖναι περὶ τῶν
νόμων.

829. (ix. 1) Νυνὶ δ᾽ ὀλίγων τινῶν ἐπιμνησθήσομαι
τῶν ἐφ᾽ ἁγνείαις καὶ ἱερουργίαις κειμένων" καὶ
γὰρ τὸν λόγον μοι περὶ τῶν θυσιῶν ἐνεστάναι
συμβέβηκε. δύο μὲν γάρ εἰσιν ἱερουργίαι, τούτων
δ᾽ ἡ μὲν ὑπὸ τῶν ἰδιωτῶν ἑ ἑτέρα δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου

225 συντελούμεναι κατὰ δύο γίνονται τρόπους" ΤῊΣ
μὲν ὁλοκαυτεῖται πᾶν τὸ θυόμενον καὶ διὰ τοῦτο
καὶ τὴν προσηγορίαν τοιαύτην ἔλαβεν, ἡ δὲ χαρι-
στήριός τέ ἐστι καὶ κατ᾽ εὐωχίαν δρᾶται τῶν

220 τεθυκότων: ἐρῶ δὲ περὶ τῆς προτέρας. ἀνὴρ
ἰδιώτης ὁλοκαυτῶν θύει μὲν βοῦν καὶ ἀρνίον καὶ
ἔριφον: ταῦτα μὲν ἐπέτεια, τοὺς δὲ βοῦς ἐφεῖται
θύειν καὶ προήκοντας" ἄρρενα δὲ ὁλοκαυτεῖται τὰ
πάντα. σφαγέντων δὲ τούτων τὸν κύκλον τῷ

227 αἵματι δεύουσι τοῦ βωμοῦ οἱ ἱερεῖς, εἶτα καθαρὰ
ποιήσαντες διαμελίζουσι καὶ πάσαντες ἁλσὶν ἐπὶ
τὸν βωμὸν ἀνατιθέασι σχιζῶν ἤδη πεπληρωμένον

α i.e. in the projected ‘‘ Customs and Causes ᾿ (§ 205
note). This raises a doubt whether in the parallel passage
(§ 213) he refers to the projected or to the present work.

δ Or “ purity laws,” referring to cap. xi. §§ 258 ff. (see
§ 273 in particular).

¢ Philo draws the same distinction, τῶν θυσιῶν ai μέν
εἰσιν ὑπὲρ ἅπαντος τοῦ ἔθνους... αἱ δ᾽ ὑπὲρ ἑκάστον (De
Victiimnis 3, § 168, quoted by W eill).

4 The meaning “ holocaust”? (Lxx ὀλοκαύτωμα or -καύτωσις
K.V. “ burnt-offering’’) is not inherent in the Hebrew ‘élah,
which strictly =“* that which goes up ”’ to heaven.

¢ Details not in Scripture. Throughout these chapters on
ritual Josephus borrows to some extent from tradition ; for
the full Rabbinical parallels the reader should consult the
invaluable commentary of M. Weill (in the French trans-

42 4

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ. 223-227

bear to say more about them, having resolved to
compose another treatise upon these laws.*

(ix. 1) Here I will but mention some few of the
regulations concerning purifications ὃ and the ritual
of sacrifice, sinee I have been led to speak of the
sacrifices. There are two kinds of sacrifiee—one
offered by individuals, the other by the community °
—taking two distinet forms. In the first, the whole
of the saerificial vietim is burnt entire, whenee the
sacrifice derives its eorresponding name 4; the other
is of the nature of a thank-offering and performed
with the intention of providing a feast for those who
have offered it. I will begin by speaking of the first
type. An individual who offers a holocaust kills an
ox, a lamb, and a kid, these last being a year old ;
the slain oxen may be older than this*®; but all
vietims for these holoeausts must be males.? The
beasts being slaughtered, the priests drench with
the blood the eireuit’ of the altar, and then, after
cleansing them,* dismember them, sprinkle them
with salt,‘ and lay them upon the altar, already laden

lation, ed. T. Reinach), to which the present writer is deeply
indebted. See also G. F. Moore’s art. “* Saerifiee ’ in Encyel.
Bibl. According to tradition (Pura i, 3) lambs and kids, as
well as oxen, might be over a year old.

t All quadrupeds (Lev. i. 3, 10); for birds, not mentioned
by Josephus, Leviticus (i. 14) laid down no similar restriction
and tradition permitted the use of females.

9 So Lev. i. 5: traditionally only the N.E. and S.W.
corners.

+ Lev. speeifies only the washing of inwards and legs,
mentioned below; but 2 Chron. iv. 6 suggests complete
cleansing.

‘ ‘The regulation of Lev. ii. 18, thongh there confined to
the ὁ meal offering,’ was taken to apply to all sacrifiees.

425

SACRIFICES
of various
kinds.
Whole
hurnt-
offerings.
Lev. i. 1.

ἱ, 8,10.

i. 5, 11,

228

JOSEPHUS

καὶ πυρὸς φλεγομένου. τοὺς δὲ πόδας τῶν
ἱερείων καὶ τὰ κατὰ νηδὺν ἐκκαθάραντες ἀκριβῶς
τοῖς ἄλλοις καθαγνισθησόμενα προσεπιφέρουσι,
τὰς δορὰς τῶν ἱερέων λαμβανόντων. καὶ ὁ μὲν
τῆς ὁλοκαυτώσεως τρόπος ἐστὶν οὗτος.

(2) Tas δὲ χαριστηρίους θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦντες
ταὐτὰ μὲν ζῷα θύουσιν, ὁλόκληρα δὲ ταῦτα καὶ
τῶν ἐπετείων πρεσβύτερα, ἄρρενα μέντοι θήλεσι
συνδυαζόμενα. θύσαντες δὲ ταῦτα φοινίσσουσι
μὲν αἵματι τὸν βωμόν, τοὺς δὲ νεφροὺς καὶ τὸν
ἐπίπλουν καὶ πάντα τὰ πιμελῆ σὺν τῷ λοβῶ τοῦ
ἥπατος καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς τὴν οὐρὰν τοῦ ἀρνὸς

229 ἐπιφέρουσι ΕἾ βωμῷ. τὸ δὲ στῆθος καὶ τὴν

230

231

κνήμην τὴν δεξιὰν. τοῖς ἱερεῦσι παρασχόντες ἐπὶ
vo “ἡμέρας εὐωχοῦνται τοῖς καταλειπομένοις τῶν
κρεῶν, ἃ δ᾽ ἂν περισσεύσῃ κατακαίουσι.

(3 ) Θύουσι δὲ καὶ ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτάδων' καὶ ὁμοίως
τῷ προειρημένῳ τὸ περὶ τῶν ἁμαρτάδων τῆς
ἱερουργίας τρόπῳ γίνεται. οἱ δὲ ἀδύνατοι πορίζειν
τὰ τέλεια θύματα περιστερὰς ἢ τρυγόνας δύο,
ὧν τὸ μὲν ὁλοκαυτεῖται τῷ θεῷ, τὸ δὲ τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν
εἰς βρῶσιν διδόασιν. ἀκριβέστερον δὲ περὶ τῆς
θυσίας τῶνδε τῶν ζῴων ἐν τοῖς περὶ θυσιῶν
ἐροῦμεν. ὁ μὲν γὰρ κατὰ ἀγνοιαν εἰς τοῦτο προ-
πεσὼν ἄρνα καὶ ἔριφον θήλειαν τῶν αὐτοετῶν
προσφέρει, καὶ τῷ μὲν αἵματι δεύει τὸν βωμὸν. ὃ
ἱερεύς, οὐχ ὡς τὸ πρῶτον ἀλλὰ τῶν γωνιῶν τὰς

1 χαριστηρίων SPL.

¢ Lev. i. 6 mentions the flaying of the larger animal only.
ὑ Heb. shelamim, E.V. “ peace - offerings’ (margin
* thank-offerings ’’), Lxx θυσία σωτηρίου ; ‘ peace-offering ”’
connects the word with shalom ‘ peace,” “ thank-offering ”’

420

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 227-231

with wood and alight. The feet and the inwards of Lev. i. 9, 13.
the vietims are carefully cleansed before being g placed

with the other portions for conseeration in the

flames ; the skins are taken by the priests.* Sueh

is the manner of the whole burnt-offering.

(2) In the performanee of saerifices of thank- Thank.
offering,’ the same beasts are offered, but these ὙΠ πεν
must be without blemish, and may be upwards of a
year old,¢ and males or ΕΔΗ indifferently. Having
slain these, they stain the altar with their blood ; the
kidneys, the eaul, all the fat along with the lobe ofthe
liver, as also the lamb’s tail, they then lay upon the
altar. But the breast and the right leg are offered
to the priests, and for two days they feast upon the
remainder of the flesh, all that is left over being
burnt. up.

(3) They offer sacrifices also for sins, the ritual Sin-offer-
for these being similar to that just deseribed. But "δ
those who are unable to afford the full saerifiees ὦ i. v. 7.
bring two pigeons or two turtle-doves, of which one
is bunt as a holocaust to God, and the other is given
to the priests to be eaten. I shall, however, speak
more preeisely on the offering of these creatures in
my treatise on the saerifices.¢ A person who through (Ὁ for sins
ignoranee has fallen into sin brings a lamb and a ae
female kid’ of a year old,’ and with the blood the
priest sprinkles the altar, not, however, as before,

¢

with the cognate verb shillam “repay ’”’ (as a return to
God for benefits reccived).

¢ Leviticus specifies no age.

4 ae. the larger victim: “if his means suffice not for a
lamb ” (Lev. v. 7). ¢ The projected work (i. 25 note).

f In Lev. lamb and kid are alternatives.

9 [1 follow Whiston: αὐτοετής niust here, T think, mean
*“justa year,” not (as Hudson and Weill render) “ of the same
year "’ (εὐ § 237). This detail eomes from Numb. xv. 27.

427

JOSKPHUS

ἐξοχάς, καὶ τούς Te νεφροὺς καὶ THY ἄλλην πιμελὴν
σὺν τῷ λοβῷ τοῦ ἥπατος ἐπιφέρουσι τῷ βωμῷ,
οἱ δὲ ἱερεῖς τάς τε δορὰς ἀποφέρονται καὶ τὰ κρέα
ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνης δαπανήσοντες" τῆς ἡμέρας ἐν τῷ
ἱερῷ᾽ ὃ γὰρ νόμος εἰς τὴν αὔριον ἀπολιπεῖν οὐκ

232 ἐᾷ. ὁ δὲ ἁμαρτὼν μὲν αὑτῷ δὲ συνειδὼς καὶ

μηδένα ἔχων τὸν ἐξελέγχοντα κριὸν θύει, τοῦ
νόμου τοῦτο κελεύοντος, οὗ τὰ κρέα κατὰ τὸ
ἱερὸν ὁμοίως οἱ ἱερεῖς αὐθημερὸν σιτοῦνται. οἱ
δὲ ἄρχοντες ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἡμάρτανον ἐκθυόμενοι ταὐτὰ
μὲν κομίζουσι τοῖς ἰδιώταις, διαλλάσσουσι δὲ τῷ
προσάγειν θύματα ταῦρον ἔριφον ἀρσενας.

233. (4) Νόμος δὲ ταῖς ἰδιωτικαῖς καὶ ταῖς δημοσίαις
θυσίαις καὶ ἄλευρον ἐπιφέρεσθαι καθαρώτατον,
ἀρνὶ μὲν ἀσσαρῶνος μέτρον κριῷ δὲ δυοῖν ταύρῳ
δὲ τριῶν. τοῦτο καθαγνίζουσιν" ἐπὶ τῷ βωμῷ

234 μεμαγμένον ἐλαίῳ: κομίζεται γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἔλαιον
ὑπὸ τῶν τεθυκότων, ἐπὶ μὲν Bot etvos ἥμισυ, ἐπὶ
δὲ κριῷ μέρος τούτου τρίτον “τοῦ μέτρου, καὶ
τετάρτη μερὶς ἐπ᾽ ἀρνί" ὁ ὃ εἶν μέτρον ἀρχαῖον
᾿“Ββραίων <av >° δύναται δύο χόας ᾿Αττικούς. τὸ
δ᾽ αὐτὸ μέτρον τῷ ἐλαίῳ καὶ οἴνου παρῆγον,

235 σπένδουσι δὲ περὶ τὸν βωμὸν τὸν οἶνον. εἰ δέ τις
θυσίαν οὐκ ἐπιτελῶν ἐπήνεγκε κατ᾽ εὐχὴν σεμίδαλιν,
ταύτης ἀπαρχὴν “μίαν ἐπιβάλλει τῷ βωμῷ δράκα,
τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν οἱ ἱερεῖς πρὸς τροφὴν λαμβάνουσιν

1 Niese ex Lat.: δαπανήσαντες codd.
Ξ RO: καθαγιάζουσιν rell. 3 ins. Niese.

oe

« i.e, “ the horns of the altar ”’ (Lev. iv. 30-34).

’ Reference unverifiable.

¢ “ [ls offrent en plus’? (Weill). This makes intelligible
sense, but the meaning can hardly be extraeted from προσάγειν.

425

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 231-235

but only the projecting corners?; the kidneys,
along with the fat and the lobe of the liver, are laid Lev. iv. 9,
upon the altar; but the priests carry off the skins
and also the flesh, which they will consume that
same day in the temple, for the law ὃ does not permit
it to be left until the morrow. On the other hand, (ii. for
the sinner who is conscious of sin, but has none to aes ee
convict him of it, sacrifices a ram (so the law ordains), at
whose flesh is likewise consumed in the temple by =~
the priests on the selfsame day. The rulers, when iv. 22 ἢ
making sacrifices of atonement for their sins, bring
the same things as private individuals, with the
difference that they offer ὁ males, a bull and a kid.4

(4) A further law ordains that for all sacrifices, Offerings of
private and public, there should be offered also Mh οἷ,
wheat flour, perfectly pure, of the measure of an fun KY,
assar6n ὁ for a lamb, of two for a ram, and of three”
for a bullock. This they devote to the flames on the
altar, kneaded in oil; for those offering sacrifice
bring oil as well, for an ox half a in, for a ram the
third part of this measure, for a lamb a quarter—the
hin being an ancient Hebrew measure, equivalent to
two Attic choes They brought moreover the same
measure of wine as of oil, pouring the wine as a
libation around the altar. But if anyone, without 1,
performing sacrifice, offered fine flour in fulfilment
of a vow, he took a handful of this and flung it as
first-fruits upon the altar; the rest was appropriated
by the priests for consumption, whether boiled (for

¢ Lev. (iv. 23) names only “ἃ goat, a male without
blemish” as the offering of a “‘ruler’’?; a bullock is the
sin-offering of the high-priest and of the whole congregation
(iv 8, 14}.
“τ “ἃ tenth part (of an ephah),”” Numb, xv. 4, otherwise
an omer: see § 29 note. f Cy. § 197.
VOL. IV P £2Y

236

to
Go

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23

he!

8

JOSEPHUS

ἢ ἐψηθεῖσαν, ἐλαίῳ γὰρ συμπεφύραται, 7 yevo-
Lae ἄρτων. ἱερέως δὲ κομίσαντος καὶ ὁποσονοῦν
ὁλοκαυτεῖν ἀναγκαῖον. κωλύει δὲ 0 νόμος θύειν
ζῷον. αὐθημερὸν' μετὰ τοῦ γεγεννηκότος ἐπὶ
ταὐτό, οὐδ᾽ ἄλλως δὲ πρὶν ὀγδόην ἡμέραν γεννη-
Gévre διε λυ τῶ. γίνονται δὲ ἄλλαι θυσίαι ὑπὲρ τοῦ
τὰς γόσους διαφυγεῖν 1 ἢ κατ᾽ ἄλλας αἰτίας, εἰς ἃς
πέμματα σὺν ἱερείοις ἀναλίσκεται, ὧν εἰς τὴν
ὑστεραίαν" οὐδὲν ὑπολιπεῖν ἐστι νόμιμον, τῶν
ἱερέων μέρος ἴδιον λαβόντων.

(x. 1) Ἔκ δὲ τοῦ δημοσίου ἀναλώματος νόμος
ἐστὶν ἄρνα καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν σφάζεσθαι τῶν
αὐτοετῶν ἀρχομένης τε ἡμέρας καὶ ληγούσης,
κατὰ δὲ ἑβδόμην ἡμέραν, ἥτις σάββατα καλεῖται,
δύο σφάττουσι τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον ἱερουργοῦντες.
τῇ δὲ νουμηνίᾳ τάς τε καθημερινὰς θυσίας ἐπι-
τελοῦσι καὶ δύο βόας σὺν ἀρνάσιν ἐνιαυσιαίοις ἑπτὰ
καὶ κριόν, ἔριφον δὲ ἐπὶ παραιτήσεσιν᾽ ἁμαρτάδων,
εἴ τι κατὰ λήθην γένοιτο.

(2) Τῷ δ᾽ ἑβδόμῳ μηνί, ὃν Μακεδόνες “Ὑἵπερ-
βερεταῖον καλοῦσι, προσθέντες τοῖς εἰρημένοις
ταῦρον καὶ κριὸν καὶ ἄρνας ἑπτὰ θύουσι καὶ ἔριφον
ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτάδων.

1 RO: αὐθημερινὸν rell,
2 Niese: ὑστέραν (ἑτέραν RO) codd.
3 παραιτήσει Niese (cf. xviii, 117),
“ἃ Perhaps referring to the ‘ ‘sacrifice of thanksgiving ”’
(χαρμοσύνης LXx) in ‘the verses of Levitieus immediately

following (xxii. 29 f.) though neither ‘“* sickness’? nor
“ sweetmeats”” are there specified.
> Of. Ap. ii. 77. This was the view of ne Pharisees,
based on the use of the plural in Numb. xxviii. 2, δ᾽ shall ye
observe,’ as opposed to that of the Sadducees who, on the
strength of the singular in v. 4, *‘ shalt ¢how offer,’ main-

430

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 235-239

it had been soaked in oil) or in the form of bread. But Lev. vi. 23
if offered, in whatever quantity, by a priest, it had “-
to be burnt entire.

The law further forbids us to sacrifice any animal Farther

on the same day and in the same place as its parent, S2¢rilicial
regulations,

and in no case before eight days have elapsed since 16. xxii.
its birth. There are also other sacrifices* offered **
tor escape from sickness or for other reasons ; upon
these, along with the victims, sweetmeats are ex-
pended, of which nothing may be left over for the
morrow, the priests receiving a special portion.

(x. 1) The law ordains that at the public expense ὃ paily

a lamb of a year old © shall be slain daily, both at the ieee

opening and at the close ὦ of the day; but on the and new
moons

seventh day, which is called the sabbath, they slay yyy)

two (on each occasion), the ritual being otherwise the Revie 18:
. . was X. XXIX.
same. On the new moon, besides the daily sacrifices, 3s ἢ.

they offer two oxen, together with seven yearling lambs
and a ram, as also a kid in expiation for any sins which
may have been committed through forgetfulness.
(2) In the seventh month, w hich the Macedonians 5 Sacritices

call Hyperberetaeus,* in addition to the aforesaid 2"...

victims, they sacrifice a bull, a ram, seven lambs, and τ day.
Η ᾿ = ΑΝ NUI ὃ
2 kid as sin-offering. xxix, 1,

tained that the Tamid (“* continuous ”’ daily sacrifice) could
be offered and paid for by individuals (Weill, quoting refer-
ences).

© §231 note: Bibl.“ of the first year” (Lxx ἐνιαυσίου»).

@ According to Ex.:xxix. 39.“ lees een the two evenings ἢ
(at twilight) ; ; actually in the Ilerodian temple between 3 and
4.0’clock, .1. xiv. 65 περὶ ἐνάτην ὥραν, Mishna Pesahim v. t.

¢ 2.e. in Tlebrew terminology, on the Ist of Tishri, other-
wise Rosh Ha-shanah (“ head of the year’’), the autumnal
New Year’s Day (September-October) or “ I. of Trumpets.’
The words “on the new moon ”’ have either dropped out of
the text or are to be supplied from the previous sentence.

43 |

JOSEPHUS

240 (3) Δεκάτῃ δὲ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς κατὰ σελήνην
ιανηστεύοντες ἕως ἑσπέρας θύουσιν' ἐν ταύτῃ
τῇ ἡμέρᾳ ταῦρόν τε καὶ κριοὺς δύο καὶ ἄρνας

241 ἑπτὰ καὶ ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτάδων ἐριφον. προσάγουσι δὲ
δύο πρὸς τούτοις ἐρίφους, ὧν ὁ μὲν ζῶν εἰς τὴν
ὑπερόριον ἐρημίαν πέμπεται ἀποτροπιασμὸς καὶ
παραίτησις τοῦ πλήθους παντὸς ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτη-
μάτων ἐσόμενος, τὸν δ᾽ ἐν Τοῖς προαστείοις εἰς
καθαρώτατον ἄγοντες χωρίον αὐτόθι σὺν αὐτῇ καί-

242 ουσι τῇ δορᾷ μηδὲν ὅλως καθάραντες. συγκατα-
καίεται δὲ ταῦρος οὐχ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου “προσαχθείς,
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων ἀναλωμάτων τοῦ ἀρχιερέως
παρασχόντος" οὗ δὴ σφαγέντος εἰσκομίσας εἰς τὸν
ναὸν τοῦ αἵματος ἅμα καὶ τοῦ ἐρίφου ῥαίνει τῷ

243 δακτύλῳ τὸν ὄροφον ἑπτάκις, τοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ
ἔδαφος καὶ τοσαυτάκις εἰς τὸν ναὸν καὶ περὶ τὸν
χρύσεον βωμὸν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν περὶ τῷ μείζονι
κομίσας εἰς τὸ αἴθριον" πρὸς τούτοις τὰς ἐξοχὰς
καὶ τοὺς νεφροὺς καὶ τὴν πιμελὴν σὺν τῷ λοβῷ
τοῦ ἥπατος ἐπιφέρουσι τῷ βωμῷ. παρέχεται δὲ
καὶ κριὸν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ὁλοκαύτωσιν τῷ θεῷ.

24. (4) Τῇ δὲ πέμπτῃ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηνὸς καὶ δεκάτῃ,
1 Dindorf: θύουσι δ᾽ codd. (which Niese retains, indicating
a lacuna before it).

4 10th Tishri, Yom Kippur or ‘‘ Day of Atonement,”
the most solemn fast in the Jewish calendar.

δε One ram’? Numb. xxix. 8, ‘Sone ram” Lev. xvi. 5:
Josephus appears to adopt the view held by some Rabbis
that the two passages refer to different sacrifices (see Weill).

¢ Josephus here distantly alludes to the mysterious figure,
taken over from primitive pagan belief, of Azazel (prob. =

‘entire removal,’* Lxx ἀποπομπαῖος), the wilderness spirit or
jinn to whom the scapegoat was sent, Lev. xvi. 8 ff.

432

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IIT. 240-244

(3) On the tenth of the same lunar month ? they
fast until evening ; on this day they sacrifice a bull,
two rams,® seven lambs, and a kid as sin-offering.
But besides these they offer two kids, of which one
is sent alive into the wilderness beyond the frontiers,
being intended to avert © and serve as an expiation
for the sins of the whole people; while the other
they conduct to the suburbs ὦ to a spot that is per-
fectly pure, and there burn it, skin and all, without
any cleansing whatsoever. Along with it is burnt
a bullock, which is not offered by the community
but is provided at his own expense ὁ by the high-
priest. So soon as this bullock has been slain, he
brings into the sanctuary some of its blood, as also
of the blood of the kid, and with his finger sprinkles
it toward the ceiling seven times, and likewise on
the floor,’ and as many times over the sanctuary
itself and around the golden altar’; the rest he
carries into the outer court and sprinkles about the
larger altar.” Furthermore, they lay upon the altar
the extremities, the kidneys, and the fat with the
lobe of the liver. The high-priest also provides on
his own account a ram for a burnt-offering to God.

(+) On the fifteenth of this same month, at which

4 Without the camp,” Lev. xvi. 27.

‘ So the Talmnd interpreted the repeated phrase ‘ the
bullock which is for himself,’ Lev. xvi. 6, ΕΠ.

f Details not in Scripture; aceording to tradition once
upwards. seven times on the floor ( Yoma v. 4, 5, ap. Weill),

¢ The altar of incense, § £47.

’ The brazen altar, § 149. [Δ ον] σης mentions one altar
only, ** He shall go out unto the altar that is before the Lord,”
clearly (it would seem) meaning the brazen altar, though
interpreted by the Mishna as the golden altar ( Yoma v. 5).

‘ Added details: Lev. mentions only the burning of the
fat.

433

10th day
(Day of
Atonement)
Numb.
XNIXx. 7.

The scape-
goat and
other
ceremonies,
Lev. xvi. 5 ff

Xvi, 25.

15th day:
Ε, of
Tabernacles

2

to

45

JOSEPHUS

τρεπομένου τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ καιροῦ πρὸς τὴν
χειμερινὴν" ὥραν, σκηνὰς πήγνυσθαι κελεύει κατ᾽
οἰκίαν ἕκαστον, τὸ" κρύος ὑφορωμένους ἐπὶ
φυλακῇ τοῦ ἔτους, ὅταν τεῦ πατρίδων ἐπιτύχοιεν,
παραγι!ομένους εἰς ἐκείνην τὴν πόλιν, ἣν διὰ τὸν
ναὸν μητρόπολιν ἕξουσιν, ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας ὀκτὼ ἑορτὴν
ἄγοντας ὁλοκαυτεῖν τε καὶ θύειν τῷ θεῷ τότε
χαριστήρια, φέροντας ἐν ταῖς χερσὶν εἰρεσιώνην
μυρσίνης καὶ ἰτέας σὺν κράδῃ φοίνικος πεποιη-
μένην τοῦ μήλου τοῦ τῆς περσέας προσόντος.
εἶναι δὲ τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ἡμερῶν τὴν τῆς ὁλοκαυ-
τώσεως θυσίαν ἐ ἐκ τριῶν καὶ δέκα βοῶν καὶ ἀρνῶν
ἑνὶ πλειόνων καὶ κριῶν δύο, κατὰ παραίτησιν
ἁμαρτιῶν ἐρίφου προστιθεμένου. ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς
ἡμέραις 0 μὲν αὐτὸς ἀριθμὸς τῶν ἀρνῶν Kat τῶν
κριῶν σὺν τῷ ἐρίφῳ. θύεται, ὑφαιροῦντες δὲ
ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἕνα τῶν βοῶν εἰς ἑπτὰ" καταν-
τῶσιν. ἀν ίενται δὲ ἀπὸ παντὸς ἔργου κατὰ τὴν
ὀγδόην ἡμέραν καὶ τῷ θεῷ, καθὰ προειρήκαμεν,"

1 ΠΟ: χειμέριον rell. 3 Lat., ed. pr.: τό τε codd.
3 ὅταν re Lat. (dumque), ed. pr.: ὅταν codd.
4 πέντε RO. § καθάπερ εἰρήκαμεν ROM,

¢ The F. of Sukkoth ( Tabernacles ” or “ Booths,’ Gr.
oxyvornyia) synchronized with the autumnal equinox, Philo,
De Spec. Leg. it. 24, § 904. καιρὸν ἔχουσα τὸν μετοπωρινῆς
ἰσημερίας, or in Rabbinical terminology the Tekuphah, the
“ cireuit ’’ or revolution of the year (Ex. xxxiv. 22).

> Literally “‘ for protection against the year,’ or possibly
“‘in observance of (the season of) the year.”’ This curious
statement, suggestive not of a special festival, but of a prac-
tice to be continued throughout the winter, seems to stand
alone. The nearest parallel is one of two alternative sugges-
tions of Philo (luc. vit.), viz. that the dwelling in tents durin
the period of the feast indicated a return to a more sheltered

43.4:

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. ΠῚ. 244-247

the turning-point to the winter season is now reached,? Sy xxix,
Noses bids each family to fix up tents, apprehensive eee
of the cold and as a protection against the year's
inclemency.? Moreover, when they should have

won their fatherland,® they were to repair to that

eity which they would in honour of the temple re-

gard as their metropolis, and there for cight days

keep festival: they were to offer burnt-offerings and
sacrifices of thanksgiving to God in those days,
bearing in their hands a bouquet composed of my tle @ Lev.
and willow with a branch of palm,é along with fruit δ bic
of the persea.f On the first of those” days their Numb.
burnt sacrifice should consist of thirteen oxen, as **'™ \*
many lambs and one over, two rams, and a kid to

boot in propitiation for sins. On the following days

the same number of lambs and of rams is sacrificed,
together with the kid, but they reduce that of the

oxen by one daily until they reach seven.? They 7. 35.
abstain from all work on the eighth day” and, as

we have said,’ saerifiee to God a calf, a ram, seven

existence (creyavwrépas dialrys) after the open-air life
during the harvest, with its exposure to cold (Kpuuss) and
heat. Ife adds the Biblieal interpretation (Lev. xxiii, 42 f.),
viz. that it commemorated the dwelling in huts during the
wanderings in the wilderness. Sukkah is Isaiah’s w ord for
eae hooth. in a vineyard,’ and Sukkoth, the vintage festival,
is now thought to derive its name from the improvised
shelte ‘rs of the grape-gatherers.

The Greek has the plural, ‘* native cities ” “(or estates”).

4 In Lev. “boughs of thick trees,” traditionally inter-
preted as myrtle (Onkelos ete.).

“ Known as the lulab.

! Lev. (vaguely) “ fruit of goodly trees’; the fruit actu-
ally carried, known as the ethrog, was a rae of eitron (A.
NUL. O72 κιτρίοις αὐτὸν ἔβαλλον). 9 7.e. on the seventh day.

λ Kept as a “ closing festival ᾽ (Ileb. ‘azereth).

' Keterenee unverifiable.

435

248

249

JOSEPHUS

μόσχον te θύουσι' καὶ κριὸν Kal ἄρνας ἕπτά, ὑπὲρ
δὲ ἁμαρτημάτων παραιτήσεως ἔριφον. καὶ ταῦτα
μὲν “EBpatous τὰς σκηνὰς πηγνύουσιν ἐπιτελεῖν
ἐστι πάτριον.

(5) Τῷ δὲ μηνὶ τῷ Ξανθικῷ, ὃς Νισὰν παρ᾽ ἡμῖν
καλεῖται καὶ τοῦ ἔτους ἐστὶν ἀρχή, τεσσαρεσκαι-
δεκάτῃ κατὰ σελήνην ἐν κριῷ τοῦ ἡλίου καθεστῶτος,
τούτῳ γὰρ τῷ μηνὶ τῆς ὑπ᾽ Αἰγυπτίους δουλείας
ἠλευθερώθημεν, καὶ τὴν θυσίαν, ἣν τότ᾽ ἐξιόντας
ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου θῦσαι ,προεῖπον ἡμᾶς πάσχα λεγο-
μένην, Ov ἔτους ἑκάστου θύειν ἐνόμισεν, καὶ δὴ
τελοῦμεν αὐτὴν κατὰ φατρίας μηδενὸς τῶν τεθυ-
μένων εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν τηρουμένου. πέμπτῃ δὲ
καὶ δεκάτῃ διαδέχεται τὴν πάσχα ἡ τῶν ἀζύμων
ἑορτὴ ἑπτὰ “ἡμέρας οὖσα, καθ᾽ ἣν ἀζύμοις τρέφονται
καὶ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην ἡμέραν ταῦροι σφάζονται δύο
καὶ κριὸς μὲν εἷς ἑπτὰ δὲ ἄρνες. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν
ὁλοκαυτεῖται προστιθεμένου τοῖς πᾶσι καὶ ἐρίφου
ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτάδων εἰς εὐωχίαν κατὰ ἡμέραν ἑκάστην
τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν. τῇ δὲ δευτέρᾳ τῶν ἀζύμων ἡμέρᾳ,
ἕκτη δ᾽ ἐστὶν αὕτη καὶ δεκάτη, τῶν καρπῶν οὗς
ἐθέρισαν, οὐ γὰρ ἥψαντο πρότερον αὐτῶν, μετα-
λαμβάνουσι καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἡγούμενοι τιμᾶν δίκαιον
εἶναι πρῶτον, παρ᾽ οὗ τῆς εὐπορίας τούτων ἔτυχον,
τὰς ἀπαρχὰς αὐτῷ τῆς κριθῆς ἐπιφέρουσι τρόπον

1 θύομεν R (θυόμενον O).

*¢ The ecclesiastical year, beginning in the spring; 4. i.
81 note.

geo ives Ia Me ie ¢ Or “ companies,” ji. 312 note.

@ Reckoned as “ eight in ii. 317 (with note).

¢ ‘*On the morrow of the sabbath”? Ley. xxili. 11 and 15,
an ambiguous and disputed phrase, on the interpretation of

436

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, HI. 247-250

lambs, and a kid in propitiation for sins. Such are
the rites, handed down from their forefathers, which
the Hebrews observe when they erect their taber-
nacles.

(5) In the month of Xanthicus, which with us is
called Nisan and begins the year,? on the fourteenth
day by lunar reckoning, the sun being then in Aries,
our lawgiver, seeing that in this month we were
delivered from bondage to the Egyptians, ordained
that we should year by year offer the same sacrifice
which, as 1 have already said,? we offered then on
departure from Egypt—the sacrifice called Pascha.
And so in fact we celebrate it by fraternities,’ nothing
of the sacrificial victims being kept for the morrow.
On the fifteenth the Passover is followed up by the
Feast of Unleavened bread, lasting seven? days,
during which our people subsist on unleavened
loaves and each day there are slaughtered two bulls,
aram,andseven lambs. These are all used for burnt-
offerings, a kid being further added as sin-offering,
which serves each day to regale the priests. On the
second day of unleavencd bread,¢ that is to say the
sixteenth’ our people partake of the crops which
they have reaped and which have not been touched
till then, and esteeming it right first to do homage
to God, to whom they owe the abundance of these
gifts, they offer to Him the first-fruits of the barley

which the date of Pentecost depended (8 252). Josephus
follows the orthodox Pharisaic view that “the sabbath”
meant the first day of the Εἰ, of Unleavened Bread: so too
the Lxx (τῇ ἐπαύριον τῆς πρώτης) ἃπ4 Philo (ἐορτὴ ἐν ἑορτῇ 7
μετὰ τὴν πρώτην εὐθὺς ἡμέραν, De Spec. Leg. ii. 20, § £62).
The Sadducees (and in later days the Karaites) identified it
with the ordinary sabbath falling within the festal week.
f Of Nisan.

VOL. IV PQ 437

F. of Pass-
over and of
Unleavened
Bread.

Lev. xxiii. 5.

Ib. 6, Numb,
XXViil. 17.

Lev.
xxiii, 1L

JOSEPHUS

pe ~ 4 ~ 2 4 A ,
251 τοιοῦτον. φρύξαντες τῶν ἀσταχύων τὸ δράγμα

202

a9)

os

Kal πτίσαντες καὶ καθαρὰς πρὸς ἅἄλεστον τὰς
κριθὰς ποιήσαντες τῷ βωμῷ ἀσσαρῶνα προσ-
φέρουσι τῷ θεῷ, καὶ μίαν ἐξ αὐτοῦ δράκα ἐπι-
βαλόντες τὸ λοιπὸν ἀφιᾶσιν εἰς χρῆσιν τοῖς ἱερεῦσι:
καὶ τότε λοιπὸν δημοσίᾳ ἔξεστι πᾶσι καὶ ἰδίᾳ
θερίζειν. θύουσι δ᾽ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἀπαρχαῖς τῶν καρπῶν
ἀρνίον εἰς ὁλοκάρπωσιν τῷ θεῷ.

(0) ἙΡβδόμης ἑβδομάδος διαγεγενημένης μετὰ
ταύτην τὴν θυσίαν, αὗται δ᾽ εἰσὶν at τῶν ἑβδομάδων
iy τεσσαράκοντα καὶ ἐννέα, τῇ πεντηκοστῇ,

Ἑβραῖοι ἀσαρθὰ καλοῦσι, σημαίνει δὲ τοῦτο
πεντηκοστήν, [καῦ ἣν} προσάγουσι τῷ θεῷ
ἄρτον" ἀλφίτων μὲν πυρίνων ἀσσαρῶνας δύο μετὰ

253 ζύμης γεγονότων, θυμάτων δὲ ἄρνας δύο' ταῦτα

μὲν γὰρ τῷ θεῷ προσάγειν νόμιμον," εἰς δὲ
δεῖπνον τοῖς ἱερεῦσι σκευάζεται καὶ καταλιπεῖν
οὐδέν ἐστιν ἐξ αὐτῶν εἰς τὴν ἐπιοῦσαν συγκεχω-
ρημένον: ὁλοκαυτωθησομένους μόσχους τε θύουσι
τρεῖς καὶ κριοὺς δύο καὶ ἄρνας τεσσαρεσκαίδεκα,

Σ ὁλοκαύτωσιν RO. 2 om. ed. pr.
5. Li: ἄρτων (panes Lat.) rell.
1 Niese: νόμιμον μόνον RO: μόνον rell.

¢ In Leviticus the ceremony consists of the bringing of the
first sheaf (Omer, δράγμα) straight from the harvest-field to
the priest, who “‘ waves’”’ it before the Lord; there is a
mere gesture of presentation. The sheaf, according to Philo
(loc. cit.), gave its name (δράγμα) to the feast. On the other
hand, the preparation of the barley and the throwing of a
handful on the altar, as described by Josephus, rest on later
tradition; for the processes of preparation (here not very
intelligibly expressed) Weill refers to the Mishna (Menahoth
vi. 4).

458

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 251-253

in the following wise. After parching and crushing
the little eneat: of ears and purifying the barley fae
grinding,? they bring to the altar an assarén © for
Géd, ani having flung a handful thereof on the altar,
they leave the rest for the use of the priests. There
after all are permitted, publicly or imdividually, to
begin harvest. Morcover, besides the first-fruits of
the crops, they offer a young lamb as a burnt-offering
to God.

(6) When the seventh week following this sacrifice
has elapsed—these are the forty-nine days of the
(so-called) “ Weeks ” ‘—on the fiftieth day, which
the Hebrews call Asartha, the word denoting “ fifti-
eth,” 4 they present to God a loafé of two assaréns
of flour of wheat made with leaven and, as sacrifice,
two lambs. These are by ordinance to be offered to
God but are made up into a repast for the priests,
and it is not permitted to leave any portion of them
over for the morrow. As whole burnt-offerings
they further sacrifice three calves, two rams, four-

> Or ‘omer (§ 233); Hebrew uses the same word for this
measure and for ‘ sheaf,” a fact which may have assisted
the change of practice (previous note).

¢ ‘Fhe seven weeks, reckoned from the “ waving ᾽ of the
barley-sheaf (lev. xxiii. 15) or from the time of first putting
the sickle to the corn (Deut. xvi. 9), which gave ὁ tothe F. of
wheat-harvest its naine “ὁ Feast of Weeks ” (Shabuwoth).

4 Not * Pentecost,’ which would be equally unintelligible
to Greeks and would require the article. This is one of the
anthor’s loose etymological statements. ‘clzartha is the
Aramaie equivalent of the Heb. ‘azereth, the post-Biblical
name for the F. of Weeks or Pentecost, and probably means
“closing (festival),”’ as ocenrring at the close of the seven weeks.

e ‘ Two wave loaves,” Lev. ΧΧΠ, 11.

‘ Some mss. add “ alone.”

¥ Weill quotes the Mishna, Afenahoth xi. 9, for an exten-

sion of the time, under certain circumstances, to three days.

439

Lev.
xxii. 12.

F, of
Pentecost.
Lev.

xxiii, 15.

ti is ΕΣ
Numb.
XXVill. 27 f!

254

255

256

257

JOSEPHUS

> » \ 7 ¢ \ ¢ / ΜΝ 9
ἐρίφους δὲ δύο ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτημάτων. ἔστι ὃ
f “- ~ ~
οὐδεμία τῶν ἑορτῶν, καθ᾽ ἣν οὐχ ὁλοκαυτοῦσιν
3 \ ~ A “-
οὐδὲ τῶν πόνων τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἔργοις ἄνεσιν οὐ
ὃ ὃ 7, 3 3 3 , 4 ’ ~ ,
ιδόασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πάσαις νόμιμον τό τε τῆς θυσίας
Φ ~
εἶδος Kal TO THs ἀργίας ἀταλαίπωρον καὶ πρὸς
͵
εὐωχίας" εἰσὶ τεθυκότες.
"- > ‘4 a “-- ~ 3 A ?
(7) Ἔκ μέντοι τοῦ κοινοῦ σῖτος omros ζύμης
5) “A > »
ἄμοιρος, ἀσσαρῶνες δ᾽ εἴκοσι Kal τέσσαρες εἰς
~ 3 “A 3 ~ \ pa f
τοῦτο ἀναλοῦνται. ὁπτῶνται δὲ ava δύο διαιρε-
/ ~ “- ~
θέντες μὲν τῇ πρὸ τοῦ σαββάτου, τῷ δὲ σαββάτῳ
a 9 “A ¢ A /
πρωΐ κομισθέντες ἐπὶ τῆς ἱερᾶς τραπέζης τίθενται
1 oA 3 3 ’ 7, i A /
κατὰ ἕξ ets ἀλλήλους τετραμμένοι. δύο δὲ χρυσέων
ὑπερκειμένων πινάκων λιβανωτοῦ γεμόντων δια-
μένουσιν ἕως τοῦ ἑτέρου σαββάτου: καὶ τότε μὲν
3 3 3 f a / e \ - ¢ “-
ἀντ᾽ ἐκείνων ἄλλοι κομίζονται, οἱ δὲ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι
πρὸς τροφὴν δίδονται, καὶ τοῦ λιβανωτοῦ θυμιω-
9 A ~ 4 374? Ὁ \ ¢e “-
μένου ἐπὶ τῷ ἱερῷ πυρί, ἐφ᾽ ᾧ καὶ ὁλοκαυτοῦσι
\ , νι εν ᾿ Π ” εν
τὰ πάντα, λιβανωτὸς" ὑπὲρ ἐκείνου ἄλλος ὑπὲρ
“A ” 7 3 7 3 Εν εἰς A 3 “-
τῶν ἄρτων προτίθεται.) θύει δ᾽ ὁ ἱερεὺς ἐκ τῶν
390 7 3 ’ A \ ¢ / ¢e / ~
ἰδίων ἀναλωμάτων, καὶ dis ἑκάστης ἡμέρας τοῦτο
- 2 9 f A ‘
ποιεῖ, ἄλευρον ἐλαίῳ μεμαγμένον' καὶ memnyos
9 Α ~
ὀπτήσει βραχείᾳ, καὶ εἷς μέν ἐστιν ἀσσαρὼν τοῦ
1A / 7 δὲ ‘ A Ψ δ h \ ὃ᾽
ἀλεύρου, τούτου δὲ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ πρωΐ, τὸ

@ 7 3 7 - / A 4 ou A
ἕτερον δείλης ἐπιφέρει TH πυρί. τὸν μὲν οὖν περι

1 εὐωχίαις Niese. 27 RO: Ὁ δὲ το]],
3 Niese: προστίθεται codd.
4 μεμιγμένον ROM Lat. 5 “τὸ RO.

444)

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ, 254-257

teen lambs, with two kids in atonement for sins.?
There is, in fact, no festival whereon they do not
offer burnt-offerings or fail to grant relaxation from
the toils of labour: for each is prescribed the class
of sacrifice and the period of untroubled repose, and
it is with a feast in view that their sacrifices have
been offered.

(7) At the public expense is provided bread baked
without leaven,® twenty-four assaréns being employed
for the purpose.° The loaves are baked two and two
separately on the eve of the sabbath; then on the
sabbath morn they are brought in and laid on the
holy table in two opposite rows of six each. Two
golden platters ὦ laden with frankincense are placed
over them, and so they remain until the following
sabbath. Then others are brought in their stead,
the former loaves are given to the priests for food,
while the incense is burnt on the same holy fire
whereon they consume all the burnt-offerings, and
other incense to replace it is laid out above the loaves.
The priest at his own expense, and that twice a day,
offers meal soaked in oil and hardened by a liitle
cooking ; the amount is an assarén of meal, of which
one half is put by him on the fire in the morning
and the other towards evening. The explanation of

4 The figures for these animals differ in the two Biblical
lists. Josephus adds the two lists together (execpt in the case
of the rams, of whieh νὸν. names two and Numbers one). In
thus treating the lists as independent and complementary, he
agrees with R. Akiba (Menahoth 45 b, quoted by Weill).

δ So § 142 (not in Levitieus); the previous mention of
these loaves aceounts for some abruptness here.

¢ **’l'wo tenth parts of an ephah,” νος two assarous going to
each of the twelve cakes (Lev. (oe. c/t.).

4 ‘Two eups are shown on the table as depicted on the
Arch of Titus; οὐ § 148, where they are called φιάλαι,

441

The shew-
bread,
Lev. xxiv. 5,

Oblations of
the priest.
ib, vi. 20

(13 Heb.).

JOSEPHUS

' d / > /
τούτων λόγον ἀκριβέστερον αὖθις δηλώσομεν,
ἱκανὰ δέ μοι δοκεῖ καὶ νῦν περὶ αὐτῶν προειρῆσθαι.

258 (ΧΙ. 1) Μωυσῆς δὲ τὴν Λευῖτιν φυλὴν τῆς πρὸς
τὸν λαὸν κοινωνίας ὑπεξελόμενος ἱερὰν ἐσομένην
ἡγνιζε πηγαίοις ὕδασι καὶ ἀενάοις καὶ θυσίαις,
ἃς ἐπὶ. Tots τοιούτοις νομίμους παρέχονται τῷ
θεῷ, τήν τε σκηνὴν αὐτοῖς καὶ τὰ σκεύη τὰ ἱερὰ
καὶ τὰ ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα πρὸς σκέπην τῆς σκηνῆς ἐπ-
εποίητο παρέδωκεν, ὅπως ὑφηγουμένων τῶν ἱερέων
ὑπηρετήσωσιν" ἤδη γὰρ τῷ θεῷ καθιέρωντο.}

290 (9) Nat περὶ τῶν ζῴων δὲ διέκρινεν ἕκαστον, ὃ TU
τρέφοιντο καὶ οὗ παλιν ἀπεχόμενοι διατελοῖεν,

περὶ ὧν ἐν οἷς ἂν ἡμῖν ἀφορμὴ τῆς γραφῆς γένηται
διελευσόμεθα τὰς αἰτίας προστιθέντες, αφ᾽" ὧν

κινηθεὶς τὰ μὲν αὐτῶν βρωτὰ' ἡμῖν ἐκέλευσεν
200 εἶναι, τῶν δὲ “προσέταξεν ἀπέχεσθαι. αἵματος
μέντοι παντὸς εἰς τροφὴν ἀπηγόρευσε τὴν χρῆσιν
ψυχὴν αὐτὸ καὶ πνεῦμα νομίζων, καὶ κρέως
τοῦ τεθνηκότος αὐτομάτως ζῴου τὴν βρῶσιν δι-
εκώλυσεν, ἐπίπλου τε καὶ στέατος αἰγείου καὶ
προβατείου καὶ τοῦ τῶν βοῶν ἀπέχεσθαι προεῖπεν.
261 (3) ᾿Απήλασε δὲ τῆς πόλεως καὶ τοὺς λέπρᾳ τὰ
σώματα κακωθέντας KaL TOUS περὶ τὴν γονὴν
ῥεομένους: καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας δ᾽ αἷς ἡ τῶν κατὰ

SP(L): καθιέρωτο rell.
2 ὅτῳ sare w τε has been suggested.
3 ὑφ᾽ Niese. 4 ἢ ; βρώματα rell.

4 In the projected ‘ Customs and Causes,” i. 25.

Ὁ The priests (ξ 198); or, with the other reading ‘‘ it”
(the tabernacle, ibid.).

¢ In the projected work.

4.4.2

-

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 257-261

these matters will be given in greater detail here-
after? ; for the present I think that what I have
said already about them will suffice.

(xi. 1) Now Moses, having segregated the tribe
of Levi from the general community , to make of it,
a holy tribe, purified it with the waters of perennial
springs and with the sacrifices which on such oecasions
they offer to God as by law ordained ; and to them
he committed the tabernaele and the saered vessels
and everything that had been made for the covering
of the fabernacle: to the end that they should act as
ministers under the direetion of the priests. For
they ὃ had already been econseerated to God.

(2) Moreover, as coneerning animals, he distin-
cuished in detail those which might be eaten and
those on the contrary from whieh one must perpetu-
ally abstain. On these, whenever the occasion may
eome for treating of them, we shall discourse at
length,° supplying the reasons which influeneed him
in ruling that some of them were eatable and in
enjoining us to abstain from others. Howsoever,
blood of any description he has forbidden to be used
for food, regarding it as the soul and spirit ; he has
prohibited the eating of the flesh of an animal dying
a natural death ; anal he has further required us to
abstain from tie eaul? and from the fat of goats,
sheep, and oxen.

(3) He banished from the eity ὁ alike those whose
bodies were afHicted with leprosy and those with
contagious disease.’ Women too, when beset by

¢ Not mentioned in Lev. loc. cit.
¢ ** Without the camp " Lev. xtil. 46 (of the leper).

‘ Gonorrhoea; expulsion from “‘ camp” or “ city’ is
nol specified in Leviticus in this instance.

443

PuRITyY
LAWs.
Coasecra-
tion of the
Levites.
Numb. ἢ}. ὦ

Food laws.

Lev. xvii.
10 F.

xi. 39.

vii. 23.

Concerning
lepers and

the unclean ;
Ὁ. XU. Χν.

JOSEPHUS

φύσιν ἔκκρισις ἐπίοι': μετέστησε πρὸς ἡμέραν
ἑβδόμην, μεθ᾽ ἣν ὡς ἤδη καθαραῖς ἐνδημεῖν ἐφίησιν.

262 ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ TOUS κηδεύσασι νεκρὸν μετὰ τοσαύ-
τας ἡμέρας νόμιμον τὸ ἐνδημεῖν: τὸν δ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὸν
ἀριθμὸν τούτων τῶν ἡμερῶν ἐνεχόμενον ἐν τῷ
μιάσματι θύειν νόμιμον ἀμνάδας δύο, ὧν τὴν μὲν
ἑτέραν καθαγνίζειν δεῖ, τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέραν οἱ ἱερεῖς

263 λαμβάνουσιν. ὁμοίως δὲ θύουσι καὶ περὶ τοῦ τὴν
γονὴν ῥεομένου" ὃς δ᾽ ἂν κατὰ τοὺς ὕπνους
ἀποκρίνῃ γονήν, καθεὶς αὑτὸν εἰς ὕδωρ ψυχρὸν
ὁμοίως τοῖς κατὰ νόμον γυναικὲ πλησιάζουσιν

264 ἐξουσίαν ἔχει. τοὺς δὲ λεπροὺς εἰς τὸ παντελὲς
ἐξήλασε τῆς πόλεως μηδενὶ συνδιαιτωμένους καὶ
νεκροῦ μηδὲν διαφέροντας: ἂν δέ τις ἐξικετεύσας
τὸν θεὸν ἀπολυθῇ τῆς νόσου καὶ τὴν ἐρρωμένην
κομίσηται χρόαν, ὁ δὴ τοιοῦτος ποικίλαις ἀμείβεται
θυσίαις τὸν θεόν, περὶ ὧν ὕστερον ἐροῦμεν.

265 (ἢ) Ὅθεν καὶ καταγελάσειεν av τις τῶν λεγόντων
Μωυσῆν λέπρᾳ κεκακωμένον αὐτόν τε ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύ-
πτου φυγεῖν καὶ τῶν ἐκπεσόντων διὰ ταύτην τὴν
αἰτίαν ἡγησάμενον εἰς τὴν Ναναναίαν ἀγαγεῖν

266 αὐτούς. el yap τοῦτ᾽ ἦν ἀληθές, οὐκ ἂν ἐπὶ τῇ
αὑτοῦ διωυσῆς ἀτιμίᾳ τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐνομοθέτησεν, οἷς
εὔλογον “ἦν αὐτὸν καὶ ἑτέρων εἰσηγουμένων
ἀντειρηκέναι, καὶ ταῦτα παρὰ πολλοῖς ὄντων
λεπρῶν ἔθνεσι καὶ τιμῆς ἀπολαυόντων, οὐ μόνον
ὕβρεως καὶ φυγῆς ἀπηλλαγμένων, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς

1 ἔπεισι RO.
¢ Cf. Ap. ii. 205 for purification of house and inmates
after a funeral. > No Scriptural parallel.

¢ Weill compares Numb. xii, 12 “as one dead”’ (of
Miriam smitten with leprosy),

444

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II]. 261--266

their natural secretions, he secluded until the seventh Lev. xv. 19.
day, after whieh they were permitted, as now pure,
to return to society. A like rule applies to those Numb. xix.
who have paid the last rites to the dead: after the laa al
same number of days they may rejoin their fellows.?
But a person who exceeds this number of days in a
state of defilement is required to sacrifice two lambs,
of which one must be devoted to the flames and the
other is taken by the priests.2 The same sacrifices
are offered in a case of contagious disease ; but he
who has an issue in his sleep will, by plunging into μὲν. sv. 18,
cold water, exonerate himself, like those who law-
fully cohabit with their wives. Lepers, on the other
hand, he banished outright from the city, to have
intercourse with no man and as in no way differing
from a corpse.© But if any by supplieation to God
obtains release from this disease and recovers a
healthy skin, such an one returns thanks to God by
divers saerifices of which we shall speak hereafter.”

(4) From all this one can but regard as ridiculous Absurdity
those ὁ who assert that Moses, being struck with abonnithe
leprosy, was himself forced to flee from Egypt and, ΚΡΌΤΟΣ of
taking command of all who had been expelled for his

. followers,
the same reason, conducted them to Canaan. For,
were this true, Moses would never have issued to
his own humiliation statutes such as these, against
which in all likelihood he would have himself pro-
tested had others introduced them, more especially
since among many nations there are lepers in the
enjoyment “of honours, who, far from undergoing
contumely and exile, conduet the most brilliant
4 In the projected work.
* Like Manetho, whose scurrilous charges are confuted

at length in the contra Apionem ,; see in ‘particular By ἌΣ
Chape3l.$§.279:8.

445

tS
or)
~]

268

269

270

JOSEPHUS

ἐπισημοτάτας στρατείας στρατευομένων καὶ τὰς
πολιτικὰς “ἀρχὰς πιστευομένων καὶ εἰς ἱερὰ καὶ
ναοὺς ἐχόντων ἐξουσίαν εἰσιέναι: ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲν
ἐκώλυε καὶ Μωυσῆν, εἰ τοιούτῳ τινὶ συμπτώματι
περὶ τὴν χρόαν ἢ" τὸ σὺν αὐτῷ πλῆθος ἡλάττωτο,
νομοθετῆσαι περὶ αὐτῶν τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ μηδεμίαν
τοιαύτην ὁρίσαι ζημίαν. ἀλλὰ δῆλον μέν, ὡς
ταῦτα περὶ ἡμῶν λέγουσιν ὑπὸ βασκανίας προαγό-
μένοι, Mwvojs δὲ τούτων καθαρὸς ὧν ἐν καθαροῖς
τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις περὶ τῶν νενοσηκότων ἐνομοθέτει
κατὰ τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ τοῦτο ποιῶν. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν
τούτων ἕκαστος ὡς αὐτῷ δοκεῖ σκοπείτω.

(5) Τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ἐπειδὰν τέκωσιν εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν
εἰσιέναι κεκώλυκε καὶ θυσιῶν ἅπτεσθαι μέχρι
τεσσαράκοντα ἡμερῶν, ἂν ἄρρεν τὸ τεχθὲν 7°
διπλασίονας γὰρ εἶναι τὰς ἡμέρας ἐπὶ θηλυτοκίαις
συμβέβηκεν. εἰσιοῦσαι μέντοι μετὰ τὴν προειρη-
μένην προθεσμίαν θυσίας ἐπιτελοῦσιν, ἃς οἱ ἱερεῖς
πρὸς τὸν θεὸν διανέμονται.

(6) “Av δ᾽ ὑπονοήσῃ μεμοιχεῦσθαί τις αὐτῷ τὴν
γυναῖκα, κομίζει κριθῆς ἀληλεσμένης ἀσσαρῶνα,
καὶ μίαν αὐτῆς δράκα ἐπιβαλόντες τῷ θεῷ τὸ
λοιπὸν τοῖς ἱερεῦσι διδόασιν εἰς τροφήν. τὴν δὲ
γυναῖκα στήσας τις τῶν ἱερέων κατὰ τὰς πύλας,
αἱ δ᾽ εἰσὶ τετραμμέναι πρὸς τὸν νεών, καὶ τῆς

1 ipse aut Lat. =< αὐτὸς» ἢ Bernard.

@ With obvious reference to Naaman, captain of the host
of the king of Syria, who leaned on this leper’s hand in the
house of Rimmon (2 Kings v. I, 18).

> Notwithstanding their calumnies, the Egyptians ‘‘ wish
to claim Moses as one of themselves” (Ap. i. 279).

¢ On this formula, usually relating to incidents of a
miraculous or quasi-mythical nature, see i. 108 note.

446

ts

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 266-270
campaigns, are entrusted with offices of state, and
have the right of entry to sacred courts and temples.?
Consequently there was nothing to prevent Moses,
had he or the host that accompanied him been
marred by any such accident to the skin, from laying
down laws concerning lepers of the most favourable
character, instead of imposing any penalty of this
nature. No; it is clear that in making these state-
ments about us they are instigated by jealousy,” and
that Moses was immune from all that, and, living
among countrymen equally immune, that he legis-
lated concerning those so diseased, and that it was
in God’s honour that he thus acted. However, on
these matters let everyone judge as seems good to
him.¢

(5) Women after childbirth are forbidden by him
to enter the temple or to touch the sacrifices ? until
forty days have elapsed, if it is a male infant ; double
that number is prescribed for the birth of a female.
But they enter at the end of the aforesaid term to
offer sacrifices, which the priests apportion to God.

(6) If¢ a man suspects his wife of having com-
mitted adultery, he brings an assarén of ground
barley, of which a handful is devoted to God and
the rest is given to the priests for consumption. As
for the woman, one of the priests stations her at the
gates which face the temple 5 and. after removing

4 ** She shall touch no hallowed thing,” Lev. xii. 4.

¢ A whole tractate of the Mishnah (S4fah) is devoted to
this subject ; see-also Philo, De spec. leq. tii. 10, δὲ 52 ff.

! Literally “ they throw upon (the altar).”

“Shall set er είν: the Lord,’ Nnmb. v.16: ‘In
later times, according to Sdfah i. 5, the accused were brought
to the Nicanor or eastern gate of the temple,” G. B. Gray,
Int. Crit. Comm. in loc.

447

™

Impurity of
women in
tthild birth.
Lev. xii. 2.

Ordeal of
suspected
adulteress.
Numb, v. 12.

271

272

273

274

JOSEPHUS

κεφαλῆς τὸ ἱμάτιον ἀφελὼν ἐπιγράφει μὲν τοῦ
θεοῦ τὴν προσηγορίαν διφθέρᾳ, κελεύει δὲ ὀμνύειν
μηδὲν ἠδικηκέναι τὸν ἄνδρα, παραβᾶσαν δὲ τὸ
σῶφρον τοῦ δεξιοῦ σκέλους ἔξαρθρον γενέσθαι καὶ
τὴν γαστέρα πρησθεῖσαν οὕτως ἀποθανεῖν: ἂν δ᾽
ὑπὸ πολλοῦ τοῦ ἔρωτος καὶ τῆς διὰ τοῦτον ζηλο-
τυπίας προπετῶς ὁ ἀνὴρ διὰ τὴν ὑπόνοιαν εἴη
κεκινημένος, μηνὶ δεκάτῳ γενέσθαι παιδίον appev
αὐτῇ. τῶν ὅρκων τελειωθέντων τῆς διφθέρας
ἀπαλείψας τοὔνομα εἰς φιάλην ἐκπιέζει, προ-
κομίσας τε ἐκ τοῦ ἱεροῦ γῆς εἴ τι προστύχοι καὶ
καταπάσας ἐκπιεῖν δίδωσιν" ἡ δ᾽ εἰ μὲν ἀδίκως
ἐνεκλήθη, ἐγκύμων τε γίνεται καὶ τελεσφορεῖται
κατὰ τὴν γαστέρα" ψευσαμένη δὲ τὸν ἀνδρα ἐπὶ
τοῖς γάμοις καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅρκοις μετ᾽
αἰσχύνης καταστρέφει τὸν βίον, τοῦ τε σκέλους
ἐκπεσόντος αὐτῇ καὶ τὴν κοιλίαν ὑδέρου κατα-
λαβόντος. καὶ περὶ μὲν τῶν θυσιῶν καὶ τῆς ἁγνείας
τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐταῖς ταῦτα Μωυσῆς τοῖς ὁμοφύλοις
προενόησε, νόμους δὲ αὐτοῖς τοιούτους ἔθετο.

(xii. 1) διοιχείαν μὲν εἰς τὸ παντελὲς ἀπεῖπε
νομίσας εὔδαιμον τὸ περὶ τοὺς γάμους ὑγιαίνειν τοὺς

* According to Scripture (Numb, v. 23) and tradition,
the words of the imprecation.

» According to Sdfah ii, 4 a roll of parchment (megillah),
the use of διφθέρα (the rougher unprepared skin) being
expressly forbidden ; Numb. ‘‘ a book,’’ Philo χαρτίδιον.

¢ Numb. v. 28 says merely that the woman, if innocent,
** shall conceive seed.” M. Weill quotes a discussion (Sifré
in loc.) between ἢ. Akiba and R. Ishmael on the interpreta-
tion of the phrase ; according to the latter if she had hitherto
had daughters only, she would henceforth have sons.

4 ie, the impression. ‘‘ Potions into which written words

448

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, ΠῚ. 270-274

the veil from her head, inscribes the name of God 4
upon a skin ὃ ; he then bids her declare upon oath
that she had doe her husband no wrong, and that
if she had violated decency then might her right leg
be put out of joint, her belly swell and so might she
die; but if, through excess of love and ensuing
jealousy her husband had been precipitately moved
to suspect her, then might she give birth in the tenth
month to a male child. These oaths being com-
pleted, the priest expunges from the skin the Name
thereon and wrings it? into a bowl; then picking
up any morsels of the temple soil that may come to
hand he sprinkles them in and gives her to drink.
And she, if she has been unjustly accused, becomes
pregnant and brings the fruit of her womb to matur-
ity ; but if she has proved false to her husband in
wedlock and to God by her oaths, she comes to an
ignominious end, her leg falling away and dropsy
attacking her belly.¢ Such were the provisions
concerning sacrifices and the purification relating
thereto that Moses made for his countrymen; and
here are the further laws 7 which he drew up for them.

(xii. 1) Adultery he absolutely prohibited, deem- various
ing it blessed that men should be sane-minded con- }*\s:

“orbidden
marriag FER,

have been washed otf are widely credited with partieular ey τ τὰ
virtues’? (G. B. Gray, quoting parallels froin Tibet and
Mahommedan Egypt).

¢ Numb. v. 27, “ her belly shall swell and her thigh shall
falkaways 4 Τῷ has been suggested that in the primitive rite
the meaning may have been that though the woman grows
great with child (‘‘ the swelling belly ἢ) the birth would be
abortive ; “‘ thigh ’’ is probably euphemistic (Gray, op. cit.
p. 48).

S }lere, as in § 151 (note), I take τοιούτους (which in class.
Greek is retrospective) to be used for τοιούσδε ** as follows.”
losephus ipseé seripsit.

110

JOSEPHUS

avopas, καὶ Tals τε πόλεσι Kal τοῖς οἴκοις συμ-
φέρειν τὸ τοὺς παῖδας εἶναι γνησίους. καὶ τὸ μίσγε-
σθαι δὲ μητράσιν ὡς; κακὸν μέγιστον ὁ νόμος
ἀπεῖπεν, ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πατρὸς συνεῖναι γαμετῇ
A i \ 3 - ‘ ͵ 4 «
καὶ τηθίσι καὶ ἀδελφαῖς καὶ παίδων γυναιξὶν ὡς
Mu » \ bw , 7 3 7 4
ἔκφυλον ἔχον τὴν ἀδικίαν μεμίσηκεν. ἐκώλυσε δὲ
275 καὶ γυναικὶ μεμιασμένῃ τοῖς κατὰ φύσιν πλησιάζειν
μηδὲ κτήνεσιν εἰς συνουσίαν φοιτᾶν μηδὲ τὴν πρὸς
τὰ ἄρρενα μῖξιν τιμᾶν διὰ τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς ὥραν
ἡδονὴν θηρωμένους παράνομον. κατὰ δὲ τῶν εἰς
ταῦτ᾽ ἐξυβρισάντων θάνατον ὥρισε τὴν τιμωρίαν.
~ 9 ¢ ΄ A Ἃ ͵ N e ‘
976 (9) Τῶν δ᾽ ἱερέων καὶ διπλασίονα τὴν ἁγνείαν
ἐποίησε: τούτων τε γὰρ αὐτοὺς ὁμοίως τοῖς ἄλλοις
x a 4 ?
εἴργει καὶ προσέτι γαμεῖν τὰς ἡταιρηκυίας ἐκώ-
λυσε, μήτε δούλην μήτ᾽ αἰχμάλωτον γαμεῖν αὐτοὺς
κεκώλυκεξ καὶ τὰς ἐκ καπηλείας καὶ τοῦ παν-
δοκεύειν πεπορισμένας τὸν βίον μηδὲ τὰς τῶν προ-
, 9 ~ 9 > ς ~ εν >
τέρων ἀνδρῶν ἐφ᾽ αἱσδηποτοῦν αἰτίαις ἀπηλλαγ-
ι é
277 μένας. Tov ἀρχιερέα μέντοι οὐδὲ τεθνηκότος
Σ 1 αἷς δα. apres on). coda, 2 Text ἃ little doubtful.
° So Yebamoth 6t a (Weill). In 4. iv. 244 f. the prohibi-
tion to marry a slave (or a harlot) applies to the laity also.
> Leviticus loc. cit. names three classes of women whom the
priest is forbidden to marry: (t) harlot, (2) ‘ polluted,
(3) divorced. Josephus mentions the first and the third, but
seems to replace the second by two (or more) other classes.
His first category, τὰς ἡταιρηκυίας, corresponds to the first
(not, as Weill suggests, to the second) in Lev.: ἡταιρημένη
(ἑταιριζομένη) is his normal euphemism for πόρνη, A. iv.
206, 245, v. 306, viii. 417. “ Slave or prisoner of war
seems to be his interpretation of “ polluted “ἡ: for this
prohibition cf. Ap. i. 30 ff. on the strict scrutiny of priestly
- ° . . ἐι
marriages, especially after war, in particular § 35 “ they
disallow marriage with any who have been taken captive,
suspecting them of having had frequent intercourse with

450

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I. 274-277

cerning wedlock and that it was to the interest alike
of the state and the family that children should be
legitimate. Again, to have intercourse with one’s
mother is condemned by the law as grossest of sins ;
likewise union with a stepmother, an aunt, a sister,
or the wife of one’s child is viewed with abhorrence
as an outrageous crime. He moreover forbade co-
habitation with a menstruous woman, mating with a
beast, or the toleration of the practice of sodomy in
the pursuit of lawless pleasure. For those guilty of
such outrages he deereed the penalty of death.

(2) From the pricsts he exacted a double degrce
of purity. For not only did he debar them, in common
with all others, from the aforesaid practices, but
he further forbade them to wed a harlot, he forbids
them to wed a slave @ or a prisoner of war, aye or such
women as gain their livelihood by hawking or inn-
keeping or who have for whatsoever reasons been
separated from their former husbands.® As for the

foreigners ἢ (7.e. been “ polluted ”’); Weill quotes Nethuboth
ii. 9 to similar effect, cf. also Ant. xiii. 292 (an alleged instance
of such disqualification), Then follows the strange addition
“hawkers or innkeepers” (a single elass, for κάπηλος Lat.
caupo also=tavern-keeper). With this must be connected
the faet that the Targum commonly translates the Heb.
zonah δ harlot’? by the word pundokita (derived from the
verb πανδοκεύειν, “keep an inn,” here used by Josephus),
e.g. in Joshua ii. 1, Jd. xi. 1, of. 1K. iii. 16; while Josephus
himself spcaks of the house of Rahab (Bibl. “τῆς harlot ἢ)
as a “‘hostelry”’ (καταγώγιον), A. v. 7 Whether this
translation arose merely from the ill-fame of inns and inn-
keepers (see ‘fboda zara ii, 1 with Elmslie’s note in Vexts
and Studies viii. 2) or has other etymological explanation
behind it (Weill sees in it a supposed connexion of zouah
with the vb. zaz ὁ to feed’) is uneertain ; anyhow the “ἢ inn-
keeper”? of Josephus has been evolved out of the “ harlot ”
of the Bible through the medium of current Aramaie exegesis.

451

Lev, xx. 18,
15, 13.

Special
laws for
the priests.

Ib. xxi, 7.

JOSEPHUS

> \ 3 ’ὔ ~ “--ε ~ ” e ~
ἀνδρὸς ἠξίωσε γυναῖκα, τοῦτο τοῖς ἄλλοις ἱερεῦσι
συγχωρῶν, μόνην δ᾽ αὐτῷ [δέδωκε] γαμεῖν παρ-
€vov καὶ ταύτην φυλέτην"" ὅθεν οὐδὲ νεκρῷ
πρόσεισιν ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς τῶν λοιπῶν οὐ κεκωλυμένων
3 - ~ “A ~
ἀδελφοῖς καὶ γονεῦσι Kal παισὶ Tots αὑτῶν προσ-
/ ~ 5 ~ A > ~ 3 f
278 ἱέναι μεταστᾶσιν. ἀφελεῖς δὲ εἶναι πᾶσαν ἀφέλειαν:
Α “
τὸν δὲ μὴ ὁλόκληρον τῶν ἱερέων νέμεσθαι πρὸς
τοὺς ἱερεῖς ἐκέλευσε τὰ γέρα, ἀναβαίνειν δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν
βωμὸν καὶ εἰσιέναι εἰς τὸν ναὸν ἐκώλυσε" μὴ μόνον
\ /
δὲ περὶ τὰς ἱερουργίας καθαροὺς εἶναι, σπουδάζειν
δὲ καὶ περὶ τὴν αὐτῶν δίαιταν, ὥστ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀμεμ-
>
279 πτον εἶναι. καὶ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν οἱ τὴν ἱερα-
τικὴν στολὴν φοροῦντες ἄμωμοί τέ εἰσι καὶ “περὶ
πάντα καθαροὶ καὶ νηφάλιοι, πίνειν οἶνον ἕως οὗ τὴν
στολὴν ἔχουσι κεκωλυμένοι: ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἱερεῖα
f ς ’ A A A /
θύουσιν ὁλόκληρα καὶ κατὰ μηδὲν λελωβημένα.
~ s \ =~
280 (3) Tatra μὲν οὖν ἤδη καὶ κατὰ τὸν ζωῆς
χρόνον τῆς αὐτοῦ γινόμενα παρέδωκε Μωνσῆς,
τῶν δὲ αὖθις “καίπερ ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας διαιτώμενος
προενόησεν, ὅπως ἐπειδὰν τὴν Χαναναίαν λάβωσι
’ “ 3 ς i ἐ » ’ ~
281 τάδε ποιῶσι: δι’ ἑβδόμου ἔτους ἄνεσιν δίδωσι TH
γῇ ἀπό τε ἀρότρου καὶ φυτείας, ὥσπερ καὶ αὐτοῖς
δι᾿ ἑβδόμης ἡμέρας τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ἔργων προεῖπεν
ἀνάπαυσιν. καὶ τῶν αὐτομάτως ἀναδοθέντων ἀπὸ
1 conj. Δίαηρον (ap. Weill): φυλάττειν codd.
J BCy (ap

@ The acute emendation φυλέτην (for φυλάττειν), quoted
by Weill from Mangey on Philo ii. 229 M., is certainly right:
for φυλέτης cf. Ant. iv. 14 f., 20 etc.: Philo’s expression is
un παρθένον μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ ἱέρειαν ἐξ ἱερέων. On the other
hand, the Biblical restriction is less ‘rigid, ' ‘a virgin of his
own people ”? Lev. loc. cit. (ef. Ezek. xliv. 22), and so else-

where Josephus himself, Ap. i. 31 ἐξ ὁμοεθνοῦς γυναικὸς
παιδοποιεῖσθαι ; tradition also (ap. Weill) admitted the laxer
rule.

4.52

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 277-281

high-priest, he would not suffer him to take even a Lev. xxi. 14.
woman whose husband was dead, though he con-

cedes this to the other priests: none but a virgin

may he wed and withal one of his own tribe.? From

like motives the high-priest never approaches ἃ xxi. 11.
corpse, whereas the other priests are not forbidden xxi.1 ff.
to approach a brother, a parent or a child of their

own when deceased. They must be exempt from xxi. 17.
all physical blemish. A priest who is not wholly xxi. 21 ff.
free of such defect he authorized to partake with the

other priests of their perquisites,? but to ascend to

the altar or to enter the saered building is forbidden

him. Nor is it only during the saered ministrations

that purity is essential: they must see to it also

that their private life be beyond reproach. That is

why wearers of the priestly robes are spotless,
immaculately pure, and sober, for wine is forbidden x. as
them so long as they wear the robe.° Furthermore, χη; oe
the very victims which they sacrifice are entirely

perfect and free from all mutilation.

(3) Such, then, are the laws, already in operation the
during his lifetime, which Moses has transmitted eee
to us; but there were others for after times which, leven:
albeit sojourning in the wilderness, he devised
beforehand, to the end that they should practise
them after the conquest of Canaan. ‘Thus every
seventh year he grants the land repose from plough-
ing and ‘planting, even as he had prescribed to the
people rest from their labours every seventh day ;
as for the spontaneous products of the soil, the

> ** He shall eat the bread (Lxx τὰ δῶρα) of his God,” Lev.

ΧΧΙ 2.
¢ ie. when on duty: ‘“‘ when ye go into the tent of

meeting,’ Lev. loc. cit. Tradition (ap. We ill) did not regard
this as an absolute prohibition. Cf. Ap. i. 199, ii. 108.

4.53

to
ορ
to

251

JOSEPHUS

τῆς γῆς κοινὴν εἶναι τοῖς θέλουσι τὴν χρῆσιν, τῶν
τε ὁμοφύλων καὶ τῶν ἀλλοτριοχώρων, μηδὲν ἐξ
αὐτῶν φυλάττοντας" ποιεῖν δὲ τοῦτο καὶ pel!
ἑβδόμην ἐτῶν ἑβδομάδα. ταῦτα πεντήκοντα μέν
> » 4 / - \ ¢ A { 4 e
ἐστιν ἔτη Ta πάντα, καλεῖται δὲ ὑπὸ ‘EBpaiwyv ὁ
‘ = ~
πεντηκοστὸς ἐνιαυτὸς ἰώβηλος, EV ᾧ οἵ TE χρεῶ-
σται τῶν δανείων ἀπολύονται καὶ οἱ δουλεύοντες
3 7 ? , a 3; ¢ 4 A
ἐλεύθεροι ἀφίενται, ovs ὄντας ὁμοφύλους Kat
παραβάντας τι τῶν νομίμων τῷ σχήματι τῆς
δουλείας ἐκόλασε θάνατον οὐκ ἐκδεχομένους.
ἀποδίδωσι δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἀγροὺς τοῖς ἀρχῆθεν αὐτῶν
δεσπόταις τοῦτον τὸν τρόπον" ἐνστάντος τοῦ
ἰωβήλου, ἐλευθερίαν δὲ σημαίνει ,Τοὔνομα, συν-
ἔρχονται ὅ τε ἀποδόμενος τὸ χωρίον καὶ ὁ πριά-
Α
μενος, καὶ λογισάμενοι τοὺς καρποὺς καὶ τὰς εἰς
A ~ ~
TO χωρίον δαπάνας γεγενημένας τῶν μὲν καρπῶν
\ ς
πλεονάζειν εὑρεθέντων προσδέχεται τὸν ἀγρὸν ὁ
> ’ “~ > 3 ’ὔὕ; ε /
ἀποδόμενος, τοῦ δ᾽ ἀναλώματος ὑπερβάλλοντος

¢ See note d below.

δ Josephus is here in error or at least at variance with
Seripture. The ‘‘ release’’ from debts applied not to the
year of jubilee, but to the seventh or sabbatical year (Deut.
xv. 1 ff.); it is uncertain whether it ‘‘ was an actual remission
of loans, or merely the suspension, for one year, of the
ereditor’s right to demand payment ” (Driver in loc.). In
any case the law. which led to abuses, had early in the first
century a.p. been virtually abrogated by a so-called proshol
(προσβολή) of Hillel.

¢ Scripture does not speak of punishment but of voluntary
servitude resulting from poverty. ‘‘ And if thy brother be
waxen poor with thee, and sell himself unto thee, thou shalt
not make him to serve as a bondservant : as an hired servant
and as a sojourner he shall be with thee ” ete., Lev. loc. cit. ;
this explains the σχῆμα δουλείας in the text. Cf. A. i
273 for further details,

45 4

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, HT. 281-284

enjoyment of these was to be open to all desirous of
them, whether countryman or alien, none of them
being kept back. This praetiee was also to be ob-
served at the end of the seventh week of years. This
is the period amounting to fifty years in all, of whieh
the fiftieth year is ealled by the Hebrews Jobél¢ ;
at that season debtors are absolved from their debts ὃ
and slaves are set at liberty, that is to say those who
are members of the raee and having transgressed
some requirement of the law have by it been
punished © by reduction to a servile condition, with-
out being condemned to death. Now too he restores
estates to their original owners after the following
fashion. When the J6bél comes round—the name
denotes “ liberty ’’ @—the vendor and the purehaser
of the site meet together and reckon up the products
of the site and the outgoings expended upon it.¢
Then if the proceeds are found to exceed the out-
goings, the vendor reeovers the estate; but if the

4 One of the author’s loose etymologieal statements (cf.
A.v. 34). The traditional, and doubtless eorreet, meaning
of jobél is “ ram,’ an abbreviation for ‘‘ ram’s horn,”
‘**eornet,”” by the sounding of which the ‘‘ jubilee ” was pro-
claimed. For jobél (Lev. xxv. 10) Lexx writes ἐνιαυτὸς ἀφέσεως
σημασία; here σημασία (‘‘signalling’’) is the translation
of 70δέϊ, while ἄφεσις = Heb. deror, ‘ liberty,”’ as the con-
text shows. Josephus has erroneously equated j6bél = ἄφεσις
= ἐλευθερία.

“ Leviticus says nothing about a reekoning up at the
jubilee or the three eases mentioned in the next sentence.
All that it implies is that the leaschold alone could be sold
and that the price was to be based on the number of erops
intervening between the date of sale and the jubilee (vv,
15 f.): this price was apparently to be estimated at the time
of the sale: the land could at any time be redeemed on pay-
ment of the value of the crops between the date of redemption
and the next jubilee (υ. 27).

455

The year
of jubilee.
Levy. xxv. 8.

Lav. EXV. 5.

he Peo Νς
13-16,

Cf. xxv. 27.

JOSEPHUS

e \ ~ f ‘ Α A e /
ὑπὲρ τοῦ λείποντος «μὴ καταβαλὼν τὸ ἱκνού-
.»,, ~ / f
μενον ἐξίσταται" τῆς κτήσεως, ἴσων δὲ συναριθμου-
~ ~ \ “- 3
μένων τῶν τε καρπῶν καὶ τῶν ἀναλωμάτων

~ a a A
285 ἀποδίδωσι τοῖς καὶ πρότερον νεμηθεῖσι. τὸ αὐτὸ

δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς οἰκίαις νόμιμον ἰσχύειν ἠθέλησε
ταῖς κατὰ κώμας πεπραμέναις" περὶ γὰρ τῶν ἐν
τῇ πόλει πεπραμέν'ων ἔγνωκεν ἑτέρως" εἰ μὲν γὰρ
πρὸ τοῦ τελειωθῆναι τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν καταβάλοι τὸ
ἀργύριον, ἀναγκάζει τὸν πριάμενον ἀποδοῦναι, εἰ
δὲ πλῆρες γένοιτο τὸ ἔτος, βεβαιοῖ τὴν κτῆσιν τῷ

286 πριαμένῳ. Του τῆ Mavoijs τὴν διάταξιν τῶν

287

288

νόμων, ὅθ᾽ ὑπὸ τὸ Σιναῖον καθιδρύκει τὴν στρατιάν,
ἐξέμαθε παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῖς ‘EBpailous γεγραμ-
μένην παραδίδωσιν.

(4) “Ἐπειδὴ δὲ καλῶς αὐτῷ τὰ περὶ τὴν νομο-
θεσίαν ἐ ἔχειν ἐδόκει, πρὸς ἐξέτασιν τοῦ στρατοῦ τὸ
λοιπὸν ἐτράπη τῶν πολεμικῶν ἤδη κατὰ νοῦν
ἔχων ἅπτεσθαι, προστάσσει τε τοῖς φυλάρχοις
πλὴν τῆς ἀξ πιδος φυλῆς ἀκριβῶς τὸν ἀριθμὸν
ἐκμαθεῖν τῶν στρατεύεσθαι δυναμένων" ἱεροὶ γὰρ
ἦσαν οἱ Λευῖται καὶ πάντων ἀτελεῖς. γενομένης
δὲ τῆς ἐξετάσεως εὑρέθησαν μυριάδες ἑξήκοντα
τῶν ὁπλιτεύειν δυναμένων, ὄντων ἀπὸ εἴκοσι ἐτῶν
ἕως πεντήκοντα, καὶ τρισχίλιοι πρὸς ἑξακοσίοις

? ins. Herwerden. 2 ἐξέρχεται R: ἐξέχεται ON.

——

* Text emended, with Herwerden and Weill, by insertion
of a negative, The ass. have “ he pays ... and forfeits
the property.” ὃ Greek © he.”

© We have a similar transition from civil to military
matters in iv. 292, In both cases the hand of the ‘‘ Thucydi-
dean’ assistant who was later to take a large share in the

456

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 284-288

expenditure preponderates, he must pay a sufficient
sum to cover the deficit or forfeit the property ἃ ;
if, lastly, the figures for revenue and cxpenditure
are equal, the legislator? restores the land to its
former possessors. In the case of houses, Moses
desired the same regulation to apply to the sale of
those situated in villages. For the sale of town
houses he decreed otherwise : in those cases, if before
the expiry of the year the price was paid, he compels
the purchaser to surrender the house ; but if a full
year has elapsed, he confirms to the purchaser his
right of possession. Such was the code of laws which
Moses, while keeping his army encamped beneath
Mount Sinai, learnt from the mouth of God and
transmitted in writing to the Hebrews.

(4) And now that all matters of legislation seemed
to him in good order, he next turned his attention
to an inspection of his army, already contemplating
the prosecution of affairs of war.c He accordingly
gave orders to the tribal leaders, with the exception
of the tribe of Levi, to ascertain the exact number
of those capable of military service, the Levites being
a holy tribe and exempt from all claims. The inspec-
tion having duly been held, there were found to be

603,650 4 men capable of bearing arms,¢ from twenty i

work (41. xvii-xix), here makes its appearance, as it has
done already in the account of the battle with Amalek (iii.
53 ff.). In these carlier hooks he is employed as a sort of
“war correspondent.”” The phrase πολεμικῶν ἅπτεσθαι is
based on Thue. v. 61 ἅπτεσθαι πολέμου (cf. «1. xvili. 278).

4 Ἅ[ρ}. απὰ Exx: 603.550" ᾿ς: bub the additional ecnhiry
in Josephus has the support of the Armenian version. Cf.
iii. 196 for a similar difference of fignres.

¢ ὁπλιτεύειν is Thucydidean and in Josephus recurs only
in A. xix, 243,

457

Lev. xxv. 81.

Xxv. ὃν.

Numbering
of the army.
Numb, i. 1.

280

200

29]

JOSEPHUS

\ / 3 A Α \ ’ὔ 3 \
καὶ πεντήκοντα. ἀντὶ δὲ Aevi κατέλεξεν εἰς τοὺς
φυλάρχους Μανασσῆν τὸν ᾿Ιωσήπου παῖδα καὶ
ay Ul 1 3 Ἁ » >I 4 δέ ‘ > ω

φραίμην' ἀντὶ τοῦ ᾿Ιωσήπου: δέησις δὲ ἦν αὕτη
3 / 4 3 4 ‘ 3 ~ ζω
Ιακώβου πρὸς ᾿Ιώσηπον ποιητοὺς αὐτῷ παρασχεῖν

\ “~ A “"
τοὺς παῖδας, ὡς καὶ προεῖπον.

(5) ΠΠηγνύντες δὲ τὴν σκηνὴν μέσην ἀπελάμβανον
τριῶν φυλῶν κατὰ πλευρὰν ἑκάστην παρασκηνου-
μένων: ὁδοὶ δὲ διὰ μέσων ἐτέτμηντο, καὶ κόσμος
ἦν ἀγορᾶς, καὶ τῶν πωλουμένων ἕκαστον ἐν τάξει
διέκειτο, καὶ δημιουργοὶ τέχνης ἁπάσης ἐν τοῖς
9 , > 4 , ” a ,
ἐργαστηρίοις ἦσαν, οὐδενί τε ἄλλῳ ἢ πόλει μετ-

\ ‘
ανισταμένῃ καὶ καθιδρυμένῃ ἐῴκει. τὰ δὲ περὶ τὴν
σκηνὴν πρῶτοι μὲν ol ἱερεῖς κατεῖχον, ἔπειτα δὲ

e ~ / 3 \ ~ 3 7

οἱ Λευῖται πάντες ὄντες τὸ πλῆθος, ἐξητάσθησαν
~ \

yap καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῦ μὲν ἄρρενος ὅσον τριακοστὴν

“
εἶχεν ἡμέραν γενόμενον, δισμύριοι καὶ δισχίλιοιξἥ

ἊΝ ν΄ Σ)982ὲνπ"ν
πρὸς τοῖς ὀκτακοσίοις ὀγδοήκοντα. καὶ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον
‘
μὲν ὑπὲρ τὴν σκηνὴν συνέβαινεν ἑστάναι τὴν
“Ἥ ~ 240. 7
νεφέλην, μένειν αὐτοῖς ws ἐπιδημοῦντος ἐδόκει

~ “ f
τοῦ θεοῦ, τρεπομένης δὲ ταύτης μετανίστασθαι.

> ,

(6) Εὗρε δὲ καὶ βυκάνης τρόπον ἐξ ἀργύρου

~ ,
ποιησάμενος, ἔστι δὲ τοιαύτη: μῆκος μὲν ἔχει
“"» “A 3 ‘ vA
πηχυαῖον ὀλίγῳ λεῖπον, στενὴ δ᾽ ἐστὶ σύριγξ

1 SPE: 'Edpany M, ᾿Εφράθην RO, ὐφράνην L.
2 τρισχίλιοι MLEZon.

α Numb. ‘‘ from twenty years old and upward”; ef.
A. ili, 196. Cpe. 100:

458

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 288-291

to fifty 4 years of age. In place of Levi he enrolled
among the tribal leaders Manasseh, son of Joseph,
and Ephraim in the stead of Joseph, in accordance
with the request which Jacob lad made to Joseph
to give up his children to be adopted by their grand-
sire, as I have already related.?

(5) In the pitching of their camp the tabernacle arrange-
was given a centra] isolated position, three tribes a τὰ
being encamped along each side, with roads laid Numb. ii. 1.
out between them. Here too was an orderly market-
place, articles of merchandise lay ranged each in its
place, and artisans of every craft had their work-
shops: in short it was like nothing so much as a
city ever shifting and settling down.° The region
directly surrounding the tabernacle was occupicd by cy i. 53.
the priests,? after whom came the Levites, amount-
ing in all—for the numbering included these also, Ολ iii. 39.
that is to say all males upwards of thirty days old—to
22,880 ὁ souls. And so long as the cloud was found ix. 18.
stationary above the tabernacle, they thought good to
tarry, believing that God was sojourning among them,
but, when it removed, then to break their camp.

(6) Moses further invented a kind of clarion, The silver
which he had made for him in silver, on this wise. ory pes.

and their
In length a little short of a cubit, it is a narrow tube, signals.
Numb, ». |.
ο The Hebrew camp is modelled on that of the Romans,
which also is compared to an improvised city (23.J. ili. 82 f.),
the tabernacle here replaeing the praetorium. The last phrase
is a combination of Thuc. vii. 75 οὐδὲν yap ἄλλο 7) WOME...
ἐῴκεσαν ὑποφευγούση with i. 12 ἡ ᾿Ελλὰς ἔτι μετανίστατό τε
καὶ κατῳκίζετο.
4 Not mentioned in Numb. loc. cit.: ‘ the Levites shall
pitch round about the tabernacle.”
¢ Some mss. read 23,880. Both figures differ from the
Biblical round number of 22,000 (Nuinb. iii. 39 Heb. and
LXX):

4:59

292

293

20.

295

JOSEPHUS

αὐλοῦ βραχεῖ παχυτέρα, “παρέχουσα δὲ εὖρος
ἀρκοῦν ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι πρὸς ὑποδοχὴν πνεύματος
εἰς κώδωνα ταῖς σάλπιγξι παραπλησίως τελοῦν᾽"
ἀσώσρα καλεῖται κατὰ τὴν Ἑβραίων γλῶσσαν.
γίνονται δὲ δύο, καὶ τῇ μὲν ἑτέρᾳ πρὸς παρα-
κέλευσιν καὶ συλλογὴν ἐχρῶντο τοῦ πλήθους εἰς
τὰς ἐκκλησίας" καὶ μιᾷ μὲν ἀποσημήναντος ἔδει
τὰς ἀρχὰς συνελθεῖν σκεψομένας περὶ τῶν οἰκείων,
ἀμφοτέραις δὲ συνῆγε τὸ πλῆθος. τῆς δὲ σκηνῆς
,ὔ
μετακινουμένης ταῦτα ἐγίνετο" ἀποσημήναντος γὰρ
τὸ πρῶτον οἱ “παρὰ ταῖς ἀνατολαῖς ἐσκηνωκότες
ἀνίσταντο, καὶ πρὸς τὴν δευτέραν οἱ πρὸς τὸν
νότον αὖθις" καθεστῶτες. εἶθ᾽ ἡ σκηνὴ λυομένη
μέση τῶν προϊουσῶν ἕξ φυλῶν ἐκομίζετο καὶ τῶν
ἑπομένων ἕξ, Λευῖται δὲ περὶ τὴν σκηνὴν πάντες
ἦσαν. τρίτον δὲ σημήναντος τὸ κατὰ λίβα τε-
τραμμένον τῶν ἐσκηνωκότων μέρος ἐκινεῖτο," καὶ
τέταρτον τὸ κατὰ βορρᾶν. ταῖς δὲ βυκάναις
ἐχρῶντο καὶ ἐπὶ ταῖς ἱερουργίαις προσάγοντες τὰς
θυσίας καὶ τοῖς σαββάτοις καὶ ταῖς λοιπαῖς ἡ ἡμέραις.
θύει δὲ τότε πρῶτον μετὰ τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τὴν ἐξ
Αἰγύπτου τὴν πάσχα" λεγομένην ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρήμου.

(x11) Καὶ βραχὺ διαλιπὼν ἀπανίσταται τοῦ
Σιναίου ὄρους καὶ τόπους τινὰς ἀμείψας, περὶ ὧν

1 ed. pr.: τελοῦντα codd. 2 RO: αὐτῆς rell.
3 ed. pr.: ἐνέκειτο codd. 4 ράσκα RO.

——

4 Hlazozerah, the straight trumpet depicted on the Arch
of ‘Titus; as opposed to the shophar or curved horn, used
mainly for secular purposes.

> Greek “‘he ”’ (7.e. Moses had the people convened).

460

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IIT. 291-295

slightly thicker than a flute, with a mouthpiece
wide enough to admit the breath and a bell-shaped
extremity such as trumpets have. It is called asésra 4
in the Hebrew tongue. Two such instruments were
made, one being reserved for summoning and collect-
ing the people to the assemblies : if only one sounded,
it behoved the chiefs to meet for deliberation on
their own affairs; with the two together they ὃ
convened the people. When the tabernacle was to
be moved, this was the precedure: at the first
signal those who were encamped on the east arose,
at the second it was the turn for those stationed to
the south. Then the tabernaele, being taken to
pieces, was carried in the centre, between the six
tribes in front and the six which followed it, the
Levites being all grouped around it. At the third
signal the western section of the camp moved off,
at the fourth the northern contingent.¢ These
clarions they used also for their sacrificial ceremonies,
when bringing the victims to the altar, both on the
sabbath and on the other (festal) days.¢ And now it
was that Moses, for the first time sinee their depar-
ture from Egypt, kept the saerifice called Pascha in
the wilderness.

(xiii) After a brief interval he broke up his camp
at Mount Sinai, and, passing certain localities of

¢ The third and fourth signals are mentioned here (Numb.
x. 6) by the Lxx only (notin the Hebrew text); but this order
of movement has already been stated in Numb. ib. 8 ff.

4 Numb. loc. cit. mentions three oecasions for their use:
the day (Lxx ‘‘ days ”’) of yonr gladness ” (7.6. extraordinary
publie festivals), fixed feasts, and new moons. ‘The sabbath
is not specified, but according to tradition (Sifré, cited by
Weill) it was indicated by the tirst two phrases.

VOL. IV Q 4. |

Numb. x, 5.

Ch AG Ti

x. 10,

Keeping of
Passover,
locke 1.

Departure
from Sinai:
renewed
murmur
ings.

ib. xi, 1.

290

297

200

JOSEPHUS

δηλώσομεν, εἴς τι χωρίον ᾿Εσερμὼθ λεγόμενον
παρῆν, κἀκεῖ τὸ πλῆθος πάλιν στασιάζειν ἄρχεται,
καὶ τὸν Μωυσῆν αἰτιᾶσθαι τῶν τε κατὰ τὴν
ἀποδημίαν αὐτῷ πεπειραμένων, καὶ ὅτι γῆς αὐὖὐ-
τοὺς ἀγαθῆς πείσαντος ἀπαναστῆναι τὴν μὲν ἀπ-
ολέσειαν, ἀντὶ δὲ ἧς ὑπέσχετο παρέξειν εὐδαιμονίας
ἐν ταύταις ἀλῶνται ταῖς ταλαιπωρίαις, ὕδατος μὲν
σπανίζοντες, εἰ δὲ καὶ τὴν μάνναν ἐπιλιπεῖν συμ-
βαίη τέλεον ἀπολούμενοι. πολλὰ δὲ εἰς τὸν ἄνδρα
καὶ δεινὰ λεγόντων, εἷς δέ τις αὐτοῖς παρήνει, “μήτε
δ]ωυσέος καὶ τῶν πεπονημένων αὐτῷ περὶ τῆς
κοινῆς σωτηρίας ἀμνημονεῖν μήτ᾽ ἀπογινώσκειν
τῆς ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθείας. τὸ δὲ πλῆθος πρὸς
τοῦτο μᾶλλον ἐκινήθη καὶ θορυβῆσαν ἔτι μᾶλλον
πρὸς τὸν Νίωυσῆν ἐπετείνετο. Δίωυσῆς δὲ παρα-
θαρσύνων αὐτοὺς οὕτως ἀπεγνωκότας ὑπέσχετο,
καίπερ αἰσχρῶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν περιυβρισμένος, πλῆθος
αὐτοῖς παρέξειν κρεῶν οὐκ εἰς μίαν “ἡμέραν ἀλλ᾽
εἰς πλείονας. ἀπιστούντων δ᾽ ἐπὶ τούτῳ καί τινος
ἐρομένου, πόθεν ἂν τοσαύταις εὐπορήσειε μυριάσι
τῶν προειρημένων, “ ὁ θεός,᾽ εἶπε, ᾿ κἀγὼ καίτοι
κακῶς ἀκούοντες πρὸς ὑμῶν οὐκ ἂν ἀποσταίημεν
κάμνοντες ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, καὶ ταῦτα οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν
ἔσται.᾽᾿ ἅμα ταῦτ᾽ ἔλεγε καὶ πίμπλαται τὸ στρατό-
πεὸον ὀρτύγων ἅπαν καὶ ἠθροιζον αὐτοὺς περι-

“ He does not revert to these; possibly he refers to his
eee work, or, as has been suggested, a negative may

ave dropped out. The stages named in Numb. xi are
Taberah (v. 3), Kibroth-hattaavah and Hazeroth (34 f.);
Josephus omits the first and reverses the order of the second
and third,

> Bibl. Hazeroth (Ασηρώθ), Numb. xi. 35. But, as Weill
suggests, the form ᾿Εσερμώθ in Josephus recalls rather the

462

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. ITT. -299

which we shall speak,* came to a place called Eser-
moth. There the multitude began to revolt once
more and to reproach Moses for the trials which
they had undergone on these peregrinations: that
good land which he had persuaded them to quit was
now lost to them, but, instead of the felicity which
he had promised to procure, here they were wandering
in these miseries, lacking water ‘and, should the
manna happen to fail, doomed to utter destruction.
Amid this torrent of abuse showered upon the hero,
there was yet one © who admonished them not to be
unmindful of Moses and what he had suffered for the
salvation of all, nor to despair of God’s aid. But at
that the multitude was only roused the more and
uproariously and yet more fiercely inveighed against
Moses. He, however, to embolden them in their
deep despair, promised. albeit so shamefully out-
raged by them, to procure for them meat in abun-
dance: not for one day only but for many more. But
since they put no faith in that and someone asked
whence could he get for sueh myriads those predicted
supplies,? τ God,” said he, “ and I, though vilified
by you, will never cease our efforts on your behalf ;

they will come at no distant date.” Even as he
spake, the camp was filled with quails on every side,
and they gathered round them and collected them.

Semite patriarch Hazarmaveth ( ἈΛσαρμώθ) in Gen. x. 26, who
gave his name to a district on the south coast of Arabia, the
modern /fladramaut (Driver).

¢ Unseriptural addition: possibly to be connected with
the story of Eldad and Medad, who “ prophesied in the
camp,’ Numb, si. 26.

1 Jn Scripture it is God who makes the promise to Moses,
and Moses himself who is sceptical (Numb. xi. 21 ἔς
Josephus throws the odium of this disbetief upon another.

463

Numb. xi, 4

Miraculous
cit of
quatls.

ay So te

ΧΙ, 31,

300

301

JOSEPHUS

στάντες. ὁ μέντοι θεὸς οὐκ εἰς μακρὰν μετέρχεται
τοὺς “Ἑβραίους τῆς εἰς αὐτὸν θρασύτητος καὶ
λοιδορίας" ἀπέθανε γὰρ οὐκ ὀλίγον πλῆθος αὐτῶν,
καὶ νῦν ἔτι κατ᾽ ἐπωνυμίαν ὃ χῶρος ὀνομάζεται
Καβρωθαβά, ἐπιθυμίας μνημεῖα λέγοιτο «ἄν».
ae > \ ‘ > eae ace ς Ἅ, a
(xiv. 1) ᾿Αναγαγὼν δὲ αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖθεν ὁ Μωυσῆς
εἰς τὴν καλουμένην Φάραγγα πλησίον οὖσαν τοῖς
Χαναναίων ὁρίοις" καὶ χαλεπὴν ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι εἰς
> é 3 f \ ~ 4 /
ἐκκλησίαν ἀθροίζει. τὸ πλῆθος Kat καταστάς,
“δύο, φησί, “᾿ τοῦ θεοῦ κρίναντος ὑμῖν παρα-
σχεῖν ἀγαθά, ἐλευθερίαν καὶ γῆς κτῆσιν εὐδαίμονος,
THY μὲν ἠδὴ δόντος ἔχετε, τὴν δὲ 707 λήψεσθε.
Χαναναίων γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς ὅροις καθήμεθα, καὶ
κωλύσει τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπιόντας οὐ μόνον οὐ βασιλεὺς
> ’ ι “ 3 ν᾽ δὲ 4 “- 10 θὲ > “ἢ
οὐ πόλις ἡμᾶς, ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ τὸ πᾶν ἀθροισθὲν αὐτῶν
ἔθνος. παρασκευαζώμεθα οὖν πρὸς τὸ ἔργον᾽ οὐ

γὰρ ἀμαχητὶ παραχωρήσουσιν ἡμῖν τῆς ἡ ηδς ἀλλὰ

802 μεγάλοις αὐτὴν ἀγῶσιν. ἀφαιρεθέντες. πέμψωμεν

303

δὲ κατασκόπους, οἱ τῆς TE’ γῆς ἀρετὴν κατα-
νοήσουσι καὶ πόση δύναμις αὐτοῖς. πρὸ δὲ πάντων
ὁμονοῶμεν καὶ τὸν θεόν, ὅς ἐστιν ἐπὶ πᾶσιν ἡμῖν
βοηθὸς καὶ σύμμαχος, διὰ τιμῆς ἔχωμεν."

(2 ) Μωυσέος δὲ ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος τὸ πλῆθος αὐτὸν
τιμαῖς ἀμείβεται, καὶ κατασκόπους αἱρεῖται δώδεκα
τῶν γνωριμωτάτων, ἐξ ἑκάστης φυλῆς ἕνα, ot
διεξελθόντες ἀπὸ τῶν πρὸς Αἰγύπτῳ τὴν Χαναναίαν

1 ins. Niese. 2 ed. pr., Lat.: dpos Ls: χωρίοις rell.

8 ἀθροισθέντων RO,
4 τῆς τε ed. pr.: τῆσδε τῆς (or τῆς δὲ) codd.

4 Heb. Kibroth-hattaavah ; Josephus takes over the
correct Greek translation, ἐπιθυμίας μνημεῖα, from the Lxx.
> Josephus significantly omits Numb. xii, the narrative

404

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 299-303

However God, not long after, chastised the Hebrews

for their abusive insolence towards Him: in fact

no small number of them perished. And to this day, numb.
that spot still bears the surname of Kabrothaba,® αἰ: 34
that is to say, “ graves of lust.”

(xiv. 1) Thence ὃ Moses led them up into the so- speech of
called Ravine,’ nigh to the Canaanite frontier and a al a
grievous for habitation. There he collected the of Canaan.
people in assembly and standing before them said : *"" *
“ΟΥ̓ the two blessings which God has resolved to
grant you, liberty and the possession of a favoured
land, the first through His gift ye already have, and
the Seong ye are far thwith to receive. For we are
seated on the frontiers of the Canaanites, and hence-
forth our advance shall be stayed not only by neither
king nor city, nay not even by their whole united
nation. Prepare we then for the task ; for it is not
without a combat that they will cede to us their
territory, but only when after mighty struggles they
are dispossessed of it. Let us then send scouts to
mark the richness of the land and the strength of its
people’s forces. But, before all, let us be of one mind
and hold God, who is ever our helper and ally, in
lasting honour.”’

(2) These words of Moses were rewarded by the Mission and
respectful attention of the people, and they selected πες
twelve scouts from their most notable men, one from iii. 3.
each tribe. ‘These, starting from the Kgyptian
frontier, traversed Canaan from end to end, reached

of the slanders brought against Moses by Miriam and
Aaron; he has already, in Book ii, explained how Moses
cante to marry a “* Cushite woman.”

¢ Gr. ‘ Pharanx,” a ITlellenization of the Heb. Paran
(Lxx Φαράν), Numb. xii. 106. The “ wilderness of Paran ”
lay north of Sinai, south of Kadesh, and west of Edom.

465

304

306

307

~

JOSEPHUS

ἅπασαν ἐπί τε ᾿Λμάθην πόλιν καὶ Λίβανον ad-
ικνοῦνται τὸ ὄρος, καὶ τήν τε τῆς γῆς φύσιν καὶ τὴν
τῶν ἐνοικούντων ἀνθρώπων ἐξιστορήσαντες παρῆσαν
τεσσαράκοντα ἡμέραις εἰς πᾶν καταχρησάμενοι
τὸ ἔργον, ἔτι τε καρποὺς ὧν epepey ἡ γῆ κομί-
Covres, τῇ τε τούτων εὐπρεπείᾳ καὶ τῷ πλήθει τῶν
ἀγαθῶν, ἃ τὴν γῆν ἔχειν διηγοῦντο, πολεμεῖν
ἐπαίροντες τὸ πλῆθος, φοβοῦντες δὲ πάλιν αὐτὸ
TH THS κτήσεως ἀπόρῳ, ποταμούς τε διαβῆναι
λέγοντες ἀδυνάτους ὑπὸ μεγέθους ἅμα καὶ βάθους
καὶ ὄρη ἀμήχανα τοῖς ὁδεύουσι καὶ πόλεις καρ-
τερὰς τείχεσι καὶ περιβόλων ὀχυρότητι: ἐν δ᾽
᾿Σβρῶνι καὶ τῶν “γιγάντων ἔφασκον τοὺς ἀπογόνους
καταλαβεῖν. καὶ οἱ μὲν κατάσκοποι τεθεαμένοι
πάντων οἷς μετὰ τὴν ἔξοδον τὴν ἀπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου
ἐνέτυχον μείζω τὰ κατὰ τὴν Χαναναίαν αὐτοί τε
κατεπλάγησαν' καὶ τὸ πλῆθος οὕτως ἔχειν"
ἐπειρῶντο.

(3) Οἱ δὲ ἄπορον ἐξ ὧν ἠκροάσαντο τὴν κτῆσιν
τῆς γῆς ὑπελάμβανον καὶ διαλυθέντες ἐκ τῆς
ἐκκλησίας σὺν γυναιξὶ καὶ παισὶν ὀλοφυρόμενοι
διῆγον, ὡς οὐδὲν ἔργῳ τοῦ θεοῦ βοηθοῦντος λόγῳ
δὲ μόνον ὑπισχνουμένου. καὶ τὸν ΔΙωυσῆν πάλιν
ἠτιῶντο καὶ κατεβόων αὐτοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἀδελφοῦ
᾿Λαρῶνος τοῦ ἀρχιερέως. καὶ πονηρὰν μὲν καὶ
μετὰ τῶν εἰς τοὺς ἄνδρας βλασφημιῶν διάγουσι
τὴν νύκτα, πρωΐ δ᾽ εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν συντρέχουσι,

1 κατεπεπληγέσαν L, (καταπεπληγέσαν Ν]).
2 {πείθειν Niese.

α ¥lamath on the Orontes in north Syria. The Biblical
460

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II. 303-307

the eity of Amathe 4 and Mount Libanus, and after

fully exploring the nature of the country and of its
inhabitants returned, having spent but forty days Numb.
over the whole task. They moreover brought with *"" 55:
them some of the produce of the country. By the
beauty of these fruits and by the abundance of good
things which, according to their report, the land
contained, they roused the military ardour of the
people ; but they terrified them, on the other hand,

by the difficulties of conquest, declaring that there

were rivers impossible to cross, so broad and deep
withal were they, mountains impracticable for pas-
sage, cities fortified by ramparts and solid ring-walls,

while in Hebron they asserted that they had lit upon xiii. 22, 33.
the descendants of the giants. Thus the scouts,
having seen that the things of Canaan surpassed in
magnitude all that they had encountered since the
exodus from Egypt, were not only themselves panic-
stricken, but sought to reduce the people to the same
condition.

(3) And they, after what they had heard, deemed Dejection
the conquest of the country impracticable and, when ἀμ ΓΟνΟΝ
dismissed from the assembly, gave themselves up to Hebrews.
lamentation with their wives and children, as though ἢ
God tendered them no actual aid, but only verbal
promises. Once more they blamed Moses and
loaded him with abuse, him and his brother Aaron,
the high-priest. In this sorry condition, then, amid
vituperations upon the two of them, did they pass
the night ; and next morning they rushed together

phrase (Numb. xiii. 21) “τὰς entering in of (entrance to)
Hiamath,” elsewhere named as the northern boundary of
Canaan, means a region far to the south of the city itself,
perhaps the depression between Lebanon and Hermon.

407

JOSEPHUS

du’ ἐννοίας ἔχοντες καταλεύσαντες τόν TE Mwmvanv
καὶ τὸν ᾿Ααρῶνα ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον ὑποστρέφειν.

805. (4) Τῶν δὲ κατασκόπων ᾿Ιησοῦς τε ὁ Ναυήχου
παῖς φυλῆς ᾿Εφραιμίτιδος καὶ Χάλεβος τῆς ᾿Ιούδα
φυλῆς φοβηθέντες χωροῦσιν εἰς μέσους καὶ τὸ
πλῆθος κατεῖχον, θαρσεῖν δεόμενοι καὶ μήτε
ψευδολογίαν κατακρίνειν τοῦ θεοῦ μήτε πιστεύειν
τοῖς ex τοῦ μὴ τἀληθῆ περὶ τῶν Χαναναίων
εἰρηκέναι καταπληξαμένοις, ἀλλὰ τοῖς ἐπὶ τὴν
εὐδαιμονίαν καὶ τὴν κτῆσιν αὐτοὺς τῶν ἀγαθῶν

809 παρορμῶσιν' οὔτε γὰρ τῶν ὀρῶν τὸ μέγεθος οὔτε
τῶν ποταμῶν τὸ βάθος τοῖς ἀρετὴν ἠσκηκόσιν
ἐμποδὼν στήσεσθαι πρὸς τὰ ἔργα, καὶ ταῦτα τοῦ
θεοῦ συμπροθυμουμένου καὶ ὑπερμαχοῦντος αὐτῶν.

“ἴωμεν οὖν, ἔφασαν, “ ἐπὶ τοὺς πολεμίους
μηδὲν ἔχοντες du ὑποψίας ἡγεμόνι τε τῷ θεῷ
πεπιστευκότες καὶ ὁδηγοῦσιν ἡμῖν ἑπόμενοι."

310 καὶ οἱ μὲν ταῦτα λέγοντες ἐπεχείρουν τὴν ὀργὴν
καταπραὕὔνειν τοῦ πλήθους, Mwvojs δὲ καὶ ᾿Ααρὼν
πεσόντες ἐπὶ τὴν γῆν τὸν θεὸν ἱκέτευον οὐχ ὑπὲρ
τῆς ἑαυτῶν σωτηρίας, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως τῆς ἀμαθίας
παύσῃ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ καταστήσῃ τὴν διάνοιαν
αὐτῶν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀμηχανίας τοῦ παραστάντος αὐτοῖς
πάθους -τεταραγμένην" παρῆν δ᾽ 7 νεφέλη Kal
στᾶσα ὑπὲρ τὴν σκηνὴν ἐσήμαινε τὴν ἐπιφάνειαν
τοῦ θεοῦ.

3811 (xv. 1) Mawvojs δὲ θαρσήσας πάρεισιν εἰς τὸ
πλῆθος καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐδήλου κινηθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς
ὕβρεως αὐτῶν, λήψεσθαι τιμωρίαν, οὐκ ἀξίαν μὲν
τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων," οἵαν δὲ οἱ πατέρες ἐπὶ νου-

312 βεσίᾳ τοῖς τέκνοις ἐπιφέρουσι. παρελθόντι γὰρ εἰς
1 αὐτῷ RO: αὑτῷῴ Niese. 2 RO: ἐξημαρτημένων rell.
468

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 307-312

to the assembly, with intent to stone Moses and
Aaron and to return to Egypt.

(4) But two of the scouts, Jesus, son of Nauechos @ Efforts of
of the tribe of Ephraim and Caleb of the tribe of eee
Judah, in horror made their way into the midst and [yassute
sought to restrain the crowd, entreating them to be Numb,
courageous and neither to accuse God of untruthful- * ©
ness nor to put faith in those who had terrified them
by false statements concerning the Canaanites, but
rather to trust those who exhorted them to proceed
to prosperity and the acquisition of those good
things. For neither the height of the mountains nor
the depth of the rivers would prove obstacles to
the activities of men of tried valour, above all when
God was seconding their ardour and championing
their cause. “Go we then forward,” said they,
‘against the foe, with no lurking misgivings ; trust
in our leader, God, and follow us who will show you
the way!” By these words did they endeavour
to allay the passion of the multitude. Meanwhile,

Moses and Aaron, prostrated to earth, were sup- xiv. δ,
plicating God, not for their own salvation, but that
He would rid the people of their ignorance and calm
their spirits, disordered by the helplessness of their
present plight. Then there appeared the cloud
which, resting above the tabernacle, signalized the
presence of God. xiv. 10.

(xv. 1) Moses, emboldened, now approached the Moses
people and announced that God, moved by their their cone
insolence, would exact retribution, not indeed pro- demnation

o forty
portionate to their errors, but such as fathers inflict years’

upon their children for Ae admonition. For, so he Pe ae

α Joshua son of Nun (iii, 49 note).

VOL. IV Q2 400

JOSEPHUS

τὴν σκηνὴν αὐτῷ Kal περὶ τῆς μελλούσης ὑπ᾽
αὐτῶν ἀπωλείας ἀποκλαιομένῳ τὸν θεὸν ὑπο-
μνῆσαι μέν, ὅσα παθόντες ἐξ αὐτοῦ καὶ πηλίκων
εὐεργεσιῶν μεταλαβόντες ἀχάριστοι πρὸς αὐτὸν
γένοιντο, ὅτι τε τῇ νῦν τῶν κατασκόπων ὑπ-
αχθέντες δειλίᾳ τοὺς ἐκείνων λόγους ἀληθεστέρους

313 τῆς ὑποσχέσεως ἡγήσαντο τῆς αὐτοῦ. καὶ διὰ
ταυτὴν τὴν αἰτίαν οὐκ ἀπολεῖ μὲν ἅπαντας οὐδ᾽
ἐξαφανίσει τὸ γένος αὐτῶν, ὃ πάντων μᾶλλον
ἀνθρώπων ἔσχε διὰ τιμῆς, τὴν μέντοι Aavavaiay
οὐ παρέζειν γῆν αὐτοῖς λαβεῖν οὐδὲ τὴν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς

314 εὐδαιμονίαν, ἀνεστίους δὲ ποιήσειν καὶ ἀπόλιδας
ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρημίας em ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα καταβιῶναι,

o ,ὕ \ 4 > , {{ \
τῆς παρανομίας ποινὴν ταύτην ἐκτίνοντας. “᾿ παισὶ
μέντοι τοῖς ὑμετέροις παραδώσειν τὴν γῆν ὑπέσχε-
το κἀκείνους τῶν ἀγαθῶν, ὧν ἑαυτοῖς ὑπὸ ἀκρασίας
ἐφθονήσατε μετασχεῖν, ποιήσειν δεσπότας.

315 (9) Ταῦτα δὲ Μωυσέος κατὰ τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ
γνώμην διαλεχθέντος ἐν λύπῃ καὶ συμφορᾷ τὸ
πλῆθος ἐγένετο, καὶ τὸν Μωυσῆν παρεκάλει κατ-
αλλάκτην αὐτῶν γενέσθαι πρὸς τὸν θεὸν καὶ τῆς
aAns τῆς κατὰ τὴν ἐρημίαν ἀπαλλάξαντα πόλεις
αὐτοῖς παρασχεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔφασκε τὸν θεὸν
τοιαύτην πεῖραν προσήσεσθαι, 1 μὴ γὰῤ κατὰ κου-
φότητα προαχθῆναι τὸν θεὸν ἀνθρωπίνην εἰς τὴν
ὀργὴν τὴν “πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ γνώμῃ ᾿καταψηφισά-

316 μένον αὐτῶν. οὐ δεῖ δὲ ἀπιστεῖν, εἰ δλιωυσῆς. εἷς
ἀνὴρ ὧν τοσαύτας μυριάδας ὀργιζομένας ἐπράυνε
καὶ “μετήγαγεν εἰς τὸ ἡμερώτερον"" ὁ γὰρ θεὸς
αὐτῷ συμπαρὼν ἡττᾶσθαι τοῖς λόγοις αὐτοῦ τὸ

1 Dindorf: προσοίσεσθαι codd.
2 μετήγαγε πρὸς τὸ ἥμερον RO,
470

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 312-316

told them, when he entered the tabernacle and was
deploring his destined destruction at their hands,
God had recalled to him how, after all that He had
done for them, after all those benefits received,
they had proved ungrateful to Him, and how even
now, seduced by their spies’ faintheartedness, they
had reckoned their reports more faithful to the truth
than His own promise. And that was why, though
He would not consign all to destruetion nor exter-
minate their race, which He esteemed above all
mankind, He would yet not suffer them to occupy
the land of Canaan or to enjoy its prosperity. Home-
less and citiless, he would cause them for forty vears
to eke out life in the wilderness : this was the penalty
that they must pay for their transgression. ‘‘ How-
beit,” he added, “ to your children has He promised
to give this land and to make them masters of those
good things, in which ye through lack of self-control
have yourselves declined to share.”

(2) When Moses in accordance with God’s purpose
had thus addressed them, the people were plunged
in grief and atHiction, and they besought Moses to
intercede for them with God and to spare them that
wandering in the wilderness and to give them cities.
But he declared that God would admit of no such
attempt ?; for it was not with the lightness of men
that God had been brought to this indignation
against them, but He had deliberately passed sen-
tence upon them. Nor need one refuse to believe
that Moses, by himself alone, calmed such inyriads
of angry ncn “and brought Hens back to a geutler
mood, for God was present with him, preparing the

@ No premature attenipt at conquest, such as is described
al the opening of Book iv,

471

Numb.
Riv 31.

Their vain
suppliea-
tious and
submission.

417

9]

Se

319

320

JOSEPHUS

~ ‘4 . ? ͵7ὔ
πλῆθος παρεσκεύαζε, καὶ πολλάκις παρακούσαντες
3 ’ ~ 4 ~
ἀσύμφορον αὑτοῖς τὴν ἀπείθειαν ἐπέγνωσαν ἐκ τοῦ
συμφορᾷ περιπεσεῖν.
{ A Ἁ ~ > ~ -
(5) Θαυμαστὸς δὲ τῆς ἀρετῆς ὃ ἀνὴρ καὶ τῆς
ἰσχύος τῆς τοῦ πιστεύεσθαι περὶ ὧν ἂν εἴπειεν'
5 > a v 7 co” , > Cre 4
ov παρ᾽ ὃν ἔζη χρόνον ὑπῆρξε μόνον, ἀλλὰ Kal
~ ” ~ 5 4 ¢ / a“ >) 4 ᾽
νῦν: ἐστι γοῦν οὐδεὶς ᾿βραίων, ὃς οὐχὶ καθάπερ
παρόντος αὐτοῦ καὶ κολάσοντος ἂν ἀκοσμῇ
~ A > ~ ~ ΕῚ
πειθαρχεῖ τοῖς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ νομοθετηθεῖσι, κἂν
λαθεῖν δύνηται. καὶ πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα τεκμήρια
~ ς 4 Mv a >) A 3 ~ » ,
τῆς ὑπὲρ ἀνθρωπὸν ἐστι δυνάμεως αὐτοῦ, ἤδη δέ
A ~ e 4 of Ψ dl ~ e A ,
τινες καὶ τῶν ὑπὲρ ᾿υῴράτην μηνῶν ὁδὸν τεσσάρων
ἐλθόντες κατὰ τιμὴν τοῦ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν ἱεροῦ μετὰ
»- ᾿ς 4 3 , 4 Τὰ
πολλῶν κινδύνων καὶ ἀναλωμάτων καὶ θύσαντες
οὐκ ἴσχυσαν τῶν ἱερείων μεταλαβεῖν, Muwvaéos
᾿ ~
ATNYOPEVKOTOS ἐπί τινι τῶν οὐ νομιζομένων οὐδ᾽
ἐκ τῶν πατρίων ἡμῖν αὐτοῖς συντυχόντων. καὶ
ς 4 A f e 4 ξ f 4 é
ol μὲν μηδὲ θύσαντες, ot δὲ ἡμιέργους τὰς θυσίας
4 > > 4 ~
καταλιπόντες, πολλοὶ δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἀρχὴν εἰσελθεῖν εἰς
/ ~
TO ἱερὸν δυνηθέντες ἀπίασιν, ὑπακούειν τοῖς
Ὶ ~ bh] ~
Mwvoéos προστάγμασι μᾶλλον ἢ ποιεῖν τὰ κατὰ
~ ~ 4
βούλησιν τὴν ἑαυτῶν προτιμῶντες, καὶ τὸν ἐλέγ-
4 / 9 A >) f > QA ΄
ἔοντα περὶ τούτων αὐτοὺς οὐ δεδιότες, ἀλλὰ μόνον
τὸ συνειδὸς ὑφορώμενοι. οὕτως ἢ νομοθεσία τοῦ
θεοῦ δοκοῦσα τὸν ἄνδρα πεποίηκε TS αὐτοῦ
ὔ / f > 4 3 Ά A
φύσεως κρείττονα νομίζεσθαι. οὐ μὴν ἀλλὰ καὶ
~ ~ ͵ὔ A γ᾽ ¥. é
τοῦδε τοῦ πολέμου μικρὸν ἔμπροσθεν, Κλαυδίου

1 Pindorf: εἴποιεν (εἴποι) codd.

472

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III. 316-320

hearts of the people to yield to his words; more-
over, having often disregarded him, they had learnt
the unprofitableness of disobedience from the cala-
mities into which they had fallen.

(3) But the admiration in which that hero was held
for his virtues and his marvellous power of inspiring
faith in all his utterances were not confined to his life-
time: they are alive to-day. Certainly there is not a
Hebrew who does not, just as if he were still there
and ready to punish him for any breach of discipline,
obey the laws laid down by Moses, even though in
violating them he could escape detection. Many
other proofs of that superhuman power of his might
be adduced ; and only recently certain persons from
beyond the Euphrates, after a journey of four
months, undertaken from veneration of our temple
and involving great perils and expense, having
offered sacrifices, could not partake of the victims,
because Moses had forbidden this to any of those not
governed by our laws nor affliated through the cus-
toms of their fathers to ourselves. Accordingly,
some without sacrificing at all, others leaving their
sacrifices half completed, many of them unable so
much as to gain entrance to the temple, they went
their way, preferring to conform to the injunetions
of Moses rather than to act in accordance with their
own will, and that from no fear of being reproved in
this matter but solely through misgivings of con-
science. So surely has that Slewclation: being be-
lieved to come from God, caused this man to be
ranked higher than his own (human) nature. But
yet again: shortly before the recent war, Claudius

473

The abiding
authority of
Moses : two
recent
instances.

32]

JOSEPHUS

“Ῥωμαίων ἄρχοντος ᾿Ισμαήλου δὲ παρ᾽ ἡμῖν
ἀρχιερέως ὄντος, καὶ λιμοῦ τὴν χώραν ἡμῶν κατα-
λαβόντος, ὡς τεσσάρων δραχμῶν πωλεῖσθαι τὸν
ἀσσαρῶνα, κομισθέντος ἀλεύρου κατὰ τὴν ἑορτὴν
τῶν ἀζύμων εἰς κόρους ἑβδομήκοντα, μέδιμνοι
δὲ οὗτοι Σικελοὶ μέν εἰσιν εἷς καὶ τριάκοντα'
᾿Λττικοὶ δὲ τεσσαράκοντα εἷς, οὐδεὶς ἐτόλμησε
τῶι’ ἱερέων κρίμνον ἐμφαγεῖν: τοσαύτης ἀπορίας
τὴν “γῆν κατεχούσης, δεδιὼς τὸν νόμον καὶ τὴν
ὀργήν, ἣν καὶ ἐπὶ ἀνεξελέγκτοις ἀεὶ τὸ θεῖον τοῖς
ἀδικήμασιν ἔχει. ὥστ᾽. . οὐ δεῖ θαυμάζειν “περὶ
τῶν τότε πεπραγμένων, ὁπότε καὶ μέχρι τοῦ νῦν
τὰ καταλειφθέντα ὑπὸ | διΙωυσέος γράμματα τηλι-
7 9 \ ”

καύτην ἰσχὺν ἔχει, ὥστε καὶ τοὺς μισοῦντας
ἡμᾶς “ὁμολογεῖν, ὅτι τὴν πολιτείαν ἡμῖν. ὁ κατα-
στησάμενὸς ἐστι θεὸς διὰ Mavoeos Kal τῆς ἀρετῆς
τῆς ἐκείνου. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν τούτων ὡς αὐτῷ
τινι δοκεῖ διαλήψεται.

1 ed. pr.. Lat.: τριακόσιοι eodd.
2 ἐμφαγεῖν) ἕν φαγεῖν LL Exe. ed. pr. (perhaps rightly).
3 4 καὶ RO,

α΄ Ishmael ben Phiabi, who was Roe priest c. a.p. 59-61,
when Vero was emperor (4. xxe 179, 1912 ΘΟ σοῖς Gl. V, 3
ii. 219). The mention of Claudius (who died in 54 a.n.) isa
slip. The house of Phiabi provided other high -priests—a
Jesus under Herod the Great (1. xv. 822), and another
Ishmael under Tiberius (xviii. 34); but there is no record

414

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, 111... 320-322

being ruler of the Romans and Ishmael @ our high-
priest, when our country was in the grip of a fannie
so severe that an assarén © was sold for four draechms,
and when there had been brought in during the
least of Unleavened bread no less than sev enty cors
of flour—equivalent to thirty-one Sicilian or forty-
one Attic medimni ‘—not one of the priests ventured
to consume a crumb,? albeit sueh dearth prevailed
throughout the country, from fear of the law and
of the wrath wherewith the Deity ever regards even
crimes whieh elude detection. W Neretore: one need
not marvel at what happened then, seeing that to
this very day the writings left by Moses have 916}
authority that even our enemies admit that our
eonstitution was established by God himself, through
the agency of Moses and of his merits. But on ane
subject everyone will form his own opinion.

of an Ishmael under Claudius, and the words “ shortly
before the war’ (which broke out in 66) confirm the refer-
ence to the Neronian dignitary.

> Otherwise an émer or “tenth part’ of an ephah (iii.

142).

ς In such statements Josephus jis usually untrustworthy
and in this instance inconsistent: in 4. xv. 314 he gives
the equation, t cor=10 Attie medimni. The Attic medimnus
was about a bushel and a half.

2 Or “a loaf.” We must apparently assume that the
‘flour’? was brought in the form of leavened loaves, which
might not be eaten at that season.

475

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ Δ

(i. 1.) Ἑβραίους δ᾽ 6 κατὰ τὴν ἐρημίαν βίος
ἀηδὴς καὶ χαλεπὸς ὧν ἐπόνει καὶ κωλύοντος τοῦ
θεοῦ τῶν Χαναναίων πεῖραν λαμβάνειν: οὐ γὰρ
ἠξίουν τοῖς Δ]ωυσέος πειθαρχοῦντες λόγοις ἠρεμεῖν,
ἀλλ; καὶ δίχα τῆς παρ᾽ ἐκείνου προθυμίας κρα-
τήσειν αὐτοὶ τῶν πολεμίων νομίζοντες κατηγόρουν
μὲν αὐτοῦ καὶ πραγματεύεσθαι μένειν αὐτοὺς
ἀπόρους ὑπενόουν, ἵν᾽ ἀεὶ τῆς ἐξ αὐτοῦ βοηθείας

9 δέωνται, πολεμεῖν δὲ τοῖς Χαναναίοις ὡρμήκεσαν
λέγοντες τὸν θεὸν οὐχὶ Mavoet χαριζόμενον
ἐπικουρεῖν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλὰ καὶ κοινῇ κηδόμενον
αὐτῶν τοῦ ἔθνους διὰ τοὺς προγόνους ὧν ἐπ-
ετρόπευσε καὶ διὰ τὴν αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν πρότερόν
τε παρασχεῖν τὴν ἐλευθερίαν καὶ νῦν βουλομένοις

9, πονεῖν ἀεὶ παρέσεσθαι σύμμαχον' εἶναί τε καὶ
καθ᾽ αὑτοὺς ἱκανοὶ κρατεῖν τῶν ἐθνῶν ἔφασκον,
κἂν ἀπαλλοτριοῦν αὐτῶν λΔιωυσῆς ἐθελήσῃ τὸν
θεόν' ὅλως τε συμφέρειν αὐτοῖς τὸ αὐτοκράτορσιν
εἶναι, καὶ μὴ χαίροντας ἐπὶ τῷ τῆς παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων
ἐξελθεῖν. ὕβρεως λΙωυσῆν τύραννον ἀνέχεσθαι καὶ
ζῆν πρὸς τὴν τούτου “βούλησιν ἐξαπατωμένους,

4 ὅτι μόνῳ τὸ θεῖον αὐτῷ προδηλοῖ περὶ τῶν ἡμε-

1 ἐπίεζε PLS?; ἐποίει Ernesti,

BOOK IV

(i. 1) The Hebrews, however, found life in the The

desert so unpleasant and hard that it drove them,
notwithstanding the prohibition of God, to make an
assault on the Canaanites. For they refused to
remain inactive in obedience to the words of Moses,

Hebrews
decide to
fight the
Canaanites
in defiance
of Moses.
Numb.

and, imagining that even without his support they xiv. 40.

could by themselves defeat their enemies, they
proceeded to accuse and suspect him of scheming to
keep them without resources, in order that they
might always stand in need of his aid. They were
accordingly bent on war with the Canaanites, de-
claring that it was from no favour for Moses that
God succoured them, but because in general He had
a care for their race out of regard for their ancestors
whom He had taken under His protection. It was
thanks to them and to their own valour that He had
in the past given them their liberty, and now, would
they but exert themselves, He would be ever at their
side as their ally. They further asserted that they
were strong enough by themselves to defeat these
nations, even should Moses desire to alienate God
from them. Besides, it was wholly to their advantage
to be their own masters, and not, while rejoicing in
their deliverance from Egyptian insolence, to tolerate
a tyrant in Moses and to live in accordance with his
will—* deluded into believing that to him alone does

477

JOSEPHUS

τέρων κατὰ τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν εὔνοιαν, ὡς οὐχ ἁπάν-
των ἐκ τῆς ᾿Λβράμου γενεᾶς ὄντων, ἀλλ᾽ αἴτιον
ἕνα τοῦτον! τοῦ θεοῦ παρεσχηκότος εἰς τὸ πάντ᾽
αὐτὸν εἰδέναι τὰ μέλλοντα παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ μαυθάνοντα"

6 δόξειν τε συνετοὺς εἶναι, εἰ THs ἀλαζονείας αὐτοῦ
καταγνόντες καὶ τῷ δε πιστεύσαντες κτήσασθαι
γῆν ἣν αὐτοῖς ὑπέσχηται θελήσουσιν, ἀλλὰ μὴ
τῷ διὰ τὴν αἰτίαν ταύτην ἐπ᾿ ὀνόματι τοῦ θεοῦ

6 κωλύοντι. προσσχοῖεν. τὴν ἀπορίαν οὖν λογιζό-
μενοι καὶ τὴν ἐρημίαν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἔτι ταύτην αὐτοῖς
χείρω συνέβαινεν εἶναι δοκεῖν, ἐπὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς
Χαναναίους μάχην ἦσαν ὡρμημένοι, τὸν θεὸν
προστησάμενοι στρατηγὸν ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ τὴν παρὰ
τοῦ νομοθέτου συνεργίαν περιμένοντες.

1 (9) Ὡς" οὖν ταῦτ᾽ ἄμεινον αὐτοῖς ἕξειν ἔκριναν
καὶ τοῖς πολεμίοις ἐπῆλθον, οἱ μὲν οὐ κατα-
πλαγέντες αὐτῶν τὴν ἔφοδον οὐδὲ τὴν πληθὺν
γεν αίως αὐτοὺς ἐδέξαντο, τῶν δὲ Ἑβραίων
ἀποθνήσκουσί τε πολλοὶ καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν στράτευμα
τῆς φάλαγγος αὐτῶν διαλυθείσης ἀκόσμως διω-

8 κόμενον εἰς τὴν παρεμβολὴν συνέφυγε, καὶ τῷ
παρ᾽ ἐλπίδας δυστυχῆσαι" παντάπασιν ἀθυμοῦν
οὐδὲν ἔτι χρηστὸν. προσεδόκα, λογιζόμενον ὅτι
καὶ ταῦτα κατὰ μῆνιν θεοῦ πάθοιεν προεξορμὴ-
σαντες ἐπὶ τὸν πόλεμον τῆς ἐκείνου βουλήσεως.

9 (3) Μωυσῆς δὲ τοὺς μὲν οἰκείους δρῶν ὑπὸ THS
ἥττης καταπεπληγότας, φοβούμενος δὲ μὴ θαρ-
σήσαντες ἐπὶ τῇ νίκῃ οἱ πολέμιοι καὶ μειζόνων
ὀρεχθέντες ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς ἔλθοιεν, ἔγνω δεῖν τὴν
στρατιὰν ἀπαγαγεῖν πορρωτέρω τῶν Χαναναίων

1 Ρ; τούτων ΓΕ]], 2 tws OL Lat.
ὃ ἀτυχῆσαι KO. 4 + δίχα SPL (Lat. Ὁ};
478

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 4-9

the Deity reveal our destiny from goodwill towards
him, as though we were not all of the stock of Abra-
ham, but God had made this one man responsible
for knowing all the future, as taught by Him.” They
would (they said) show themselves sensible if, scorn-
ing the arroganee of Moses and in reliance upon God,
they were to determine to win this land which He had
promised them, without heeding the man who, under
this pretext, would, in the name of God, prevent them.
And so, reflecting on their distress and on this desert,
which made it appear yet worse, they were all eager
for battle with the Canaanites, elaiming God as their
leader and without waiting for any concurrence on
the part of their legislator.

(2) Having then decided that this course would be
the better for them, they marched against their foes.
These, undaunted by their onset or numbers, received
them valiantly ; of the Hebrews, many perished and
the rest of the army, their line once broken, fled,
pursued by the enemy, in disorder to the camp ;
and, utterly despondent at this unexpected reverse,
they looked for no more good hereafter, concluding
that they owed this disaster also to the wrath of
God, having rushed precipitately into battle without
His assent.

(5) But Moses, seeing his people downhearted at
this defeat and fearing that the enemy, emboldened
by their victory and ambitious of greater achieve-
ments, would march upon them, decided that he
ought to lead his army further from the Canaanites

479

Their
defeat.
Numb.
xiv. 44.

Moses leads
them off
into the
desert.

JOSEPHUS

10 εἰς τὴν ἔρημον. καὶ τοῦ πλήθους ἐπιτρέψαντος

11

13

ἑαυτὸ πάλιν ἐκείνῳ, συνῆκε yap δίχα τῆς αὐτοῦ
προνοίας οὐ δυνησόμενον ἐρρῶσθαι τοῖς πράγμασιν,
ἀναστήσας τὸ στράτευμα προῆλθεν εἰς τῆν ἔρημον,
ἐνταῦθα νομίζων ἡ ἡσυχάσειν αὐτοὺς καὶ μὴ πρότερον
Tots Navavatots εἰς χεῖρας ἥξειν πρὶν ἢ παρὰ
τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν εἰς τοῦτο καιρὸν λάβωσιν.

ie) Ὅπερ δὲ τοῖς μεγάλοις συμβαίνει στρατο-
πέδοις καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ τὰς κακοπραγίας δυσ-
ἄρκτοις εἶναι καὶ δυσπειθέσι, τοῦτο καὶ τοῖς
᾿Ιουδαίοις συνέπεσεν: ἑξήκοντα γὰρ ὄντες μυριάδες
καὶ διὰ τὸ πλῆθος ἴσως ἂν μηδ᾽ ἐν ἀγαθοῖς ὑπο-
ταγέντες τοῖς κρείττοσι, τότε μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῆς
ἀπορίας καὶ συμφορᾶς ἐξηγανάκτουν καὶ πρὸς
ἀλλήλους καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἡγεμόνα. στάσις οὖν
αὐτοὺς οἵαν' ἴσμεν οὔτε παρ᾽ “Ἕλλησιν οὔτε παρὰ
βαρβάροις γενομένην κατέλαβεν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς ἅπαντας
ἀπολέσθαι κινδυνεύσαντας, ἔσωσε δίωυσῆς, οὐ
μνησικακῶν ὅτι παρ᾽ ὀλίγον ἦλθε καταλευσθεὶς
ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀποθανεῖν. οὐδ᾽ ὁ θεὸς δὲ ἠμέλησε
τοῦ μηδὲν αὐτοὺς παθεῖν τῶν δεινῶν, ἀλλὰ καίπερ
εἰς τὸν νομοθέτην αὐτῶν ἐξυβρισάντων καὶ τὰς
ἐντολάς, ἃς αὐτὸς διὰ Δίωυσέος αὐτοῖς ἐπέστειλεν,
ἐρρύσατο τῶν ἐκ τοῦ στασιάζειν αὐτοῖς ἂν γενο-
μένων δεινῶν, εἰ μὴ προενόησε. τήν τε οὖν
στάσιν καὶ ὅσα μετὰ ταύτην Mwvofs ἐπο-

1 + οὐκ SPL.
2 ed. pr.: ἀπολείπεσθαι xd. ἢ ἀπολέσθαι codd.
3 μετ᾽ αὐτὴν RO.

2 Jn Numb. xiv. 25 it is God who instructs Moses to turn
back into the wilderness ‘“‘ by the way to the Red Sea”

450

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 10-13

out into the desert.2 So, the people having once
more committed themselves to hin—for they under-
stood that without his vigilance they could never
prosper in their affairs—he called up the army and
advanced into the desert, thinking that there they
would be tranquil and would not come to grips with
the Canaanites before the opportunity for so doing
should be granted them by God.

(ii. 1) However, just as large armies, especially in

reverses, are wont to become ungovernable and in-.

subordinate, even so it fell out with the Jews. These
sixty myriads of men, who, by reason of their num-
bers, might perchance even in prosperity not have
submitted to their superiors, now so much the more,
under the stress of want and calamity, became en-
raged both with each other and with their leader.
Thus it was that a sedition, for which we know of no
parallel whether among Greeks or barbarians, broke
out among them ; this Sedition brought them all into
peril of dest: uction, from which they were saved by
Moses, who bore them no malice for havi ing come near
to being stoned to death at their hands: Nor did
God himself suffer them altogether to eseape a dread-
ful disaster, but, notwithstanding that they had
outraged their lave giver and the commandments
which He himself throug h Moses had enjoined upon
them, He delivered εἰπε μὴ from those dire con-
sequences which would have ensued from their
sedition but for Moses’ watchful eare. This sedition,
along with the measures thereafter taken by Moses,
(1.6. towards its eastern arm, the Gulf of Akabah); the
abortive attack on the Canaanites follows later.

® An echo of Thue. vii. 80 οἷον φιλεὶ καὶ πᾶσι στρατοπέδοις

μάλιστα δὲ τοῖς μεγίστοις : with the adjectives following ef.
B.J. ii. 92 τό τε δύσαρκτον καὶ τὸ δνσπειθές.

48]

The great
sedition.

14

16

JOSEPHUS

λιτεύσατο διηγήσομαι προδιελθὼν τὴν αἰτίαν
ἀφ᾽ ἧς ἐγένετο.

(2) Kops τις “EBpatwr ἐν τοῖς μάλιστα καὶ
γένει καὶ πλούτῳ διαφέρων ἱκανὸς δ᾽ εἰπεῖν καὶ
δήμοις ὁμιλεῖν πιθανώτατος, ὁρῶν ἐν ὑπερβαλλούσῃ
τιμῇ τὸν διωυσῆν καθεστῶτα χαλεπῶς εἶχεν
ὑπὸ φθόνου, καὶ γὰρ φυλέτης ὧν ἐτύγχανεν α αὐτοῦ
καὶ συγγενής, ἀχθόμενος ὅτι ταύτης τῆς δόξης
δικαιότερον ἂν τῷ' πλουτεῖν ἐκείνου μᾶλλον μὴ
χείρων ὧν κατὰ γένος αὐτὸς ἀπέλαυε. παρά τε
τοῖς Λευίταις, φυλέται δ᾽ ἦσαν, καὶ μάλιστα παρὰ
τοῖς συγγενέσι κατεβόα, δεινὸν εἶναι λέγων Mevojy
δόξαν αὑτῷ θηρώμενον κατασκευάσαι καὶ κακουρ-
γοῦντα, κτήσασθαι ταύτην ἐπὶ προφάσει τοῦ θεοῦ
περιορᾶν, παρὰ τοὺς νόμους μὲν τἀδελφῷ τὴν
ἱερωσύνην ᾿Ααρῶνι δόντα, μὴ τῷ κοινῷ δόγματι
τοῦ πλήθους ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ ψηφισαμένου, τυράννων"
δὲ τρόπῳ καταχαριζομένου τὰς τιμὰς οἷς. “αὖ
ἐθελήσῃ" χαλεπώτερον ΤΣ non τυγχάνειν τοῦ
βιάζεσθαι τὸ λεληθότως ἐξυβρίζειν, OTL p77 μόνον
ἄκοντας ἀλλὰ μηδὲ συνιέντας τῆς ἐπιβουλῆς τὴν

1 ἂν τῷ Dindorf: αὐτῷ codd.

2 Niese: τυράννω or τυράννον codd.

3 A re, which the mss. insert before λεληθότως, has perhaps
been misplaced.

@ Gr. Kops; Heb. Korah (Ξ “ baldness *’), cxx. Kdpe.

> Tradition enlarges upon the wealth of Korah, which it
attributes to his discovery of treasures buried by Joseph in
Egypt (see Jewish Encyclopaedia). Psalm xlix. (a psalm
attributed to “ the sons of Korah,”’ his degenerate descend-
ants), and in particular v. 17 (16). "ΒΕ not thou afraid when
one is made rich,"’ is interpreted by the Midrash as referring
to Korah and his company.

482

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 13-16

I shall now recount, having first related the occasion
out of which it arose.

(2) Korah.? one of the most eminent of the Hebrews
by reason both of his birth and of his riches,® a capable
speaker and very effective in addressing a crowd,
seeing Moses established in the highest honours, was
sorely envious ; for he was of the same tribe and
indeed his kinsman,’ and was aggrieved at the thought
that he had a greater right to enjoy all this glory
himself, as being richer than Moses without being
his inferior in birth. So he proceeded to denounce
him among the Levites, who were his tribesmen,
and especially among his kinsmen, declaring that it
was monstrous to look on at Moses hunting round to
create glory for himself and mischievously working to
attain this in the pretended name of God. In defiance
of the laws he had (he said) given the priesthood to
his brother Aaron, not by the common decree of the
people but by his own vote, and in despotic fashion
was bestowing the honours upon whom he would.4
Graver than open violence was now this clandestine
form of outrage, because not only were those whoin
it robbed of power unwilling victims but even un-

¢ His first cousin. The pedigree (Ix. vi. 16, 185; Numb.
xvi. 1) was:

Levi
Kohath
|
| | ;
Aniram [zhar Uzziel
J
Aaron Moses Korah EFlizaphan

4 According to tradition Korah’s main grievance was that
the office of * prince”? of the Kohathites had been bestowed
upon Elizaphan, who belonged to a branch of the family
younger than his own (Numb. iii. 30: see pedigree above).

4383

Korah’s
jea.ousy :
his
harangue to
his fellow
Levites.
Numb.

xvi. 1.

JOSEPHUS

17 ἰσχὺν ἀφαιρεῖται: ὅστις yap αὑτῷ σύνοιδεν ὄντι
λαβεῖν ἀξίῳ πείθει τυγχάνειν αὐτὸν καὶ ταῦτα'
βιάσασθαι μὴ θρασυνόμενος, οἷς δὲ ἄπορον ἐκ
τοῦ δικαίου τιμᾶσθαι βίαν μὲν ἀγαθοὶ βουλόμενοι
δοκεῖν οὐ προσφέρουσι, τέχνῃ δ᾽ εἶναι κακουργοῦσι

18 δυνατοί. συμφέρειν δὲ τῷ πλήθει τοὺς τοιούτους
ἔτι λανθάνειν οἰομένους κολάζειν καὶ μὴ παρελθεῖν
εἰς δύναμιν ἐάσαντας φανεροὺς ἔχειν πολεμίους.
“τίνα yap καὶ λόγον ἀποδοῦναι δυνάμενος Δἰωυσῆς
᾿Ααρῶνι καὶ τοῖς υἱέσιν αὐτοῦ τὴν ἱερωσύνην

19 παρέδωκεν; εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Λευίτιδος φυλῆς
τὴν τιμὴν ὁ θεός τινι παρασχεῖν ἔκρινεν, ἐγὼ
ταύτης δικαιότερος τυγχάνειν, γένει μὲν ὁ αὐτὸς
ὧν Μωυσεῖ, πλούτῳ δὲ καὶ ἡλικίᾳ διαφέρων᾽ εἰ
d€ TH mpeapurdrn τῶν φυλῶν, εἰκότως ἂν ἣ
“Ῥουβήλου τὴν τιμὴν ἔχοι λαμβανόντων αὐτὴν
Δαθάμου καὶ ᾿Αβιράμου καὶ Dadaod: πρεσβύτατοι
γὰρ οὗτοι τῶν ταύτην Τὴν. φυλὴν νεμομένων
᾿ Boe χρημάτων περιουσίᾳ. ᾿

20 ) ᾿Εβούλετο μὲν οὖν ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Κορῆς
τοῦ ue προνοεῖσθαι δοκεῖν, ἔργῳ δὲ εἰς ἑαυτὸν
ἐπραγματεύετο τὴν παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους τιμὴν
μεταστῆσαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα κακοήθως μετ᾽

21 εὐπρεπείας, πρὸς τοὺς φυλέτας ἔλεγε. προϊόντος
δ᾽ εἰς τοὺς πλείονας κατ᾽ ὀλίγον τοῦ λόγου
καὶ τῶν ἀκροωμένων προστιθεμένων ταῖς κατὰ

1 τότε RO.

@ Keuben (see i. 304 note).

ὃ Gr. Dathames (most mss.): Bibl. Dathan.

¢ Pallu (Lxx PaAdXors) is mentioned as the second son of
Reuben in Ex. vi. 14. But the name Phalaus here ΤΗΣ
comes rather from the historian’s text of Numb, xvi. 1; that

451

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 17-21

aware of the plot. For one who is conscious of
meriting promotion seeks to obtain it by persuasion,
and that without venturing to resort to force ; but
those who are incapable of obtaining honours by just
means, while doubtless they refrain from violence,
because they wish to be taken for honest people,
scheme by wicked artifice to attain to power. It was
expedient for the people, he continued, to punish
such persons, while yet they believed themselves
undetected, instead of allowing them to advance to
power and having them for open enemies. “ What
reason, pray, could Moses give for having conferred
the priesthood upon Aaron and his sons? If God
has decided to award this honour to one of the tribe
of Levi, J have more right to receive it, being by
birth on a level with Moses, in wealth and years his
superior. If, on the other hand, it is meant for the
oldest of the tribes, naturally that of Rubel ¢ should
have this dignity, to be held by Datham,? Abiram,
and Phalaus¢; for they are the eldest of the mem-
bers of that tribe, and powerful through abundance
of possessions.’

(3) Now by these words Korah wished it to appear
that he was concerned for the public welfare ; in
reality, he was but scheming to have the dignity
transferred by the people to himself. Thus with
specious malice did he address the members of his
tribe ; his words then spreading gradually among
the crowd and those who listened to them crediting 4

verse in its traditional form (which is thought to be corrupt)
mentions along with Dathan and Abiram δ“ On the son of
Peleth ἡ (Lxx Φαλέθ).

4 Or “assenting to" (in A. vi. 287 προστίθεσθαι is a
synonym for πιστεύειν) not, 1 think, as earlier translators
take it, adding το," ὁ improving upon.”

485

Spread of
the
rebellion.

JOSEPHUS

> ~ ~ 3 , 4 itd e
Aap@vos διαβολαῖς ἀναπίμπλαται τούτων ἅπας ὁ
στρατός. ἦσαν δὲ οἱ συντεταγμένοι τῷ ΚΚορῇ
πεντήκοντα καὶ διακόσιοι τῶν πρώτων ἄνδρες
ὁ > ᾽ 4 e ᾽ὔ ‘ a
σπεύδοντες ἀφελέσθαι τὴν ἱερωσύνην tov Μωυσέος
22 ἀδελφὸν καὶ τοῦτον αὐτὸν ἀτιμοῦν. ἀνηρέθιστο
A 4 ~ Α ’ 4 ~ e ’ὔ’
δὲ καὶ τὸ πλῆθος καὶ βάλλειν τὸν Μωυσῆν ὡρμή-
κεσαν, εἴς τε ἐκκλησίαν ἀκόσμως μετὰ θορύβου
καὶ ταραχῆς συνελέγοντο, καὶ πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς
τοῦ θεοῦ στάντες) ἐβόων διώκειν" τὸν τύραννον
A “- > > > ~ / 3 4 A ~
καὶ τῆς am αὐτοῦ δουλείας ἀπηλλάχθαι τὸ πλῆθος,
τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ προφάσει βίαια προστάγματα κελεύ-
23 οντος" τὸν γὰρ θεόν, εἴπερ αὐτὸς ἦν ὁ τὸν LEepa-
σόμενον᾽ ἐκλεγόμενος, τὸν ἄξιον ἂν εἰς τὴν τιμὴν
παραγαγεῖν, οὐχὶ τοῖς πολλῶν ὑποδεεστέροις
ταύτην φέροντα προσνεῖμαι, κρίνοντά τε παρασχεῖν
᾿Ααρῶνι ταύτην ἐπὶ τῷ πλήθει ποιήσασθαι τὴν
,ὔ > 2 9 > A > ~ -
δόσιν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπὶ τἀδελφῷ καταλιπεῖν.
~ > ~
24. (ἢ) Μωυσῆς δὲ τὴν Κορέου διαβολὴν ἐκ πολλοῦ
προειδὼς καὶ τὸν λαὸν παροξυνόμενον ἰδὼν οὐκ
ἔδεισεν, ἀλλὰ θαρρῶν οἷς περὶ τῶν πραγμάτων
καλῶς ἐβουλεύετο καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν εἰδὼς κατὰ τὴν
τοῦ θεοῦ προαίρεσιν τῆς ἱερωσύνης τυχεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ
25 κατὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ χάριν, ἧκεν εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν. καὶ
πρὸς μὲν τὸ πλῆθος οὐδένα ἐποιήσατο λόγον,
Α Α A ~ ~ > 4? itd 3 rd
πρὸς δὲ τὸν Κορῆ βοῶν ἐφ᾽ ὅσον ἐδύνατο,
᾿ " ‘ \ > ‘ , ς ia
δεξιὸς ὧν Kal κατὰ τἄλλα καὶ πλήθεσιν ὁμιλεῖν

1 πάντες ROM Lat.
2M ed. pr.: ἥκειν rell. (exeat Lat.).
3 ἱερωσόμενον codd, (and so ὃ 98),
4 Niese: παράγειν codd,

α Traditional detail, not in Scripture.

486

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 21-25

these calumnies upon Aaron, the whole army was
soon pervaded with them. Korah’s confederates
were two hundred and fifty of the leading men,
burning to deprive the brother of Moses of the priest-
hood and to dishonour Moses himself, But the
multitude was equallv excited and bent on stoning 4
Moses: and, trooping to assembly in disorderly
wise with tumult and uproar, they stood before the
tabernacle of God and shouted: ‘‘ Away with?
the tyrant and let the people be rid of their bondage
to one who, in the pretended name of God, imposes
his despotie orders. For God, had it been He who
selected him that is to be priest, would have in-
stalled the most deserving in this office and would
not have conferred and settled it® upon persons
inferior to many of us ; and, had He decided to grant
it to Aaron, He would have committed the presenta-
tion of it to the people, instead of leaving it to his
brother.”

Numb.
xvi. 2.

(+) But Moses, though he had long sinee known of sfoses

the ealumnies of Korah and seen the people’ s growing
exasperation, yet was not afraid; no, with the
assurance of havi ing taken eounsel fe affairs aright,
and knowing that his brother had obtained “the
priesthood through God's deliberate choice and not
through any fav ΑΙ ΘΝ of his own, he eame to the
assembly. ‘To the multitude he addressed no word,
but turning to Korah and shouting with all his might
—he who, ath all his other talents, was so gifted in

δ Literally “ pursue ’’ or “ prosecute ’’?; most mss. have
let the tyrant come (forth).”’
¢ The rendering “ would not have consented (literally
endured ”’) to settle it” (so Hudson and Weill) seems
hardly justifiable : φέρειν in that sense takes a participle, not
an infinitive. Cf. φέρων ἔδωκα below, ὃ 90,

“-

487

addresses
the
assembly.
Cf. tb, 4-11

--"

28

20)

JOSEPHUS

εὐφυής, “ἐμοί, ono, “ὦ Κορῆ, καὶ σὺ καὶ
τούτων ἕκαστος, ᾿ ἀπεδήλου δὲ τοὺς πεντήκοντα καὶ
διακοσίους ἄνδρας, “᾿ τιμῆς ἄξιοι δοκεῖτε, καὶ τὸν
ὅμιλον δὲ πάντα τῆς ὁμοίας οὐκ ἀποστερῶ τιμῆς,
Kav ὑστερῶσιν ὧν ὑμῖν ἐκ πλούτου καὶ τῆς ἄλλης
ἀξιώσεως ὑπάρχει. καὶ νῦν ᾿ΔΛαρῶνι τὴν ἱερωσύνην
οὐκ ἐπειδὴ πλούτῳ προεῖχε, σὺ γὰρ καὶ ἀμφοτέρους
ἡμᾶς μεγέθει χρημάτων ὑπερβάλλεις, οὐ μὴν
οὐδ᾽ εὐγενείᾳ, κοινὸν γὰρ ἡμῖν τοῦτ᾽ ἐποίησεν ὁ
θεὸς τὸν αὐτὸν δοὺς προπάτορα, οὐδὲ διὰ φιλ-
αδελφίαν ὃ δικαίως ἂν ἕτερος εἶχε τοῦτο φέρων
ἔδωκα τἀδελφῷ" καὶ γὰρ εἰ μὴ φροντίζων τοῦ
θεοῦ καὶ τῶν νόμων τὴν τιμὴν ἐχαριζόμην, οὐκ
ἂν ἐμαυτῷ παρεὶς δοῦναι παρέσχον ἑτέρῳ, συγ-
γενέστερος ὧν ἐμαυτῷ τἀδελφοῦ καὶ πρὸς ἐμαυτὸν
οἰκειότερον ἢ πρὸς ἐκεῖνον διακείμενος" καὶ γὰρ
οὐδὲ" συνετὸν ἦν τοῖς κινδύνοις ἐμαυτὸν ὑποτιθέντα
τοῖς ἐκ τοῦ παρανομεῖν ἄλλῳ τὴν διὰ τούτου
εὐδαιμονίαν χαρίζεσθαι. ἀλλ᾽ ἐγώ τε κρείττων
ἢ κακουργεῖν, ὃ τε θεὸς οὐκ ἂν περιεῖδεν ἑαυτὸν
καταφρονούμενον οὐδ᾽ ὑμᾶς ἀγνοοῦντας ὃ τι καὶ
ποιοῦντες αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθε, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐπιλεξάμενος
τὸν ἱερασόμενον αὐτῷ τῆς κατὰ τοῦτ᾽ αἰτίας ἡμᾶς
ἠλευθέρωσεν. οὐ μὴν ἐξ ἐμῆς χάριτος λαβὼν"
«᾽᾿Δαρὼν» ἀλλὰ μὴ κατὰ κρίσιν θεοῦ, κατα-
τίθησιν αὐτὴν εἰς μέσον ἐπιδικάσιμον τοῖς βουλο-

1 Dindorf: οὔτε codd. 2 ME: τοῦτ᾽ rell.
3 ed. pr.: λαβεῖν codd. 4 ex Lat.: om. codd.

@ Weill aptly compares the words of Moses in Num. xi. 29
(in the episode of Eldad and Medad, not reported by
Josephus), ‘* Would God that all the Lorp’s people were
prophets !

458

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 25-29

moving a crowd—* To my mind, Korah,” said he,
“not thou alone but each of these men ’’—indicating
the two hundred and fifty—‘ appears worthy of
promotion ; nay, this whole concourse I would not
deprive of the like honour? even though they lack
what ye derive from wealth and other distinctions.
And now, if Aaron has been presented with the
priesthood, it is not because he was pre-eminent in
wealth, for thou surpassest even the twain of us in
magnitude of possessions; nor yet for nobility of
birth, for God has made us equal in this respect by
giving us the same forefather ®; nor was it from
fraternal love that I conferred an honour, which
justly another should have had, upon my brother.
For even had [1 disregarded God and the laws in
giving away this dignity, I should never have passed
over myself and bestowed it upon another, seeing
that I am a nearer kinsman to myself than is my
brother and more closely attached to my person than
to his! Nay, it would not even have been sensible
to expose myself to the risks of an unlawful act only
to present to another the resultant benefits. No; I
on my side am above malpractices, while God would
not have brooked such outrage to Himself nor left
you ignorant what ye should do to win His favour.
But since He himsclf has chosen him that is to serve
as His priest, He has freed us ¢ from all responsibility
in this regard.

‘ However, Aaron, though far from having received
his office through my favour and not by the judgement
of God, now lays it down as an open prize to be sued

δ Their common grandfather, Kohath.
ς Or“ me ” (as often).

480

30

31

33

JA

JOSEPHUS

μένοις, οὐκ ἐκ TOU προκριθεὶς ἤδη τυχεῖν αὐτῆς
ἀξιῶν ἐπιτραπῆναι καὶ τὸ" νῦν αὐτῷ" περὶ αὐτῆς
σπουδάσαι, προτιμῶν «δὲ»" τοῦ τὸ γέρας ἔχειν
τὸ μὴ στασιάζοντας ὑμᾶς ὁρᾶν καίτοι κατὰ τὴν
ὑμετέραν γνώμην αὐτοῦ τυγχάνων" ὃ γὰρ ἔδωκεν
ὁ θεὸς οὐχ ἡμάρτομεν τοῦτο καὶ βουλομένων ὑμῶν
λαβεῖν νομίζοντες ἦν δὲ καὶ τὸ μὴ προσέσθαι
παρέχοντος ἐκείνου τὴν τιμὴν ἀσεβές, καὶ πάλιν
ἀξιοῦν γ᾽" ἔχειν εἰς ἅπαντα χρόνον μὴ τὴν ἀσφάλειαν
τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ βεβαιοῦντος ἡμῖν τοῦ θεοῦ παντά-
πασιν ἀλόγιστον. κρινεῖ τοίνυν πάλιν αὐτός,
τίνας βούλεται τὰς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν αὐτῷ θυσίας
ἐπιτελεῖν καὶ προεστάναι τῆς εὐσεβείας" ἄτοπον
γὰρ Κορῆν ἐφιέμενον τῆς τιμῆς τὴν ἐξουσίαν
τοῦ τίνι παράσχῃ ταύτην ἀφελέσθαι τὸν θεόν.
τῆς οὖν στάσεως καὶ τῆς διὰ τοῦτο ταραχῆς
παύσασθε, mpwit δὲ ὅσοι τῆς ἱερωσύνης ἀντιποιεῖσθε
κομίζων ἕκαστος θυμιατήριον οἴκοθεν σὺν θυμιά-
μασι καὶ πυρὶ πάριτε. καὶ σὺ δέ, Κορῆ, παρα-
χώρησον τὴν κρίσιν τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὴν ἐπὶ τούτοις
αὐτοῦ μένε ψη φοφορίαν, ἀλλὰ μὴ σαυτὸν ποίει
τοῦ θεοῦ κρείττονα, παραγίνου δὲ κριθησόμενος
οὕτως περὶ τοῦ γέρως. ἀνεμέσητον δ᾽ οἶμαι καὶ
᾿Ααρῶνα προσδέξασθαι συγκριθησόμενον, γένους
μὲν ὄντα τοῦ αὐτοῦ μηδὲν δὲ μεμφθῆναι τοῖς παρὰ
τὴν ἱερωσύνην πεπραγμένοις δυνάμενον. θυμιά-
1 SP: τοῦ ΟΥ̓ τοῦτο rell.
2 Text RO: + συγχωρηθῆναι rell.
3 ins, Niese.
4 καὶ μὴ βουλ. ὑμῶν λαμβάνοντες RO.
δ᾽ ἀξιοῦντ᾽ (ἀξιοῦντα) codd, ἡμῶν SP.

* Or“ now again ’’; but Weill is doubtless right in render-
490

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 29-34

for by any who will. He makes no claim on the
ground of his previous selection and present tenure
of it to be allowed on this occasion also to compete
for it; but rather than keep this privilege he would
prefer to see no dissension among you, notwith-
standing that he holds it in virtue of yourown decision ;
for that which God gave, we were not wrong in
supposing that he received with your goodwill also.
Nay, to have refused this honour w hen proffered by
Him would have been impious; as, on the other
hand,? to claim to keep it for ever without having the
assured possession of it guaranteed to us by God,
would be utterly unreasonable. He, then, it is who
shall decide anew, whom He would have to offer Him
the saerifices on your behalf and to preside over the
rites of worship ; for it were monstrous that Korah,
in coveting this honour, should deprive God of the
power of deciding to whom He would accord it.
‘Cease ye then from this sedition and the turbu-
lence arising therefrom, and at daybreak let all
claimants for the priesthood bring each a censer from
his home, with incense and fire, and come hither.
And do thou too, Korah, leave the judgement to
God, await the casting of His vote thereon and make
not thyself superior to God, but come to stand thy
trial even so concerning this prize. Nor can it, I
imagine, cause offence, that Aaron too should be ad-
mitted as a competitor, he who is of the same family
and beyond all reproaeh for his aetions during his
tenure of the priesthood. Ye will then burn your

ing ‘en revanche,” thongh the temporal sense occurs just
below, It is a Sophoclean use (/7l. 371), and the marks of
the ‘ Sophoclean ” assistant (see Introduction) are evident
in this speeeh.

491

Numb, xvi
ὑ, 10,

35

36

37

38

JOSEPHUS

> ~ ~ A

σετεὶ οὖν συνελθόντες ἐν φανερῷ παντὶ τῷ Aad,

4 ~ ae 9
Kat θυμιωμένων ὑμῶν οὗπερ av τὴν θυσίαν ἡδίω

’ [2 νυ “-
κρίνειεν ὁ θεός, οὗτος ὑμῖν ἱερεὺς κεχειροτονήσεται,
~ bd A 2 - ~ « ,
τῆς ἐπὶ τἀδελφῷ διαβολῆς ὡς κεχαρισμένου
2 ~ ~
«ἐμοῦ»" τὴν τιμὴν αὐτῷ ῥυόμενος.᾿᾽

ἐρεξει “- ,ὔ > , , ‘
(Qu. 1) Ταῦτα Μωυσέος εἰπόντος παύεται Kat
~ ~ “~ “- > ~
τῆς ταραχῆς τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τῆς εἰς Μωυσῆν
Ls 4 ~ 4
ὑποψίας, emévevoay® δὲ τοῖς εἰρημένοις" Kal yap
τὰ \ “A ~ >
ἦν Kat ἐδόκει χρηστὰ τῷ λαῷ. τότε μὲν οὖν
ὃ λύ 4 f ἊΣ 3 3 4 HAG
ιαλύουσι τὸν σύλλογον, TH δ᾽ ἐπιούσῃ συνῆλθον
᾽ ~
εἰς τὴν ἐκκλησίαν παρατευξόμενοι τῇ θυσίᾳ καὶ
τῇ Ov αὐτῆς κρίσει τῶν περὶ τῆς ἱερωσύνης
9 4 / > 4 f \
ἀγωνιζομένων. συνέβαινε δ᾽ εἶναι θορυβώδη τὴν
> 4 7 “~ / wv > 2 > 4
ἐκκλησίαν μετεώρου τοῦ πλήθους ὄντος ἐπ᾽ ἐλπίδι
τῶν ἐσομένων, καὶ τῶν μὲν εἰς ἡδονὴν λαμβανόντων
᾽ “-Ἠ ~ ~
et Mwvons ἐλεγχθείη κακουργῶν, τῶν δὲ φρονίμων
εἰ πραγμάτων ἀπαλλαγείησαν καὶ ταραχῆς" ἐδε-
δίεσαν γὰρ μὴ τῆς στάσεως προϊούσης ἀφανισθῇ
μᾶλλον αὐτοῖς ὁ κόσμος τῆς καταστάσεως! ὁ
δὲ πᾶς ὅμιλος φύσει χαίρων τῷ καταβοᾶν τῶν
ἐν τέλει καὶ πρὸς ὃ τις εἴποι πρὸς τοῦτο τὴν

’, ,ὔ 3 ΄ “ δέ A M ~
γνώμην τρέπων ἐθορύβει. πέμψας δὲ καὶ δίωυσῆς

t ᾽ 4 A ¢ € / 2 a
πρὸς ᾿Αβίραμον καὶ Δαθάμην ὑπηρέτας ἐκέλευσεν
ἥκειν κατὰ τὰ συγκείμενα καὶ περιμένειν τὴν

~ >

ἱερουργίαν. ὡς δ᾽ οὔτε ὑπακούσεσθαι τοῖς ἀγγέλοις
ἔφασαν καὶ δίωυσῆν οὐ περιόψεσθαι κατὰ τοῦ
λαοῦ παντὸς ἐκ κακουργίας αὐξανόμενον, ἀκούσας
τὰ map αὐτῶν ὁ Μωυσῆς ἀκολουθεῖν αὑτῷ τοὺς

'O: θυμιάσατε rell. 2 ex Lat. ins. Niese.

® RO: ἐπήνεσαν rell.

492

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 34-38

incense, on assembling here, in the sight of all the
people ; and, on your offering your ineense, whose-
soever sacrifiee God shall judge to be most acceptable,
he shall be your eleeted priest, thereby elearing me
of the charge of having through favour bestowed this
dignity upon a brother.”

(iii. 1) After this speeeh of Moses, the multitude
ceased their turbulenee and their suspieions of him,
and assented to his proposals, which indeed were, as
they were thought, excellent for the people. So for
the time they dissolved the meeting, but on the
morrow they gathered to the assembly to assist at
the saerifice and at the judgement to be passed
thereby upon the eompetitors for the priesthood.
It proved indeed a tumultuous assembly, the multi-
tude being all agog in expectation of the issue : some
would have taken pleasure in seeing Moses eonvieted
of a erime, others of the sager sort in being delivered
from troubles and turbulenee, for they feared, if
sedition gained ground, a further obliteration of the
ordered beauty of their eonstitution; while the
general mass, with its innate delight in deerying those
in authority and its opinion swayed by what anyone
said, was in a ferment. Moses sent attendants also
to Abiram and Datham,? bidding them eome, as had
been agreed, and await the issue of the sacred
ceremony. But, sinee they informed the messengers
that they would neither obey nor suffer Moses to
wax great at the expense of the whole community

Fresh meet-
ing of the
assembly.
Numb.

xvi, 18.

Moses
coufronts
Dathan and
Abiram.
18. 12.

by nefarious means, Moses, on hearing their reply, xvi.

requested his ehief eouneillors® to accompany him and

@ Bibl. Dathan (§ 19).
be 'The elders of Usrael’? (Numbers).

VOL. 1V R 493

39

40

4]

42

JOSEPHUS

προβούλους ἀξιώσας d ἀπήει πρὸς τοὺς περὶ Δαθάμην,
οὐχ ἡγούμενος εἶναι δεινὸν βαδίζειν πρὸς τοὺς ὑπερ-
ἠηφανήσαντας" οἱ δ᾽ οὐδὲν ἀντειπόντες ἠκολούθουν.
οἱ δὲ περὶ Δαθάμην πυθόμενοι τὸν διωυσῆν μετὰ
τῶν ἀξιολόγων τῆς πληθύος πρὸς αὐτοὺς παρα-
γινόμενον προελθόντες γυναιξὶν ἅμα καὶ τέκνοις
πρὸ τῶν σκηνῶν ἀπέβλεπον, τί καὶ μέλλοι ποιεῖν
ὁ Μωυσῆς" ἔτι τε θεράποντες ἦσαν περὶ αὐτούς,
ὡς εἰ βίαν τινὰ προσφέροι Μωυσῆς ἀμυνούμενοι.
(2) ‘O δὲ πλησίον γενόμενος τὰς χεῖρας εἰς
τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀνασχὼν γεγωνότερον ἐκβοήσας,
ὡς ἀκουστὸν πάσῃ τῇ πληθύι γενέσθαι, ᾿ “δέσποτα,
φησί, “τῶν ἐπ᾽ οὐρανοῦ τε καὶ γῆς καὶ θαλάσσης:
σὺ γὰρ ἐμοὶ τῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐμοῦ πεπραγμένων μάρτυς
ἀξιολογώτατος, ὡς γνώμῃ τε σῇ γίνεται τὰ πάντα
καὶ δρωμένοις' μηχανὴν ἐξεπόρισας οἶκτον ἐν
πᾶσι δεινοῖς Ἑβραίων ποιησάμενος" ἐλθέ μοι
τούτων ἀκροατὴς τῶν λόγων, σὲ γὰρ οὔτε πρατ-
τόμενον οὔτε νοηθὲν λανθάνει, ὥστ᾽ οὐδὲ φθονήσεις
μοι τῆς ἀληθείας τὴν τούτων ἀχαριστίαν ἐπί-
προσθεν θέμενος. τὰ μὲν οὖν πρεσβύτερα τῆς
ἐμῆς γενέσεως αὐτὸς οἶσθ᾽ ἀκριβέστερον, οὐκ
ἀκοῇ μαθὼν ὄψει δὲ τότ᾽ αὐτοῖς παρὼν γινομένοις,
ἃ δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοις καίπερ ἐπιστάμενοι σαφῶς ἀδίκως
ὑπονοοῦσι, τούτων μοι γενοῦ μάρτυς. ἐγὼ βίον
ἀπράγμονα καταστησάμενος ἀνδραγαθίᾳ μὲν ἐμῇ
σῇ δὲ βουλῇ, καὶ τοῦτον Ραγουήλου μοι τοῦ

1 δεομένοις Niese: ἀπορουμένοις Naber: emendation needless.

α So, not (as earlier translators) ‘‘ deeming it dangerous "’
ef. BJ. iv. 393 δεινὸν ἡγουμένων ὑποτετάχθαι τὸ πρὶν ἰσοτίμῳ.

>’ The Arabic version of Numbers adds a similar phrase,
“αἰ viderent quid futurum esset”’ (trans. Walton, Polyglot).
494

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 38-42

went off to the faction of Datham, not scorning ἃ to go
to these insolent rebels; and the councillors followed
him without demur. Datham’s company, on learning
that Moses was coming to them, attended by the
chief notables of the people, came forth with their
wives and children before their tents to see what
Moses proposed to do.2 Moreover they had their
servants © around them to defend them, should Moses
resort to any δεῖ of violence.

(2) But he, on approaching them, raised his hands
to heaven and, in stentorian tones, so as to be heard
by all the throng, said : “ Lord of all that is in heaven
and earth and sea, sinee thou for my actions art the
witness most worthy of belief, how that all things
have been done in accordance with thy will and how
for their performance thou didst devise a way, taking
pity on the Hebrews in all adversities, come and
lend thine ear to my words. For from thee no deed
nor thought is hid; thou wilt not then grudge me
the revelation of the truth, preferring above it the
ingratitude of these men. ‘Truly, the events anterior
to my birth thou knowest best thyself, not through
hearing of the ear, but through seeing them pass at
the time in thy presence ; but of the events there-
after, which, though they know them well, these men
so unjustly suspect, of them be thou my witness. I,
who had secured for myself a life of ease, through
my prowess? and at thy will, thanks too to what

¢ This is J.'s rendering of the Hebrew (apd * (their) little
ones” in Num. xvi. 27: ιχχ ἀποσκευὴ (" chattels ἢ),
‘Targum of Onkelos ‘their families," Vulgate ‘ omnique
freqnentia.”

4 ἀπράγμονα. . . ἀνδραγαθίᾳ: an echo of Thue. ii. 63
ἀπραγμοσύνῃ ἀνδραγαθίζεται,

405

Appeal of
Moses for
the inter.
ventton of
God. Cf.
Numb. xvi,
15, 28.

48

44

45

46

JOSEPHUS

πενθεροῦ καταλιπόντος, ἀφεὶς τὴν ἐκείνων ἀπό-
λαυσιν τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἐμαυτὸν ἐπέδωκα ταῖς ὑπὲρ
τούτων ταλαιπωρίαις. καὶ πρότερον μὲν ὑπὲρ
τῆς ἐλευθερίας αὐτῶν, νῦν 6 ὑπὲρ τῆς σωτηρίας
μεγάλους ὑπέστην πόνους καὶ παντὶ δεινῷ τοὐμὸν
ἀντιτάξας πρόθυμον. νῦν οὖν ἐπεὶ κακουργεῖν
ὑποπτεύομαι παρ᾽ ἀνδράσιν, οἷς ἐκ τῶν ἐμῶν
καμάτων ὑπάρχει' τὸ περιεῖναι, εἰκότως ἂν αὐτός,
ὁ τὸ πῦρ ἐκεῖνό μοι φήνας κατὰ τὸ Σιναῖον καὶ
τῆς σαυτοῦ φωνῆς ἀκροατὴν τότε καταστήσας
καὶ θεατὴν τεράτων ὅσα μοι παρέσχεν ἰδεῖν ἐκεῖνος
ὁ τόπος ποιήσας, ὁ κελεύσας ἐπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου
σταλῆναι καὶ τὴν σὴν γνώμην τούτοις ἐμφανίσαι,
ὁ τὴν Αἰγυπτίων εὐδαιμονίαν σείσας καὶ τῆς ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῖς" δουλείας δρασμὸν ἡμῖν παρασχὼν καὶ
μικροτέραν ἐμοῦ τὴν Φαραώθου ποιήσας ἡγεμονίαν,
ὁ γῆν ἡμῖν ἀμαθῶς ἔχουσι τῶν ὁδῶν ποιήσας τὸ
πέλαγος καὶ τὴν ἀνακεκομμένην θάλασσαν τοῖς
Αἰγυπτίων ἐπικυμήνας ὀλέθροις, ὁ γυμνοῖς οὖσι
τὴν ἐξ ὅπλων ἀσφάλειαν χαρισάμενος, ὁ ποτίμους
ἡμῖν διεφθαρμένας πηγὰς ῥεῦσαι παρασκευάσας
καὶ τελέως ἀποροῦσιν ἐκ πετρῶν ἐλθεῖν ἡμῖν
ποτὸν μηχανησάμενος, ὁ τῶν γῆθεν ἀπορουμένους
εἰς τροφὴν διασώσας τοῖς ἀπὸ θαλάσσης, ὁ καὶ
ἀπ’ οὐρανοῦ τροφὴν καταπέμψας οὐ πρότερον
ἱστορηθεῖσαν, ὁ νόμων ἡμῖν ἐπίνοιαν ὑποθέμενος
καὶ διάταξιν πολιτείας: ἐλθέ, δέσποτα τῶν ὅλων,
δικαστής μου καὶ μάρτυς ἀδωροδόκητος, ὡς οὔτε
δωρεὰν ἐγὼ παρ᾽ ‘EBpaiwy τινὸς κατὰ τοῦ δικαίου
1 ὑπῆρχε RO. 2 αὐτοὺς RO.
400

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 42-46

Raguel my father-in-law left me,? abandoning the
enjoyment of those good things, devoted my self to
tribulations on behalf of this people. At first for
their liberty, and now for their salvation, great are
the toils that I have undergone, opposing to every
peril all the ardour of my soul. Now therefore, when
I am suspeeted of knavery by men who owe it to my
exertions that they are yet alive, well mayest thou
thyself—thou who didst ‘show me that fire on Sinai
and didst cause me then to listen to thy voice and to
behold all those prodigies which I was permitted
by that place to see; thou who badest me make
speed to Egypt and reveal thy will to this people ;
who didst shake the prosperity of the Egyptians and
grant us eseape from the yoke of their bondage,
humbling beneath me the dominion of Pharaoh ;
WHO. ν᾿ Hea we knew not whither to go, didst change
the deep into dry land and, when the sea had been
beaten back, broughtest up its surging billows to
the Egyptians’ destruction ; who to our naked army
gavest arms for their protection; who didst cause
sweet water to flow for us from polluted springs and
in the depth of our distress find means to bring us
drink from the rocks ®; who when the fruits of earth
failed us preservedst us with sustenance from the sea,°
aye and from heaven didst send down meat unheard
of aforetime 4%; thou who didst put into our minds a
scheme of lave and an ordered constitution—O come,
Lord of the universe, to judge my cause and to attest,
as witness incorruptible, that neither have I accepted
a present from a single Hebrew to pervert justice,

9 Ant. ἢ. 268: or “ἧ which Raguel .. . too left me free
to enjoy.”
> iti. 35. * Quails, iii. 25. 4 Manna, iii. 26.

497

Numb.
χνὶ. 15.

47

48

—_—

Af

50

JOSEPHUS

προσηκάμην οὔτε πλούτῳ κατέκρινα πενίαι νικᾶν
υναμένην οὔτε ἐπὶ βλάβη τοῦ κοινοῦ πολιτευσά-
μενος εἰς ἀλλοτριωτάτας τῶν ἐμῶν ἐπιτηδευμάτων
ἐπινοίας πάρειμι, ὡς οὐχὶ σοῦ κελεύσαντος ᾿Ααρῶνι
δοὺς τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ ἐμὴν χάριν. παρά-
στῆσον δὲ καὶ νῦν, ὅτι πάντα σῇ προνοίᾳ διοικεῖται
καὶ μηδὲν αὐτομάτως ἀλλὰ κατὰ βούλησιν βρα-
βευόμενον τὴν σὴν εἰς τέλος ἔρχεται, ὅτι δὲ
φροντίζεις τῶν ᾿βραίους ὀνησόντων, μετελθὼν
᾿Αβίραμον καὶ Δαθάμην, οἵ σου καταδικάζουσιν
ἀναισθησίαν ὡς ὑπ᾽ ἐμῆς τέχνης νικωμένου.
ποιήσεις δὲ φανερὰν τὴν. ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῖς δίκην οὕτως
μεμηνότων κατὰ τῆς σῆς δόξης, “μὴ κοινῶς ἐκ
τοῦ ζῆν αὐτοὺς μεταστήσας μηδ᾽ ὡς ἀποθανόντας
κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπινον ἐξεληλυθότας τοῦ βίου _pavev-
Tas νόμον, ἀλλὰ χάνοι περὶ αὐτοὺς ἅμα τῇ γενεᾷ
καὶ τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν ἣν πατοῦσι γῆν: τοῦτο γὰρ
σῆς ἐπίδειξις ἂν ἰσχύος ἅπασι γένοιτο καὶ διδα-
σκαλία σωφροσύνης δέει τοῦ" ταὐτὰ πείσεσθαι
περὶ σοῦ δοξάζοντας οὐχ ὅσια' εὑρεθείην γὰρ ἂν
οὕτως ἀγαθὸς ὑπηρέτης ὧν σὺ προστάσσεις.
εἰ δ᾽ ἀληθεῖς πεποίηνται τὰς κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ διαβολάς,
τοὺς μὲν ἀπαθεῖς ἀπὸ παντὸς φυλάξειας" κακοῦ,
ὃν δ᾽ ἐπηρασάμην ὄλεθρον αὐτοῖς τοῦτον ποιήσειας"
ἐμόν: καὶ δίκην εἰσπραξάμενος παρὰ τοῦ τὸν σὸν
ἀδικῆσαι θελήσαντος λαὸν τοῦ λοιποῦ βραβεύων
ὁμόνοιαν καὶ εἰρήνην σῶζε τὴν πληθὺν ἑπομένην
τοῖς σοῖς προστάγμασιν, ἀπαθῆ τηρῶν αὐτὴν καὶ

1 δέει τοῦ Holwerda: δὲ εἰς τοὺς codd.
2 φυλάξεις ROM. 3 ποιήσεις RO.

2 Noses here suggests the earthquake to God (in Scripture
495

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 46-50

nor in the interest of wealth condemned poverty that
deserved to win, nor, acting to the detriment of the
public weal, have allowed thoughts so wholly alien
to my conduct to enter my mind, as to give the
priesthood to Aaron not by thy eommand but through
ny favouritism. Prove now once again that all is
directed by thy providence, that nothing befalls
fortuitously, but that it is thy will that overrules and
brings everything to its end ; prove that thou earest
for those who would benefit the Hebrews, by pur-
suing with vengeance Abiram and Datham, who
accuse thee of such insensibility as to have been
defeated by artifice of mine. Aye and thou wilt
make manifest thy judgement upon them, these mad
assailants of thy majesty, by removing them in no
common manner out of existence: let it not appear
that in perishing they quitted life according to the
law of humanity : nay, let there open to engulf them,
them and their families and their belongings, the very
ground they tread!* That would be for all an
Ee chibition of thy might and a lesson in sobriety,
through fear of suffering the like fate for impious
imaginations concerning thee ; for thus should I be
proved a faithful minister of thy behests. But, if the
accusations which they have made against me be
true, then mayest thou keep these men free from all
harm, and that destruetion which I have imprecated
on them bring thou upon me. And, having exacted
justice from him that would have wronged thy people,
heneeforward, awarding harmony and peace, save
thou this multitude that followeth thy command-
ments, preserving them unscathed and exempt from

his words are addressed to the people), as at the Red Sea he
had suggested three alternative expedients (ii. 337).

499

Numb.
xvi. 29 f.

δῚ

52

63

54

JOSEPHUS

ἀκοινώνητον τῆς τῶν ἡμαρτηκότων κολάσεως" σὺ
γὰρ αὐτὸς οἶσθα, ὡς οὐ δίκαιον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐκείνων
κακίας κοινῇ πάντας ᾿Ισραηλίτας τιμωρίαν ἐκ-
τίνειν.

(9) Ταῦτ᾽ εἰπόντος καὶ δακρύοντος σείεται μὲν
αἰφνίδιον ἡ γῆ, σάλου δ᾽ ἐπ᾽" αὐτῆς κινηθέντος
ὥσπερ ἐξ ἀνέμου βίας σαλευομένου κύματος πᾶς
μὲν ἔδεισεν ὁ λαός, πατάγου δὲ καὶ σκληροῦ
ῥαγέντος ἤχου κατὰ τὰς ἐκείνων σκηνὰς συνίζησεν
ἡ γῆ καὶ πάνθ᾽ ὅσα φίλα τούτοις ἦν ὑπήνεγκεν
εἰς αὑτήν. ἠφανισμένων δ᾽ οὕτως, ὡς μηδὲ
φθῆναϊ τινας γνῶναι, συνήει τε πάλιν τῆς γῆς
τὸ περὶ ἐκείνοις κεχηνὸς καὶ καθίστατο, ὡς μηδ᾽
εἰ πάθοι τι τῶν προειρημένων φανερὸν εἶναι τοῖς
ὁρῶσι. καὶ οἱ μὲν οὕτως ἀπώλοντο ἐπίδειξις
τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς ἰσχύος γενόμενοι: ὀδύραιτο δ᾽ ἄν
τις οὐ μόνον τῆς συμφορᾶς αὐτοὺς καὶ Kal” αὑτὴν
οὔσης ἀξίας οἴκτου, ἀλλ᾽ ὅτι καὶ τοιαῦτα παθόντων
ἐφήσθησαν οἱ συγγενεῖς: τῶν γὰρ συντεταγμένων
ἐκλαθόμενοι πρὸς τὴν ὄψιν τοῦ συμβεβηκότος
ἐβεβαίουν τὴν κρίσιν, καὶ νομίζοντες ὡς ἀλιτηρίους
ἀπολωλέναι τοὺς περὶ Δαθάμην οὐδ᾽ ἐλυποῦντο.

(4) Μωυσῆς δ᾽ ἐκάλει τοὺς περὶ τῆς ἱερωσύνης
ἁμιλλωμένους διὰ τὴν τῶν ἱερέων δοκιμασίαν,
iv’ οὗ προσδέξεται τὴν θυσίαν ὁ θεὸς ἥδιον ἐκεῖνος"

1 ἐκτιννύναι Mi. 2 RO: ἀπ᾿ rell.
8 Cocceii: ὀφθῆναι or φανῆναι codd. 4 om. RO.

® Or possibly (neuter) ‘‘ their confederacy,’ the compact
between the two parties. Critics have long recognized that
in the Biblical] narrative two distinct stories have been welded
together: (1) a revolt against the civil authority of Moses,

500

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [V. 50-54

the punishment of them that have sinned. Tor thou
thyself knowest that it were not just that for their
iniquity all Israel together should pay the penalty.”

(3) So spake he, weeping withal, when suddenly bathan’s
the earth shook, a tremor moved over its surface as C™mhiny Sy
when a wave is tossed by the violence of the wind, earthquake.
and all the people were afraid ; then a crash and a "4"
burst of booming sound, and over against the tents
of those men the earth subsided and swept all that
was precious to them down into its bosom. The
victims being obliterated so swiftly that some were
even unaware of their fate, the ground that had
opened around them closed up again and settled
down, so that there was nothing to show the on-
lookers that it had actually suffered any such con-
vulsion. ‘Thus they perished, furnishing an exhibition
of God’s mighty power. Yet one might commiserate
them, not only for a catastrophe by itself alone
meriting compassion, but because moreover their
kinsfolk rejoiced over their awful fate. For, ob-
livious of their confederates,’ at the sight of what
had befallen they ratified the sentence, and, judging
that Datham and his followers had perished as
miscreants, they refrained even from gricf.?

(4) But © Moses summoned the rival claimants for Korah's
the priesthood to procced to the scrutiny for that ComPMY

consumed

office, to the end that he whose sacrifice should be by ccbeetie|
« 4 ᾿ ti « « 5
received with most favour by God should be declared 13"

led by Dathan and Abiram, (2) a revolt of representatives
of the whole people, led by Koral. against the Levites.

> Addition to Scripture.

¢ Peeuliaritics in this section, noted below. indicate the
reappearance of the ‘* Thueydidean ’”* assistant (see Intro-
duction). ‘There is some lack of coherence with what has
preceded.

VOL. ΤΥ R 2 501

δῦ

56

57

JOSEPHUS

Ἁ
ἣ' κεχειροτονημένος. συνελθόντων δὲ πεντήκοντα
3 ~
καὶ διακοσίων ἀνδρῶν, ot καὶ διὰ πατέρων ἀρετὴν
ἐτιμῶντο παρὰ τῷ λαῷ καὶ διὰ τὴν αὑτῶν, ἧ
3 f ¢€ Ld ~ ‘ 3 ἐν
κἀκείνους ὑπερεβάλλοντο, προῆλθον καὶ ᾿Ααρὼν
~ Ἁ A ~ ~ ,
καὶ Κορῆς, καὶ πρὸ τῆς σκηνῆς πάντες καθήγνισαν
“- , e /
ἐπὶ τοῖς θυμιατηρίοις ὁπόσα κομίζοντες ἔτυχον.
~ ~ Ὁ ”
ἐξέλαμψε δὲ πῦρ τοσοῦτον ὅσον ovTE® χειροποίητον
ἱστόρησέ τις οὔτε γῆθεν ἀναδοθὲν κατὰ ὑποδρομὴν
, ¢
καύματος οὔτε κατὰ βίαν πνευμάτων ὕλης πρὸς
€ \.3 ἢ ᾽ , > , 57
atti? παρατριβείσης αὐτομάτως ἐξεκρούσθη, ἀλλ
ὅποϊῖον «ἂν» θεοῦ κελεύσαντος ἀφθείη λαμπρὸν καὶ
᾽ : ,
φλογωδέστατον: ὑφ᾽ οὗ πάντες, οἵ TE διακόσιοι
Α ~ » 1.»
καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ Κορῆς, agavtos ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
A ~ ~
ἐφθάρησαν, ws Kal τὰ σώματα αὐτῶν ἀφανῆ
Ἁ 9
γεγονέναι. περισώζεται δὲ μόνος ᾿Ααρὼν μηδὲν
~ ‘ ~
ὑπὸ τοῦ πυρὸς βλαβεὶς τῷ τὸν θεὸν εἶναι τὸν
a ” , > , A \ ,
ots ἔδει καίειν ἀπεσταλκότα. δίωυσῆς δὲ τούτων
ld “~
ἀπολομένων βουλόμενος τὴν τιμωρίαν αὐτῶν
μνήμῃ παραδοθῆναι καὶ τοὺς αὖθις ἐσομένους
2 Ἔα ΄- 3 7 » ᾽ὔ Ἁ 3 ~
αὐτὴν μαθεῖν, ἐκέλευσεν ᾿Ελεάζαρον τὸν ᾿Ααρῶνος

1 ML: εἴη rell. 2 Dindorf: οὐδὲ codd.
8 Bekker: αὐτὸ codd. 4 ins. Bekker.

@ There is no indication that they have already been men-
tioned (§ 21).

’ ** Princes of the congregation, called to the assembly
(Lxx σύνκλητοι βουλῆς), men of renown,”’ Numb. xvi. 2.

¢ Tn the conflate Biblical narrative Korah appears to share
the fate of Dathan and Abiram (xvi. 27, and expressly in
xxvi. 10). In Josephus he is burnt with the 250. The
nature of his end was in fact the subiect of Rabbinic con-
troversy (Talmud, Sanhedrin, 110a, quoted by Weill).

4 The use of ὁπόσος for ὅσος is a distinctive mark of the

D02

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 54-

elected. Then assembled two hundred and_ fifty
men,? held in high esteem by the people alike for
the merits of their aneestors and for their own, in
which they even surpassed their sires ὃ ; Aaron and
Korah © advaneed likewise, and the whole company
in front of the tabernaele burnt ineense on all those
eensers which? they had brought with them. And
suddenly there blazed forth a fire, the like of which
had never in the record of history been made by the
hand of man, nor was ever ejected from the earth
through subterranean current of heat, nor yet spon-
taneously broke out in the woods from the violence
of the wind and mutual attrition,@ but such a flame as
might be kindled at the bidding of God, brilliant
and of the fiercest heat. Beneath this blaze, whieh
leapt out upon them, all those two hundred and
fifty, along with Korah, were consumed, insomuch
that all trace of their bodies disappeared. Aaron
alone survived, in no wise injured by the fire, because
it was God who had sent it to burn up those whose
burning was requisite. Moreover Moses, after the
destruetion of these men, wishing their penalty to
be commemorated and future generations to learn
thereof, ordered Eleazar, the son of Aaron, to deposit

ν᾽

"ΤΙ πον αἸάδαη " assistant responsible for Ant. xvii-xix ;
there are 100 instances of it In those books and only four,
including this one, elsewhere.

A description based on, and intended to outdo, that of
the Plataean bonfire in Thue. ii. 77: ‘* A flame arose of
which the like had never before been made by the hand of
man; I am not speaking of fires in the mountains, when the
woods have spontaneously blazed up from the action of the
wind and mutual attrition ” (Jowett). With this is combined
an apparent allusion to the great eruption of Vesuvius which
in a.b. 79 buried Pompeii and Herculaneum, and which is
expressly mentioned in A. xx. 44.

503

Numb.
Xvi. 35.

xvi. 38
(Mate
Heb. ).

JOSEPHUS

υἱὸν τὰ θυμιατήρια αὐτῶν παρὰ τὸν χάλκεον
68 καταθέσθαι βωμόν, ὡς ἂν ὑπόμνησις εἴη τοῖς
αὖθις ὧν ἔπαθον [καὶ] ὅτι τὴν ἰσχὺν τοῦ θεοῦ
νομίσειαν ἀπατᾶσθαι δύνασθαι. καὶ ᾿Δαρὼν μὲν
οὐκέτι τῇ Διωυσέος χάριτι τὴν ἀρχιερωσύνην
ἔχειν δοκῶν, ἀλλὰ τῇ τοῦ θεοῦ κρίσει φανερᾷ
γενομένῃ, μετὰ τῶν υἱῶν ἤδη βεβαίως ἀπέλαυε
τῆς Bee
69 (iv. 1.) Τὴν μέντοι στάσιν οὐδ᾽ οὕτως συνέβη
παύσασθαι, πολλῷ δὲ μᾶλλον αὔξειν καὶ φύεσθαι
χαλεπωτέραν. ἐλάμβανε δὲ τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον
προκοπῆς αἰτίαν, ὑφ᾽ ἧς οὐδέποτε λήξειν τὸ
60 δεινὸν ἦν εἰκὸς ἀλλ᾽ εἰς χρόνον παραμενεῖν. οἱ
γὰρ ἄνθρωποι πεπιστευκότες ἤδη μηδὲν γίνεσθαι
δίχα τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ προνοίας οὐκ ἐβούλοντο ταῦτα
χωρὶς τῆς εἰς Μωυσῆν χάριτος τοῦ θεοῦ πεπρᾶχθαι,
κατηγόρουν δ᾽ αὐτοῦ τὴν ὀργὴν τοῦ θεοῦ γενέσθαι
τοσαύτην οὐχ οὕτω διὰ τὴν τῶν κολασθέντων
61 ἀδικίαν, ὡς Δίωυσέος πραγματευσαμένου: καὶ τοὺς
μὲν διεφθάρθαι μηδὲν ἐξαμαρτόντας ἢ ὅτι περὶ
τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ θρησκείαν ἐσπουδάκεσαν, τὸν δὲ
τοιούτων' ἀνδρῶν ὀλέθρῳ καὶ πάντων ἀρίστων
ἐζημιωκότα τὸν λαὸν πρὸς τῷ μηδεμίαν ὑποσχεῖν
δίκην ἔτι καὶ τὴν ἱερωσύνην ἀναμφίλεκτον τἀδελφῷ
62 παρασχεῖν: οὐδένα γὰρ ἔτι αὐτῆς ἄλλον ἀντι-
ποιήσεσθαι καὶ τοὺς πρώτους ὁρῶντα κακῶς
ἀπολωλότας. ἔτι γε μὴν καὶ παρὰ τῶν οἰκείων

‘om. Lat.
2 om. δὲ RO: χαλεπωτέραν {τ ἐλάμβανε Niese.
® Bekker: γίνεσθαι codd. 4 τρσούτων Niese.

5 ἀντιποιήσασθαι codd.

¢ “Let them be made beaten plates for a covering (Lxx
504

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 57-62

their censers beside the brazen altar,? as a reminder
to posterity of the fate which had befallen them for
imagining that it was possible for deceit to be prac-
tised on the power of God. And Aaron, being no
longer believed to owe his high-priesthood to the
favour of Moses, but to the Judgement of God thus
clearly manifested, had now. along with his sons, the
assured enjoyment of this dignity.

(iv. 1) Not even so, however, was the sedition
brought to an end, nay it assumed far larger pro-
portions and grew more grievous ; indeed it found
an occasion for proceeding from bad to worse such
that the trouble seemed likely never to cease but to
become ehronie. For those people, though con-
vineed at length that nothing befell without God's
providence, vet refused to believe that His favour
for Moses had played no part in what had passed ;
and they now laid it to his charge that the severity
of God's wrath was due not so much to the iniquity

Continu-
ance of
sedition.

Numb.
xvi. 4]

(Xvi. 6

of those who had been punished as to the machina- Heb.).

tions of Moses. The vietims, so they said, had
perished for no other crime save the zeal that they
had displayed for God’s worship: while he who had
chastised ® the people by the destruction of such
worthies, the noblest of them all, besides undergoing
no punishment, had further conferred on his brother
undisputed possession of the priesthood ; ; since none
else would hereafter elaim it, seeing that the very
first to do so had come to a ΤΥ end. Further-
more, the relatives of the victims made constant
περίθεμα) of the altar.” Numb. xvi. 38. For περίθεμα Josephus
perhaps read παράθεμα : the two words appear as variant
readings in bx, ΧΧΧΥ 24 LXX, in a similar connexion.

> Literally δ muleted,”” with the collateral idea of ‘‘ crip-
pled.”

505

63

64

66

JOSEPHUS

τοῖς διεφθαρμένοις δέησις ἐγένετο πολλὴ τοῦ
πλήθους μειῶσαί τι τῆς δίωυσέος μεγαλαυχίας"
ἀσφαλὲς γὰρ αὐτοῖς τοῦτ᾽ εἶναι.

(9) Μωυσῆς δέ, καὶ γὰρ ἐκ πολλοῦ συνιστάμενον
ἠκροᾶτο τὸν θόρυβον, δείσας μή τι νεωτερίσωσι
πάλιν καὶ γένηταί τι μέγα καὶ χαλεπόν, συνήγαγε
τὸ πλῆθος εἰς ἐκκλησίαν [καὶ Ϊ' περὶ μὲν ὧν ἠκροᾶτο
εἰς ἀπολογίαν οὐ καθιστάμενος, ἵνα μὴ παροξύνῃ

A ~ 3 \ A a a“ / ἣ
τὸ πλῆθος, αὐτὸ δὲ μόνον τοῖς φυλάρχοις προ-
εἰπὼν κομίζειν τὰ τῶν φυλῶν ὀνόματα βακτηρίαις
ἐπιγεγραμμένα: λήψεσθαι γὰρ ἐκεῖνον τὴν ἱερω-
σύνην, οὗπερ ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἐπισημήνῃ τῇ βακτηρίᾳ.

, > 7 [22 » \ 3 i.
δόξαν οὖν κομίζουσιν ot τε ἄλλοι καὶ ᾿Ααρὼν

, 3 ~ ’ὔ
ἐπιγράψας Aevitnv® ἐν τῇ βακτηρίᾳ, καὶ ταύτας

ἢ “ 3 ~ ~ ~ ~ , om
δΜιωυσῆς ἐν τῇ σκηνῇ τοῦ θεοῦ κατατίθησι. Τὴ

\
δὲ ἐπιούσῃ προεκόμισε τὰς βακτηρίας" γνώριμοι
δ᾽ ἦσαν κατασημναμένων αὐτὰς τῶν τε ἀνδρῶν
οἵπερ ἐκόμιζον καὶ τοῦ πλήθους. καὶ τὰς μὲν
» 3.9 “Ὁ e) ‘ , “
ἄλλας ἐφ᾽ οὗπερ αὐτὰς σχήματος δΝίωυσῆς παρ-
, > 1 , ἢ » δ ἢ
ἔλαβεν ἐπὶ τούτου μεμενηκυίας ἔβλεπον, ἐκ δὲ
τῆς ᾿ΑΔαρῶνος βλαστούς τε καὶ κλάδους ἀναφύντας
ἑώρων καὶ καρπὸν ὡραῖον, ἀμύγδαλα δ᾽ ἦν, ἐκ
τοιούτου ξύλου τῆς βακτηρίας κατεσκενασμένης.
ἐκπλαγέντες δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῷ παραλόγῳ τῆς ϑέας, εἰ
Kal τισι διὰ μίσους ἦν ὁ Μωυσῆς καὶ ᾿ΔΛαρών,
ἀφέντες τοῦτο θαυμάζειν ἠρξαντο τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ
περὶ αὐτῶν κρίσιν καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐπευφημοῦντες
τοῖς δεδογμένοις τῷ θεῷ συνεχώρουν ᾿Ααρῶνι

1 om. edd. 2 Λευῖτιν Niese.

506

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 62-66

petition to the people to abate somewhat of Moses’
arrogance, as this would make for their security.

(2) But* Moses, who long since had given ear to Thebudding
the troubles brewing, dreading some fresh revolution fod anells
with some grave and grievous result, convened the the rebels.

people in assembly ; where, without embarking on ans
any defence concerning the complaints which had (6 Heb.)
come to his ears, for fear of exasperating the people,
he merely directed the tribal chiefs to bring with
them staves with the names of their tribes in-
scribed thereon, adding that the priesthood should be
awarded to him upon whose staff God should set his
mark. This being approved, they all brought them,
including Aaron, who had inscribed “ Levite ”® upon
his staff, and Moses laid them up in the tabernacle
of God. On the morrow he produced the staves,
which were clearly recognizable, having been marked
both by the men who had brought them and by the
people. All the rest were then seen to have re-
mained in the state in which they were when Moses
received them; but from that of Aaron shoots and
twigs had sprouted, so they beheld, and ripe fruit,
to wit ahnonds, for it was of the wood of that tree
that his staff was formed. Amazed at this extra-
ordinary spectacle, any who bore malice against
Moses and Aaron now renounced it and began to
marvel at God’s sentence concerning them; and
henceforth, applauding the divine decrees, they

® Josephus omits the incident of the plague, causing the
death of 14,700 persons, occasioned by these further murmur-
ings (Numb, xvi. 41-50).

δ Or (with Niese’s text) “ (tribe) of Levi’’; according to
Numb. xvii. 3 it was Aaron’s name that was inscribed on the
staff.

907

68

69

70

JOSEPHUS

καλῶς ἔχειν THY ἀρχιερωσύνην. καὶ ὁ μὲν τρὶς
αὐτὸν τοῦ θεοῦ γειροτονήσαντος βεβαίως εἶχε
τὴν τιμήν, ἡ δὲ τῶν “EBpaiwy στάσις πολὺν
ἀκμάσασα χρόνον τοῦτον ἐπαύθη τὸν τρόπον.

~ > b A é A f €
(3) Μωυσῆς δ᾽, ἐπεὶ πολέμου καὶ στρατείας ἡ
~ ~ > - ἢ 4 1 λ
τῶν Λευιτῶν αφεῖτο φυλὴ θεραπεύσουσα' τὸν
¢ > 3 \ ’ ~
θεόν, ἵνα μὴ dt ἀπορίαν μηδὲ ζήτησιν τῶν εἰς
τὸν βίον ἀναγκαίων ἀμελοῖεν τοῦ ἱεροῦ, κατὰ
~ ~ Α “
βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ τὴν ΧΝαναναίαν κτησαμένους
τοὺς ᾿βραίους ἐκέλευε κατανεῖμαι τοῖς Λευίταις
5
ὀκτὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα πόλεις ἀγαθὰς καὶ καλὰς
~ - ~ »
τῆς τε πρὸ αὐτῶν γῆς περιγράψαντας εἰς δισχιλίους
- “- - 3 -
πήχεις ἀπὸ τῶν τειχῶν αὐτοῖς ἀνεῖναι. πρὸς
7 4 A 4 \ f 9 ~ 3 /
τούτοις δὲ καὶ τὸν λαὸν διέταξεξ τῶν ἐπετείων
- - « /
καρπῶν δεκάτην αὐτοῖς τε τοῖς Λευίταις καὶ
ς ~ ~ Loa \ € λ A ~ ?
ἱερεῦσι τελεῖν. Kal ἃ μὲν ἡ φυλὴ παρὰ τοῦ πλήθους
a 3 3 ᾽ 3 -~ >
λαμβάνει ταῦτ᾽ ἐστίν: αναγκαῖον δ᾽ ἡγησάμην ἃ
~ ¢ ~ » ᾽ Ψ' ~
τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἴδια παρὰ πάντων γίνεται δηλῶσαι.
ra ’, 4 3
(4) Τῶν μὲν τεσσαράκοντα Kat ὀκτὼ πόλεων
- 3 i / -
τρισκαίδεκα παραχωρῆσαι τοὺς Λευΐτας αὐτοῖς
΄ . ~ é ra ‘ ~ ~
προσέταξε Kal τῆς δεκάτης, ἧς παρὰ τοῦ λαοῦ
~ 3
Kat ἔτος λαμβάνουσι, δεκάτην αὐτοῖς ἀπομερίζειν.
3 ‘ ~ ~
ἔτι δὲ ἀπαρχὰς τὸν λαὸν δίκαιον τῷ θεῷ πάντων
~ 3 ~ ~ ~ 3
τῶν ἐκ τῆς γῆς φυομένων καρπῶν ἐπιφέρειν, καὶ
1 ex Lat. Bernard: θεραπεύουσα codd.
* Niese: ἐξέταξε (ἐξέταζε RO) codd. 3 ἰδίᾳ O (Niese).

4 Or, perhaps, ‘ conceded Aaron’s honourable right to
the priesthood.”’

ὃ The “ Sophoclean ”’ assistant, like his favourite poet,
has a partiality for the lueky number (see Introduction).
Here probably he breaks off and in the following sections
Josephus the priest seems to take up the pen himself.

508

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. IV. 66-70

allowed Aaron to hold the priesthood with honour.?
So he, having thrice ὃ been elected by God. was now
firmly established in his office, and the sedition of the
Hebrews, so long rampant, was thus terminated.

(3) Now, since the tribe of Levi had been exempted Levitical
from war and military service to devote itself to fa
the service of God, Moses, from fear that through Numb.
indigence and the quest of the-areccscaniecvuk lite ον
they should neglect the temple,° commanded the
Hebrews, when by the will of God they should have
conquered Canaan, to assign to the Levites forty- xxxv. b
eight cities, goodly and fair, and of the land without
these cities to mark off and make over to them a
portion extending to two thousand ὦ cubits from the
ramparts. Furthermore he ordained that the people ‘viii. 21.
should pay a tithe of the annual produce of the
ground to the Levites along with the priests.¢
That is what this tribe receives rien the community ;
but I think it necessary to explain what contribu-
tions are made by all to the priests for themselves
alone.

(4) In the first place, of those forty-eight cities he The priests
enjoined the Levites to cede thirteen to the ΒΓ εὶς: | 0°
and of the tithe which they annually received from 7». 26.
the people to deduct a tithe for them. Moreover,
the people are required to offer to God first-fruits of 1}. 12 f.
all the produce of the soil, and again of those quad- 1. 15.

—

° «.e. of after times; or perhaps ἡ the sacred ministry ὁ
(Weill).

4 So txx, Numb. xxxv. 4; Hebrew, “a thousand,’ which
is dificult to reconcile with the next verse.

° See further, §§ 205, 240 ff.

‘ Not in the Pentatench ; but see Josh. xxi. 4-19, where
the thirteen cities given to the priests are enumerated.

509

7]

~]
to

73

74

JOSEPHUS

TOV τετραπόδων δὲ τῶν εἰς τὰς θυσίας νενομισμέ-
νων τὸ γεννηθὲν πρῶτον, ἂν ἄρσεν ἦ, καταθῦσαι
παρασχεῖν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν, ὥστε αὐτοὺς πανοικὶ
σιτεῖσθαι ἐν τῇ ἱερᾷ πόλει. τῶν δ᾽ οὐ νενομισμένων
ἐσθίειν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς κατὰ τοὺς πατρίους νόμους
τοὺς δεσπότας [τῶν τικτομένων] σίκλον καὶ ἥμισυ
αὐτοῖς ἀναφέρειν, ἀνθρώπου δὲ πρωτοτόκου πέντε
σίκλους, εἶναι δὲ ἀπαρχὰς αὐτοῖς καὶ τῆς τῶν
προβάτων κουρᾶς, τούς τε πέττοντας τὸν σῖτον
καὶ ἀρτοποιουμένους τῶν πεμμάτων αὐτοῖς τινα
χορηγεῖν. ὅσοι δ᾽ ἂν αὑτοὺς καθιερῶσιν εὐχὴν
πεποιημένοι, ναζιραῖοι δὲ οὗτοι καλοῦνται, κο-
μῶντες καὶ οἶνον οὐ προσφερόμενοι, τούτους δὲ
ὅταν τὰς τρίχας ἀφιερῶσιν ἐπὶ θυσίᾳ τε δρῶσι
τὰς κουρὰς νέμεσθαι πρὸς τοὺς ἱερέας. καὶ οἱ
κορβᾶν αὑτοὺς ὀνομάσαντες τῷ θεῷ, δῶρον δὲ
τοῦτο σημαίνει κατὰ Ἑλλήνων γλῶτταν, βου-
λομένους ἀφίεσθαι τῆς λειτουργίας τοῖς ἱερεῦσι
καταβάλλειν ἀργύριον, γυναῖκα μὲν τριάκοντα
σίκλους ἄνδρα δὲ πεντήκοντα. ὅσοι δὲ ἂν ἐν-
δεέστερα τῶν ὡρισμένων ἔχωσι χρημάτων" τοῖς
ἱερεῦσιν ἐξεῖναι περὶ τούτων ὡς βούλονται δο-
κιμάσαι. εἶναι δὲ καὶ τοῖς κατ᾽ οἶκον θύουσιν
εὐωχίας ἕνεκα τῆς αὑτῶν ἀλλὰ μὴ θρησκείας
ἀνάγκην κομίζειν τοῖς ἱερεῦσιν ἔνυστρόν τε καὶ

1 om. RO. 2 χρήματα Bekker.

* To be erected hereafter (δ 200).
® So generally “ the firstling of unclean beasts shalt thou
redeem’? (N umb. xviii. 15); early tradition (see Weill)
limited this to “‘ the firstling of an ass ᾿ (Ex. xxxiv. 20).
Amount not in Scripture, but has Rabbinical authority
(Weill).
510

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 70-74

rupeds which the law sanctions as sacrifices they are

to present the firstborn, if a male, to the priests for
sacrifice, to be eonsumed by them with their families

in the holy eity.¢ In the case of creatures? which

they are forbidden to eat in eompliance with their
ancestral laws, the owners thereof must pay to the
priests a shekel and a half,° and for the firstborn of Numb.
man five shekels.4 To them too fall first-fruits of πων 16
the shearing of the sheep; and when the eorn is xviii. 4
baked and made into bread, some of these cakes mee
must be supplied to them. AIl who eonseerate m, vi. 2.
themselves in fulfilment of a vow—Nazirites as they

are called, people who grow long hair and abstain

from wine—these too, when they dedieate their hair

and offer it in saerifiee assign their shorn locks to

the priests. Again, those who describe themselves Lev. xxvil.
as ‘‘ Corban ” f to God—meaning what Greeks would '*
call “ a gift °’—when desirous to be relieved of this
obligation must pay down to the priests a fixed sum,
aniounting for a woman to thirty shekels, for a man

to fifty 7; for those whose means are insufficient to

pay the appointed sum, the priests are at liberty to
decide as they choose. Turthermore, any persons Deut. xviii.
slaughtering animals at their homes for their own {""".,
good eheer and not for the ritual are bound to bring 31 f.

: , ; (Numb.
to the priests the maw, the breast, and the right os 18.

4 In Numbers this sum applies to the firstborn of unclean
beasts also.

¢ Aceording to Numb. vi. 18 the Nazirite throws his hair
on to the sacrifieial fire.

7 korban, an “ offering,” “ oblation’’; translated, as
here, by δῶρον in Mark vii. 11, by Josephus again in cp.
i. 167 (where it denotes an oath) by δῶρον θεοῦ.

¢ Special terms for minors and superannuated (Lev. xxvii.
5-7) are here omitted.

εἰ

611}

-

6

77

JOSEPHUS

χελύνιον καὶ τὸν δεξιὸν βραχίονα τοῦ θύματος.
καὶ τοῖς μὲν ἱερεῦσι Mwvoajs τοσαύτην, πάρεξ
ὧν ὑπὲρ ἁμαρτημάτων θύων ὁ λαὸς δίδωσιν
αὐτοῖς, ὡς ἐν τῇ πρὸ ταύτης βίβλῳ δεδηλώκαμεν,
εὐπορίαν ἐπενόησε. πάντων δὲ τῶν τοῖς ἱερεῦσι
τελουμένων κοινωνεῖν διέταξε καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας
καὶ θυγατέρας καὶ γυναῖκας ἔξω τῶν ὑπὲρ ἁμαρ-
τημάτων ἐπιφερομένων θυσιῶν: ταύτας γὰρ ἐν
τῷ ἱερῷ μόνοι δαπανῶσιν ot ἄρρενες τῶν ἱερέων
αὐθημερόν.

(5) Ὡς δὲ ταῦτα μετὰ τὴν στάσιν Μωυσῆς
διέταξεν, ἄρας μετὰ πάσης τῆς στρατιᾶς ἐπὶ τοὺς
τῆς ᾿Ιδουμαίας ὅρους ἦλθε καὶ πρέσβεις πρὸς τὸν
βασιλέα τῶν ᾿Ιδουμαίων πέμψας ἠξίου δίοδον
αὐτῷ παρασχεῖν, πίστεις ἃς αὐτὸς ἐθέλοι λαβεῖν
ὑπὲρ τοῦ μηδὲν ἀδικηθήσεσθαι δώσειν ὁμολογῶν,
ἀγοράν τε τῷ στρατῷ χορηγῆσαι Kav" τιμὴν τοῦ
ὕδατος αὐτοὺς κελεύσειε" καταβαλεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ οἷς
ἐπρεσβεύσατο ΔΙὶωυσῆς οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενος οὐδὲ
συγχωρῶν τὴν δίοδον ἔνοπλον τὴν στρατιὰν
ἀγαγὼν τ προαπήντα τῷ NMuwucet, κωλύσων αὐτοὺς
εἰ τολμήσαιεν βίᾳ ΡΒ ἘΚ ΕΝ καὶ λ]ωυσῆς,
ἄρχειν γὰρ μάχης οὐ συνεβούλευσεν ὃ θεὸς χρω-
μένῳ, τὴν δύναμιν ὑπανῆγε διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου

ἐκπεριιών.
1 ed. pr.: καὶ codd. 2 ML: κελεῦσαι RO, ef κελεύσειε SP.
@ Or shoulder: ;. Greek" arn”
>» The Law contains two contradictory statements concern-
ing the portions of the victim assigned to the priests at the
ordinary sacrifices : (1) Deut. xviii. °3 naming “ὁ the shoulder,
the two cheeks and the maw" (2.e. the fourth stomach of
ruminants), and (2) Lev. vii. 31 ἢν naming ** the breast ἢ and

512

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 74-77

leg? of the vietim.? Such is the ample provision
designed by Moses for the priests, beside what is
given them by the people from their sin-offerings,
as we have mentioned in the preeeding book.¢
Moreover, in all these dues payable to the priests, he
ordained that their servants, daughters, and wives
should also participate, with the exeeption of the
sacrifices offered for sins: these are for the males
only of the priestly families, being consumed by them
in the temple on the selfsame day.

(5) When Moses had drawn up these regulations
after the sedition, he set out with his whole army and
came to the frontiers of Idumaea; then, sending
envoys to the king of the Idumaeans, he requested
him to grant him passage, promising to give whatever
guarantees he might desire to ensure himself against
injury, asking him to open a market for his army,
and even undertaking to pay a price for water should
he order them to do so. But the king was ill pleased
with this message of Moses, refused him passage,
and led forth his armed troops to encounter Moses
and eheck these people should they essay to eross
his territory by foree. And Moses, sinee upon his
inquiry God did not counsel him to open battle,
withdrew his forces to pursue a cireuitous route
through the desert.

“the right thigh ’’ (leg). The two passages doubtless re-
present regulations in force at different periods. But to
remove the discrepancy Jewish tradition interpreted the
Deuteronomy passage as referring not to the sacrifices te
to animals slaughtered at home; so Philo, De spec. leg. i.

§ 147 ἀπὸ τῶν ἔξω τοῦ βωμοῦ θυομένων ἕνεκα ως Ων
and Mishnah, //ullin 10. 1 (quoted by Driver ἐπ loc.).
Josephus presents a mixture of the two lists.

¢ jij, 230-232, etc. ἀ Text a little uncertain.

.1..}

Cf. Numb,
ΧΥΊΠ 1.

Cf. Lev. vi.
26 (19),

Numb.
xviii. 10.

The king of
Edom
refuses
passage
shrough his
realm.

Ib, xx. 14.

78

»

80

8

9

—

JOSEPHUS

(6) Τότε δὴ καὶ τὴν ἀδελφὴν αὐτοῦ Μαριάμμην
τελευτὴ τοῦ βίου καταλαμβάνει τεσσαρακοστὸν
ἔτος πεπληρωκυῖαν ap οὗ τὴν Αἴγυπτον κατέλιπε
μητὸς δὲ Ξανθικοῦ νουμηνίᾳ κατὰ σελήνην.
θάπτουσι δ᾽ αὐτὴν δημοσίᾳ πολυτελῶς ὑπέρ τινος
ὄρους, ὃ καλοῦσι Lew, καὶ πενθήσαντα ἐπὶ τριά-
κοντα ἡμέρας BS Ne ἐκάθηρε Μωυσῆς τούτῳ
τῷ τρόπῳ" μόσχον θήλειαν, ἀρότρου μὲν καὶ γε-
wpytas ἄπειρον ὁλόκληρον δέ, ξανθὴν πᾶσαν,
μικρὸν ἄπωθεν τοῦ στρατοπέδου προαγαγὼν εἰς
χωρίον καθαρώτατον ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἔθυέ τε καὶ τοῦ
αἵματος ἑπτάκις ἔρραινε τῷ δακτύλῳ ἀντικρὺ
τῆς σκηνῆς τοῦ θεοῦ. ἔπειτα καιομένης ὡς εἶχεν
ὅλης τῆς δαμάλιδος σὺν τῇ δορᾷ καὶ τοῖς ἐντὸς
ξύλον κέδρινον εἰς μέσον ἐμβάλλουσι τὸ πῦρ καὶ
ὕσσωπον καὶ φοινικτὸν ἐ ἔριον" συναγαγὼν δ᾽ αὐτῆς
ἅπασαν τὴν τέφραν ἁγνὸς ἀνὴρ κατατίθησιν εἰς
χωρίον καθαρώτατον. τοὺς οὖν ἀπὸ νεκροῦ με-
μιασμένους, τῆς τέφρας ολίγον εἰς πηγὴν ἐνιέντες
καὶ ὕσσωπον βαπτίσαντές [τε καὶ τῆς τέφρας
ταύτης εἰς πηγήν], : ἔρραινον τρίτῃ τε καὶ ἑβδόμῃ
τῶν ἡμερῶν καὶ καθαροὶ τὸ λοιπὸν ἦσαν. τοῦτο
δὲ καὶ κατελθοῦσιν εἰς τὰς κληρουχίας προσέταξε,

ποιεῖν.
LOIN: Bekker r:
¢ Alias on the Ist of Nisan (4. i. 81). Numbers (xx. 1),

mentions “ the first month,” but neither the year nor the
day; other Jewish authorities, e.g. the Palestinian Targum,
name the 10th of Nisan.

> Numbers mentions ‘* the wilderness of Zin,’’ and Kadesh,
situated within it, as the burial- -place of Miriam. The reading

‘mountain for ‘ wilderness” occurs in one Egyptian
(Bohairic) version made from the txx, but there it is
probably due to a confusion, found in that and other
authorities, between “ Sin ”’ and ‘ Sinai.” \

51+

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 78-81

(6) And now it was that death overtook his sister
Mariamme, who had completed her fortieth year
sinee she left Egypt, on the new moon, by lunar
reckoning, of the month Xanthicus.¢ They buried
her at the public expense in state on a mountain
which they eall Sin®; and when the people had
mourned for her thirty days, they were purified by
Moses on this wise. A heifer, yet ignorant of the
plough and of husbandry, without blemish and
entirely red, was conducted by the high priest a little
way outside the eamp to a place of spotless purity,?
where he sacrificed it and sprinkled with his finger
drops of its blood seven times in the direction of
the tabernacle of God. Next, the heifer was burnt
whole, just as it was, including its skin and entrails,
and into the midst of the blaze they cast cedar-wood
and hyssop and crimson wool. Its ashes were then
all colleeted by a holy 7 man, who deposited them in
a place of spotless purity. When, therefore, any
had been polluted by contact with a corpse, they
put a little of these ashes in running water, dipped
hyssop into the stream, and sprinkled such persons
therewith on the third and on the seventh day, and
thenceforth they were clean. This ceremony Moses
charged them to continue when they had entered
upon their allotted territories.

¢ In Scripture the law of the Red Heifer (relating to
pollution from contact with a corpse) immediately precedes
the death of Miriam, but without any express connexion
with it; tradition has traced a connexion between the con-
tiguous chapters, Numb. xix and xx.

ὁ Fhis phrase on its first occurrence (sce 8 80) is not in
the Nebrew, but the txx has εἰς τόπον καθαρὸν (Nuinb.
χὶν, 3).

* Or“ τε: 101." scarlet.”

! i.e. ceremonially clean.

Death of
Miriam.
Institution
of ceremony
of the Red
Heifer.
Numb. xx. 1).

1». xix. 1,

tb ie bf,
13:0:

82

δι
a

—

84

JOSEPHUS

(7) Mera δὲ τὴν ἐπὶ τῷ πένθει ΤΊΣ ἀδελφῆς
τοῦ στρατηγοῦ κάθαρσιν τοιαύτην γενομένην ἀπῆγε
τὴν δύναμιν διὰ τῆς ἐρήμου, καὶ τῆς ᾿Δραβίας
ἐλθὼν εἰς χωρίον, ὃ μητρόπολιν αὑτῶν ἤΑραβες
νενομίκασι, πρότερον μὲν "Αρκην' λεγομένην
Πέτραν δὲ νῦν ὀνομαζομένην, ἐνταῦθα ὑψηλοῦ
περιέχοντος ὄρους αὐτὸ ἀναβὰς ᾿Λαρὼν ἐπ᾽ αὐτό,
Μωυσέος αὐτῷ δεδηλωκότος ὅτι μέλλοι τελευτᾶν,
ἅπαντος τοῦ στρατεύματος ὁρῶντος, κατάντες
γὰρ ἦν τὸ χωρίον, ἀποδύεται τὴν ἀρχιερατικὴν
στολὴν καὶ παραδοὺς αὐτὴν ᾿Βλεαζάρῳ τῷ παιδί,
πρὸς ὃν διὰ τὴν ἡλικίαν ἡ ἀρχιερωσύνη παρα-
γίνεται, θνήσκει τοῦ πλήθους εἰς αὐτὸν ἀφ-
ορῶντος, τῷ μὲν αὐτῷ τελευτήσας ἔτει, ᾧ καὶ
τὴν ἀδελφὴν ἀπέβαλε, βιοὺς δὲ ἔτη τὰ πάντα
τρία πρὸς τοῖς εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν. ἀποθνήσκει
δὲ κατὰ σελήνην νουμηνίᾳ μηνὸς ὄντος τοῦ παρὰ
μὲν ᾿Αθηναίοις ᾿Βκατομβαιῶνος καλουμένου Λώου
δὲ παρὰ Maxeddorcy>, ᾿Αββὰ' δὲ παρ᾽ “Ἑβραίοις.

(ν. 1) Πένθος δὲ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῷ τοῦ λαοῦ τριακον-
θήμερον ἄγοντος, ἐπεὶ τοῦτ᾽ ᾿ἐλώφησεν, ἀναλαβὼν
ἐκεῖθεν Μωυσῆς τὸν στρατὸν παρῆν ἐπὶ τὸν
ποταμὸν ᾿Αρνῶνα, ὃς ἐκ τῶν τῆς "A Ἀραβίας ὁρῶν
ὡρμημένος" καὶ διὰ πάσης ἐρήμου ῥέων εἰς τὴν

1 ΓΑρκὲμ Eus.: ᾿Αρεκέμην Bernard.
2 Bernard: σαβ(β)ὰ, σαβὰτ (sebath Lat.) codd.
3 RO: ὁρμώμενος rell.

@ Not mentioned in Numbers, which, however, names the
mountain which Aaron ascended, viz. Mount Hor. Since
later on (§ 161) Josephus identifies Petra with “Ῥεκέμη, de-
riving that name from its king Rekem, probably “Apxny is
here corrupt and we should read * Apexeun. When Josephus
wrote, Petra was the capital of the powerful Nabataean king-
dom.

516

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 82-85

(7) After a purification held in sueh wise in eon-
sequence of the mourning for the sister of their ehief,
he led his forees away through the desert and eame
to a place in Arabia which the Arabs have deemed
their metropolis, formerly ealled Arce,* to-day named
Petra. There Aaron aseended a lofty mountain
range that encloses the spot, Moses having revealed
to him that he was about to die, and, in the sight of
the whole army—for the ground was steep—he
divested himself of his high priestly robes and, after
delivering them to Eleazar his son, upon whom by
right of age the high priesthood deseended, he died
with the eyes of the multitude upon him. Ie ended
his days in the same vear in which he had lost his
sister, having lived in all one hundred and twenty-
three years. He died on the opening day, by lunar
reekoning, of the month ealled by the Athenians
Heeatombaeon, by the Maeedonians Lous, and by
the Hebrews Abba.?

(v. 1) For thirty days 5 the people mourned for him,
and, when this mourning was ended, Moses, marehing
his army thenee, arrived at the river Arnon, which,
springing from the mountains of Arabia and travers-
ing an absolute desert, phinges into the lake Asphal-

> Aram, abba, Hebr. ab, the fifth month of the Hebrew year
(ec. July-August): ‘“ Aaron... died in the fortieth year
{after the exodus]... in the fifth month, on the first day
of the month’ (Numb. U.c.). “ Abba" is, however, an
emendation ; and it is possible that the ms. reading ca3ar
(Lat. sehath) should stand, and that Josephus followed
another tradition, dating the event six months later, on the
Ist of Shebat.

© Numb, xx. 29, Josephus here omits (1) the victory at
Honuah (incorporated perhaps in the victory over Sihon
described below), and (2) the story of the brazen serpent.

517

Death of
Aaron.
Numb,
S222

Th. xxxiil.
38.

Sihon,
king of the
Amiorites,
refuses
passage,
Tb. xxi. 13.

JOSEPHUS

3 -
Ἀσφαλτῖτιν λίμνην ἐκδίδωσιν ὁρίζων τήν τε
Μωαβῖτιν καὶ ᾿Αμορῖτιν. γῆ δ᾽ αὕτη καρποφόρος
καὶ πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων" τοῖς παρ᾽ αὐτῆς ἀγαθοῖς
86 ἱκανὴ τρέφειν. πρὸς οὖν Σιχῶνα τὸν βασιλεύοντα
τῆς χώρας ταύτης ἀπέστειλε Μωυσῆς τῷ στρατῷ
δίοδον αἰτῶν ἐφ᾽ αἷς ἂν θελήσειε πίστεσιν, ὥστε
μηδὲν ἀδικηθῆναι μήτε τὴν γῆν μήτε τοὺς év-
ovxobvTas, ὧν Σιχὼν ἐκράτει, τοῖς τε κατὰ τὴν
ἀγορὰν χρῆσθαι πρὸς τὸ ἐκείνων USTs εἰ
καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ αὐτοῖς πιπράσκειν ἐθέλοιεν. Σιχὼν
δ᾽ ἀρνούμενος ὁπλίζει τὸν οἰκεῖον στρατὸν καὶ
A « / 4 A 9 ~ ,
τοὺς “Ἑβραίους διαβαίνειν τὸν ᾿Αρνῶνα κωλύειν
ἑτοιμότατος ἦν.
87 (9) ΔΙίωυσῆς δὲ ὁρῶν πολεμίως αὐτοῖς τὸν
᾿Αμοραῖον διακείμενον οὔτε περιφρονούμενος
A ‘ ~
ἀνέχεσθαι δεῖν ἔγνω Kat τοὺς Ἑβραίους τῆς
3 ’ Ἁ ~ ? 3 ‘ 3 / 4} e
ἀπραξίας καὶ τῆς δι’ αὐτὴν ἀπορίας, ὑφ᾽ ἧς
στασιάσαι τε πρότερον αὐτοῖς συνέπεσε καὶ τότε
, > 9 / Ἁ ” A
δυσκόλως εἶχον, ἀπαλλάξαι διαγνοὺς ἤρετο τὸν
88 θεόν, εἰ πολεμεῖν αὐτῷ δίδωσι. τοῦ δὲ θεοῦ καὶ
νίκην ἀποσημήναντος" αὐτὸς θαρσαλέως εἶχε πρὸς
τὸν ἀγῶνα καὶ τοὺς στρατιώτας παρώρμα, νῦν
αὐτοὺς ἀξιῶν τῆς τοῦ πολεμεῖν ἡδονῆς ἀπολαύειν,
ὅτ᾽ αὐτῇ συγχωρεῖ χρῆσθαι τὸ θεῖον. οἱ δ᾽ ἧς
3 ’ 3 ΄ ll \ ‘ ’
ἐπόθουν ἐξουσίας λαβόμενοι καὶ τὰς πανοπλίας
> , 9 / 3 f 3 A ” e
89 ἀναλαβόντες εὐθέως ἐχώρουν εἰς τὸ ἔργον. ὁ
δὲ ᾿Αμοραῖος οὐκέτ᾽ ἦν ἐπιόντων ὅμοιος αὑτῷ,
ἀλλ᾽ αὐτός τε κατεπλάγη τοὺς Ἑβραίους καὶ ἡ
δύναμις αὐτοῦ παρέχουσα θᾶττον αὑτὴν εὔψυχον

εἶναι δοκεῖν τότ᾽ ἀπηλέγχθη πεφοβημένη. τὴν
1 + ἴσον OML. 2 ἐπισημήναντος RO.
518

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 85-89

titis,? forming the boundary between the Moabite
and Amorite countries. The latter region is fertile
and eapable of supporting with its riches an host of
inen. Moses aeeordingly sent an embassy to Sihon,
the sovereign of this country, soliciting passage for
his army upon sueh guarantees as he might choose
to impose, so as to ensure that no injury should be
done either to the land or to its inhabitants, whom
Sihon governed, and offering to purehase provisions
to the advantage of the Amorites, ineluding even
water, should they choose to sell it to them. But
Sihon refused, armed his troops, and was fully pre-
pared to stop the Hebrews from erossing the Arnon.

(2) Moses, seeing this hostile attitude of the
Amorite, determined that he ought not to brook this
affront, and, since he withal resolved to deliver the
Hebrews from that inactivity and consequent in-
digenee, whieh had produeed their previous mutiny
and their present diseontent, he inquired of God
whether He authorized him to fight. When, there-
fore, God even betokened vietory, he was himself
encouraged for the contest and roused the ardour
of his soldiers, urging them now to gratify their
Inst of battle, now when they had the sanetion of the
Deity to indulge it. And they, having won that
coneession for whieh they eraved, put all their armour
on and proeeeded straight into aetion. The Amorite,
faced by their advanee, was a different man, himself
viewing the Hebrews with dismay, while his army,
which had of late ὃ made sueh a show of spirit, now
proved positively afraid. Thus, without waiting to

4 The “ Bituminous ” lake=the Dead Sea.

δ For θᾶττον Ξ- πρότερον cf. A. v. 171 (and so frequently
ict A, i. 98, etc.); but the word here may connote “too
la sly.

519

Numb.
χχὶ. 21.

Defeat
of the
Amorites
and con-
quest of
their
country.
Ὁ. 24.

90

91

Ω

nd

93

JOSEPHUS

πρώτην οὖν σύνοδον οὐχ ὑπομείναντες ἀντιστῆναι
καὶ δέξασθαι τοὺς ᾿Ιβραίους τρέπονται, τοῦτο
ἑαυτοῖς σωτηρίαν ὑπολαβόντες ἢ τὸ μάχεσθαι
παρέξειν' ἐθάρρουν γὰρ ταῖς πόλεσιν οὔσαις
ὀχυραῖς. παρ᾽ ὧν οὐδὲν αὐτοῖς ὄφελος ἦν εἰς
ταύτας συνδιωχθεῖσιν: Ἑβραῖοι γὰρ ὡς ἐνδόντας
αὐτοὺς εὐθὺς εἶδον, ἐνέκειντο καὶ παραλύσαντες
αὐτῶν τὸν κόσμον εἰς φόβον κατέστησαν. καὶ
οἱ μὲν ἀπορραγέντες ἐφευγον ἐπὶ τῶν πόλεων, οἱ
δὲ πρὸς τὴν δίωξιν οὐκ ἔκαμνον, ἀλλ᾽ οἷς προ-
πεπονήκεσαν προσεπιταλαιπωρῆσαι προσθέμενοι,"
καὶ σφενδονᾶν τε ἄριστοι τυγχάνοντες καὶ πᾶσι
τοῖς ἑκηβόλοις δεξιοὶ χρῆσθαι, καὶ διὰ τὴν ὅπλισιν
οὖσαν εὐσταλῆ κοῦφοι πρὸς τὸ διώκειν ὄντες
μετέθεον τοὺς πολεμίους καὶ τοὺς πορρωτάτω
συλληφθῆναι γεγονότας ταῖς σφενδόναις καὶ τοῖς
τοξεύμασι κατελάμβανον. “φόνος τε οὖν γίνεται
πολὺς καὶ τραύμασιν ἐπόνουν ot διαφεύγοντες,
ἔκαμνον be” ἐπὶ δίψει μᾶλλον ἡ 7 τινι TOV πολεμικῶν"
καὶ γὰρ ὥρα θέρους ἦν: καὶ ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ πιεῖν
ἐπὶ ποταμὸν τοὺς πλείους καταραχθέντας, καὶ
ὅσον συνεστραμμένον ἔφευγε, περιστάντες ἔβαλλον
καὶ πάντας αὐτοὺς ἀκοντίζοντες ὁ ἅμα καὶ τος εὐσυτες
διέφθειραν. ἀποθνήσκει δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ Σιχὼν ὁ
βασιλεύς. “EBp αἴοι δὲ νεκροὺς ἐσκύλευον καὶ
λείαν ἔλαβον καὶ πολλὴν ἀφθονίαν τῶν ἐκ τῆς
γῆς εἶχον μεστῆς ἔτι τῶν καρπῶν ὑπαρχούσης,

1 προθέμενοι (Bekker, Niese) is a needless emendation.
2 re RO.

* Triple alliteration in the Greek. If the “ Sophoclean ”
assistant is here at work, he had warrant for this in his model,

520

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. IV. 89-93

withstand the first shock and receive the Hebrews,
they turned their backs, deeming that flight would
atford them better safety than a fight; for they
relied on their cities with strong fortifications. These,
however, profited them naught when they were
pursued thither. For the Hebrews, on seeing them
at once give way, pressed hard upon them and,
throwing their ranks into disorder, reduced them to
panic. So, breaking from the ranks, they fled for the
cities ; awhile the Site showed no slackness for the
pursuit, but, crowning their previous pains with
perseverance,* being at once excellent slingers and
experts in the use of all long-range missiles, and
withal through their light equipment Ὁ swift fo pur-
sue, they were on their enemies’ heels, while those
who were now much too far to be captured they
reached with their slings and arrows. So there was
great carnage and the fugitiv es suffered sorely from
wounds. but they succumbed more to thirst than
to any engines of war; for it was the height of
summer, and in their craving for drink the greater
number, indeed all who had kept together | in the
rout, dashed down into a river, where their pursuers,
surrounding and pelting them at once with javelins
and arrows, destroyed them all.¢ Sihon their king
was among the slain. The Hebrews then rifled the
corpses and took the spoil, obtaining also abundance
of the produce of the land, which was still laden with

e.g. Soph. O.C. 589 κεῖνοι κομίζειν κεῖσε, SOL fF. φύσας φανεῖ
φρένας. 1110 τεκνοῖσι τερφθεὶς τοῖσδε.

ὑ After Thue. iii. 22 εὐσταλεῖς τῇ ὁπλίσει.

ς This spirited scene is drawn from the famous account
of the retreat of the Athenians from Syracuse, the river being
the Sicilian Assinaros (Thue. vii. 83 f.); while the phrase
ὅσον συνεστραμμένον recalls Plataea (ἐδ. ii. 4)! Here clearly
the ‘ Thucydidean ”’ assistant lends his aid.

to

921

94

θῦ

06

97

JOSEPHUS

Kal διεξήει πᾶσαν' ἀδεῶς TO στράτευμα προνομῇ
χρώμενον, ἁλισκομένων καὶ τῶν πόλεων" οὐδὲν
γὰρ παρὰ τούτων ἦν ἐμπόδιον τοῦ μαχίμου παντὸς
ἀπολωλότος. ᾿Αμοραίους μὲν οὖν τοιοῦτο πάθος
κατέλαβεν οὔτε φρονῆσαι δεινοὺς οὔτε ἀγαθοὺς
κατὰ τὸ ἔργον γεγονότας, Ἕβραϊοι δὲ τὴν ἐκείνων
παρελάμβανον. ἔστι δὲ χωρίον, ὃ τριῶν μεταξὺ
ποταμῶν κείμενον ὅμοιόν τι νήσῳ τὴν φύσιν
ὑπάρχει, τοῦ μὲν ᾿Αρνῶνος ἀπὸ μεσημβρίας ὁρί-
ζοντος αὐτό, ᾿Ιοβάκου δὲ τὴν ἀρκτῷαν αὐτοῦ
πλευρὰν περιγράφοντος, os εἰς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον
ποταμὸν ἐκβάλλων ἐκείνῳ καὶ τοῦ ὀνόματος"
μεταδίδωσι: τὰ μέντοι γε πρὸς τῇ δύσει τοῦ χωρίου
περίεισιν αὐτὴν ᾿Ιόρδανος.

(3) Οὕτως οὖν ἐχόντων τῶν πραγμάτων ἐπι-
τίθεται τοῖς ᾿Ισραηλίταις "Ὥγης ὁ τῆς [᾿αλαδηνῆς
καὶ Παυλανίτιδος βασιλεὺς στρατὸν ἄγων, καὶ
σπεύδων μὲν ὡς ἐπὶ συμμαχίαν τὴν Σιχῶνος,
φίλου τυγχάνοντος, εὑρὼν δὲ ἐκεῖνον 707 προ-
απολωλότα καὶ οὕτως ἔγνω τοῖς ‘EBpatous εἰς
μάχην ἐλθεῖν περιέσεσθαί τε νομίζων καὶ τῆς
ἀρετῆς αὐτῶν διάπειραν βουλόμενος λαβεῖν" δι-
αμαρτὼν δὲ τῆς ἐλπίδος αὐτός τε ἀποθνήσκει
κατὰ τὴν μάχην καὶ σύμπας ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ
διαφθείρεται. Μωυσῆς δὲ τὸν ποταμὸν ᾿Ιόβακον
περαιωσάμενος διεξήει τῆς "ὥγου βασιλείας τάς
τε πόλεις καταστρεφόμενος καὶ κτείνων πάντας
τοὺς ἐνοικοῦντας, οἵ καὶ πλούτῳ διέφερον πάντων

1 Bekker: πᾶσιν codd. 2 νάματος Naber.

4 Bibl. Jabbok ([1αβόκ).
ὁ Cf. i. 177, where Josephus seems to imply that the Jor-
dan derived its second syllable from ‘* Dan, one of its two

522

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 94-97

the erops and was, without fear of molestation,
traversed in every direction by the troops for foraging
purposes ; the cities too were captured, for these
presented no obstacle now that all combatants had
perished. Such was the catastrophe that overtook
the Amorites, who had shown neither skill in counsel
nor valour in action ; and the Hebrews took possession
of their land. It is a region situated between three
rivers, which give it something of the nature of an
island: the Arnon forming its southern boundary,
its northern flank being circumscribed by the Jobak,?
which pours into the river Jordan and gives that
stream a portion of its name,’ while the western
area of the district is compassed by the Jordan.

(3) Such was the position of affairs when there
came to attack the Israelites Og, the king of Galadene
and Gaulanitis,°at the head of anarmy, and hastening,
as he believed, to the support of his friend Sihon ;
yet, though he found that he had already perished,
he none the less resolved to give battle to the
Hebrews, confident of success and fain to make trial
of their valour. But, disappointed in this hope, he
met his own end in the battle and his whole army
was annihilated. Moses then, crossing the river
Jobak, overran the realm of Og, subduing the cities
and killing all the inhabitants, who surpassed in
riches all the occupants of those inland parts, thanks

sources ’?: here he suggests that it owes the first syllable
(or rather the first two letters) to its tributary the Jo-bak as
he calls it. According to the widely accepted etymology,
Jordan means “ the descender.”’

° Bibl. “ king of Bashan’’; Josephus substitutes names
of his own day, which do not exactly correspond to the
ancient Bashan. Gilead (Galadene) was a distinct district
to the south of it.

523

Defeat of
Og. Numb,
XX1 33:
Deut. iii. 1.

98

100

101

102

JOSEPHUS

τῶν ἐκείνῃ ἠπειρωτῶν du ἀρετὴν γῆς καὶ πλῆθος
v \ / ’ ‘ 7

χρημάτων. ὥγης δὲ μέγεθός τε καὶ κάλλος
ἣν οἷον ὀλίγοις" σφόδρα, ἦν δὲ καὶ κατὰ χεῖρα
γενναῖος ἀνήρ, ὡς ἴσα τὰ τῶν ἔργων εἶναι τοῖς
τοῦ μεγέθους καὶ τῆς εὐπρεπείας πλεονεκτήμασι.
τὴν δ᾽ ἰσχὺν αὐτοῦ καὶ τὸ μέγεθος ἐτεκμηριώσαντο

“ 3 “ 4 3 ε o~ F. ~
κλίνην αὐτοῦ λαβόντες ἐν “PaBabG πόλει τῶν
βασιλείων τῆς ᾿Αμμανίτιδος, τῇ μὲν κατασκευῇ
σιδηρέαν,, τεσσάρων δὲ πηχῶν τὸ εὖρος, μήκει

i νι “ ¢ 4 ᾽ ’
δὲ τοῦ διπλασίονος Evi πήχει μείζονα. τούτου

τοίνυν πταΐίσαντος οὐκ εἰς τὸ παρὸν μόνον τοῖς
“Ἑβραίοις ἐπέδωκε τὰ πράγματα, ἀλλὰ καὶ πρὸς
τὸ μέλλον ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς αἴτιος ἀποθανὼν ὑπῆρξε:
καὶ γὰρ πόλεις ἑξήκοντα λαμπρῶς πάνυ τετει-
χισμένας ὑποτελεῖς ἐκείνῳ παρέλαβον καὶ λείαν
πολλὴν ἰδίᾳ τε καὶ δημοσίᾳ πάντες εὐπόρησαν.

(vi. 1) Μωυσῆς μὲν οὖν στρατοπεδεύει κατ-
αγαγὼν" τὴν δύναμιν ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ιορδάνῳ κατὰ τὸ
μέγα πεδίον ‘leptyoivtos ἀντικρύ, πόλις δ᾽ ἐστὶν
εὐδαίμων αὕτη φοίνικάς τε φέρειν ἀγαθὴ καὶ
βάλσαμον νεμομένη. ἤρχοντο δὲ φρονεῖν ἐφ᾽
ἑαυτοῖς μέγα ᾿Ισραηλῖται καὶ τὴν πρὸς τοὺς
πολέμους ἐπιθυμίαν ὑπερέτεινον. καὶ δΔὶἰωυσῆς
ὀλίγων ἡμερῶν θύσας γαριστήρια πρῶτον τῷ
θεῷ καὶ τὸν λαὸν εὐωχήσας μέρος τι τῶν ὁπλιτῶν
ἐξέπεμψε δηῶσον τὴν δΔαδιανιτῶν γῆν καὶ τὰς
πατρίδας αὐτῶν ἐκπολιορκῆσον. τοῦ δ᾽ ἐκπο-
λεμηθῆναι πρὸς αὐτοὺς αἰτίαν ἔλαβε τοιαύτην.

(2) Βάλακος δ τῶν Μωαβιτῶν βασιλεὺς φιλίας
αὐτῷ πατρῴας οὔσης καὶ συμμαχίας πρὸς Ma-
1 οἷος ὀλίγοι RO. 2 σιδηρέην codd.

8 Niese: καὶ ἀγαγὼν codd.

524

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 97-102

to the excellence of the soi] and an abundance of
commodities. Og himself had a stature and beauty
such as few could boast; he was withal a man of

a doughty arm, so that his exploits were on a par with

his superior eifts of height and a handsome presence.

Of his strength and stature they had evidence on
capturing his bedstead in Rabatha,* the capital of peut. 1.11.
the Ammonite country : this was constructed of iron

and was four cubits broad and double as much, with

a cubit over, in length. With this giant’s fall not
merely was there an instant amelioration in the
Hebrews’ fortunes, but for the future too his death
proved a source of benefits®; for withal they
captured sixty cities, magnificently fortified, that 10. 41.
had owned his sway, and, individually and collectively,

all reaped an ample booty.

(vi. 1) So Moses led his forces down towards the The camp
Jordan and encamped on the great plain ¢ over against see
Jericho; this is a prosperous city, prolific of ‘palm- Numb.
trees and a nursery of balsam. The Israelites were ae
now beginning to have a high opinion of themselves
and becoming intensely keen in their ardour for
battle. And Moses, after spending a few days first
in sacrificing thank-offerings to God, and then in
feasting the people, sent out a division of his troops to
ravage the land of the Madianites ὁ and to carry their
cities by storm. Tor hostilities against this people,
however, he had received provocation on this wise.

(2) Balak, the king of the Moabites, who was Embassy

ἢ
linked by an ancestral amity and alliance to the ἢ θαιακ

Midianltes
"“- = and Balaain.
> Bibl. SS Rabbah,’ Aramaic “ Rabbath. 1b. 2:
ΟΣ Wy ems
¢ The Ghor (=“' Rift’) or Jordan valley, BJ. iv. 455.
4 So Josephus throughout: Bibl. Midian(ites), rxx Madidu.

VOL. 1V $ 525

108

10:

105

106

JOSEPHUS

διανίτας, ἐπεὶ τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας τοσοῦτον φυο-
μένους ἑώρα καὶ περὶ τῶν αὑτοῦ πραγμάτων
λίαν εὐλαβεῖτο, καὶ γὰρ οὐδὲ πέπυστο γῆν ἄλλην
«οὐ»" πολυπραγμονεῖν τοὺς ‘EBpatous ἀπηγορευ-
κότος τοῦ θεοῦ κτησαμένους τὴν Χαναναίων,"
θᾶττον ἢ φρονιμώτερον ἐγχειρεῖν. ἔγνω τοῖς
λόγοις." καὶ πολεμεῖν μὲν ἐπὶ ταῖς εὐπραγίαις
θρασυτέροις te’ ὑπὸ τῆς κακοπραγίας κατ-
ειλημμένοις οὐκ ἔκρινε, κωλῦσαι δ᾽ εἰ δύναιτο
γενέσθαι μεγάλους λογιζόμενος πρεσβεῦσαι πρὸς
Δ]αδιανίτας ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν. οἱ δέ, ἦν γάρ τις ἀπὸ
Εὐφράτου Βάλαμος μάντις ἄριστος τῶν τότε καὶ
πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἐπιτηδείως ἔχων, πέμπουσι μετὰ
τῶν Βαλάκου πρέσβεων ἀνδρας τῶν παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς
ἀξιολόγων παρακαλέσοντας τὸν μάντιν ἐλθεῖν,
ὅπως ἂν em ἐξωλείᾳ τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἀρὰς
ποιήσηται. παραγενομένους δὲ τοὺς πρέσβεις
δέχεται ξενίᾳ φιλοφρόνως καὶ δειπνίσας ἀνέκρινε
τὴν τοῦ θεοῦ διάνοιαν, τίς αὕτη ἐστὶν ἐφ᾽ οἷς
Madcavirac apa Nodak: τοῦ δ᾽ ἐμποδὼν στάν-
τος ἀφικνεῖται πρὸς τοὺς πρέσβεις, προθυμίαν
μὲν καὶ σπουδὴν τὴν ἰδίαν ἐμφανίζων αὐτοῖς εἰς
ἃ δέονται τυχεῖν, τὸν δὲ θεὸν ἀντιλέγειν αὐτοῦ
τῇ προαιρέσει δηλῶν, ὃς αὐτὸν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον κλέος
δι᾽ ἀλήθειαν καὶ τὴν ταύτης πρόρρησιν ἀγάγοι"
τὸν γὰρ στρατόν, ᾧ καταρασόμενον αὐτὸν ἐλθεῖν
παρακαλοῦσι, δι᾿ εὐνοίας εἶναι τῷ θεῷ: συν-

1 ἄλλω (sic) ἢ : ἄλλην rell. 2 + καὶ ed. pr. (Lat.).
3 trois ὅλοις Herwerden. 4 Text doubtful.

4 “*to try an assault of a verbal nature”’ (1.6. through
imprecations), or possibly “ to essay parley (with his friends).”’

526

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 102-106

Madianites, on seeing the Israelites growing so great,
became gravely concerned for his own interests.
For he had not learned that the Hebrews were not
for interfering with other countries, God having forbid-
den them so to do, upon their conquest of the land
of Canaan, and with more haste than discretion he
resolved to essay what words could do.¢ To fight
with men fresh from success and who were found to
be only the more emboldened by reverse was not
to his mind; but with intent to check “their ag-
grandizement, if he could, he decided to send an
embassy to the Madianites concerning them. And
these, forasmuch as there was a certain Balaam
hailing from the Euphrates,® the best diviner of his
day and on friendly terms with them, sent, along
with the ambassadors of Balak, some of hei own
notables to entreat the seer to come and deliver
curses for the extermination of the Israelites. When
these envoys arrived Balaam received them with
cordial hospitality and, after giving them supper,
inquired of God what was His mind touching this
invitation of the Madianites. Meeting with opposition
from Him, he returned to the envoys and, making
plain to them his own readiness and zeal to comply
with their request,° he explained that God gainsaid
his purpose, even that God who had brought him to
his high renown for truth’s sake and for hes prediction
thereof. For (he continued) that army, which they
invited him to come and curse, was in favour with

‘There is no need to alter λόγοις : the phrase recurs in BJ.
vii. 340 ἐνεχείρει λόγοις “ essayed a flight of oratory.”

’ In Numb. xxii. 5 Balak sends messengers to Balaam
‘to Pethor which is by the river,” te. (as Josephus and the
‘Targum interpret) the Euphrates.

¢ So the Midrash (Weill).

527

107

—
Ξ
ο

109

110

11

JOSEPHUS

εβούλευέ τε διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίαν χωρεῖν παρ᾽
αὑτοὺς τὴν ἔχθραν τὴν πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας
καταλυσαμένους. καὶ τοὺς μὲν πρέσβεις ταῦτ᾽
εἰπὼν ἀπέλυσε.

(3) Δ]αδιανῖται δὲ Βαλάκουν σφόδρα ἐγκειμένου
καὶ δέησιν λιπαρὰν προσφέροντος πάλιν πέμπουσι
πρὸς τὸν Βάλαμον. κἀκεῖνος βουλόμενος χα-
ρίζεσθαί τι τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἀνήρετο τὸν θεόν, ὁ
δὲ καὶ τῆς πείρας δυσχεράνας κελεύει μηδὲν
ἀντιλέγειν τοῖς πρέσβεσιν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐχ ὑπολαβὼν
ἀπάτῃ ταῦτα τὸν θεὸν κεκελευκέναι συναπῇει
τοῖς πρέσβεσι. κατὰ δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἀγγέλου θείου
προσβαλόντος αὐτῷ κατά τι στενὸν χωρίον περι-
εἰλημμένον αἱμασιαῖς διπλαῖς ἡ ὄνος, ἐφ᾽ ἧς
6 BadAapos ὠχεῖτο, συνεῖσα τοῦ θείου πνεύματος
ὑπαντῶντος ἀπέκλινε τὸν Βάλαμον πρὸς τὸν
ἕτερον τῶν τριγχῶν ἀναισθήτως ἔχουσα τῶν
πληγῶν, ἃς ὁ Βάλαμος ἐπέφερεν αὐτῇ κακοπαθῶν
τῇ θλίψει τῇ πρὸς τὸν τριγχόν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐγκειμένου
τοῦ ἀγγέλου ἡ ὄνος τυπτομένη ὥὦκλασε, κατὰ
βούλησιν θεοῦ φωνὴν ἀνθρωπίνην ἀφεῖσα' κατ-
εμέμφετο τὸν βάλαμον ὡς ἄδικον ἐπὶ ταῖς
πρότερον διακονίαις μηδὲν ἔχοντα ἐγκαλεῖν αὐτῇ
πληγὰς ἐπιφέρειν, μὴ συνιεὶς ὅτι νῦν κατὰ θεοῦ
προαίρεσιν οἷς αὐτὸς ἔσπευσεν ὑπηρετεῖν εἴργεται.
ταραττομένου δὲ αὐτοῦ διὰ τὴν τῆς ὄνου φωνὴν
ἀνθρωπίνην οὖσαν ἐπιφανεὶς καὶ ὁ ἄγγελος ἐ ἐναργὴς
ἐνεκάλει τῶν πληγῶν, ὡς οὐχὶ τοῦ κτήνους ὄντος
αἰτίου, τὴν δὲ ὁδὸν αὐτοῦ διακωλύοντος παρὰ
γνώμην τοῦ θεοῦ γενομένην. καταδείσας δ᾽ ὁ

1 RO: λαβοῦσα rell.
® Or “ breath,” ‘* afflatus.”’
528

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 106-111

God; he therefore counselled them to depart to
their people and renounce that hatred which they
bore to the Israelites. Having spoken thus he took
leave of the embassy.

(3) But the Madianites, at the urgent instance
and persistent entreaties of Balak, sent once again
to Balaam. And he, fain to give these men some
gratification, consulted God anew; whereat God,
indignant that he should even tempt Him thus, bade
him in no wise to gainsay the envoys. So he, not
dreaming that it was to delnde him that God had
given this order, set off with the envoys. But on
the road an angel of God confronted him in a narrow
place, enelosed by stone walls on either side, and
the ass whereon Balaam rode, conseious of the divine
spirit * approaching her, turning aside thrust Balaam
against one of these fences, insensible to the blows
with which the seer belaboured her, in his pain at
being crushed against the wall. But when, on the
angel’s nearer approach, the ass sank down beneath
the blows, she, so God willed, broke out in ὃ human
speech and reproached Balaam for the injustice
wherewith, though he had no cause to complain of
her past ministries, he thus belaboured her, failing
to understand that to-day it was God’s purpose that
debarred her from serving him on the mission whereon
he sped. Then, while he was aghast at hearing his
ass thus speak with human voice, the angel himself
appeared in visible form and reproached him for his
blows, in that the beast was not to blame: it was
he himself, he said, who was obstructing a Journey
undertaken in defiance of the will of God. ‘Terrified,

> Or, according to another reading, “ received,’ ‘ was
given.”

529

Second
embassy :
Balaaun's
journey and
his ass.
Numb

KXIE 15.

JOSEPHUS

BaAapos οἷός te ἦν ἀναστρέφειν, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ θεὸς αὐτὸν
χωρεῖν τὴν προκειμένην παρώρμησε προστάξας
hid Ἅ 3 \ A) “ 3 “ , “-
ὅ τι περ ὧν αὐτὸς κατὰ νοῦν αὐτῷ ποιήσειε τοῦτο
σημαίνειν.

12 (4) Kai ὁ μὲν ταῦτα τοῦ θεοῦ κελεύσαντος
ἥκει πρὸς Badaxov. δεξαμένου δὲ αὐτὸν τοῦ
βασιλέως ἐκπρεπῶς ἠξίου προαχθεὶς ἐπί τι τῶν
ὁρῶν σκέψασθαι, πῶς τὸ τῶν “Ἑβραίων ἔχοι
στρατόπεδον. Βάλακος δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἀφικνεῖται τὸν
μάντιν σὺν βασιλικῇ θεραπείᾳ φιλοτίμως ἀγόμενος
εἰς ὄρος, ὅπερ ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς αὐτῶν ἔκειτο τοῦ

113 στρατοπέδου σταδίους ἀπέχον ἑξήκοντα. κατιδὼν
δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐκεῖνος βωμούς τε ἐκέλευσεν ἑπτὰ
δείμασθαι τὸν βασιλέα καὶ τοσούτους ταύρους
καὶ κριοὺς παραστῆσαι: ὑπουργήσαντος δὲ διὰ
ταχέων τοῦ βασιλέως ὁλοκαυτεῖ τυθέντας, ὥς

114 gz ἄ»τροπον' εἶδε σημαινομένην, “ὁ λεώς,
φησίν, “οτος εὐδαίμων, ᾧ ὁ θεὸς δίδωσι μυρίων
κτῆσιν ἀγαθῶν καὶ σύμμαχον εἰς ἅπαντα καὶ
ἡγεμόνα τὴν ἑαυτοῦ πρόνοιαν ἐπένευσεν. ὡς
οὐδέν ἐστιν ἀνθρώπειον" γέν ος, οὗ μὴ κατ᾽ ἀρετὴν
καὶ ζήλωσιν ἐπιτηδευμάτων ἀρίστων καὶ καθαρῶν
πονηρίας ὑμεῖς ἀμείνους κριθήσεσθε καὶ παισὶ
βελτίοσιν αὐτῶν ταῦτα καταλείψετε, θεοῦ μόνους
ὑμᾶς ἀνθρώπους" ἐφορῶντος καὶ ὅθεν ἂν γένοισθε
πάντων εὐδαιμονέστεροι τῶν ὑπὸ τὸν ἥλιον

115 ἐκπορίζοντος. γῆν τε οὖν ἐφ᾽ ἣν ὑμᾶς αὐτὸς
ἔστειλε καθέξετε δουλεύσουσαν" αἰεὶ παισὶν ὑμε-

1 conj.: τρόπον RO, τροπὴν τε] ].
2 ἀνθρώπινον RO. 3 ἀνθρώπων Niese.
4 ex Lat.: δουλεύουσαν codd.
4 Distance unspecified in Scripture.

530

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 111-115

Balaam was prepared to turn back ; God, however,
exhorted him to pursue his intended way, while
enjoining upon him to announce just whatsoever He
himself should put into his heart.

(4) Charged with these behests fron. God he came
to Balak. After a magnificent reception from the
king, he desired to be conducted to one of the
mountains, to inspect the disposition of the Hebrews
camp. Balak thereupon went himself, escorting the
seer with all the honours of a royal retinue to a
mountain lying over their heads and sixty furlongs
distant from the camp.* Having seen the Hebrews
beneath, he bade the king to have seven altars built
and as many bulls and rams brought forward. The
king having promptly ministered to his wishes, he
burnt the slaughter ed victims whole ; and when he
saw the indications of inflexible Fate, ““ Happy,” said
he, “15. this people, to whom God grants possession
of blessings untold and has vouchsafed as their per-
petual ally and guide His own providence. Tor
there is not a race on earth whieh ye shall not,
through your virtue and your passion for pursuits
most noble and pure of crime, be aceounted to exeel,
and to children yet better than yourselves shall ye
bequeath this heritage, God having regard for none
among men but you πη lavishing on you the means
whereby ye may become the happiest of all peoples
beneath the sun. That land, then, to which He
himself hath sent you, ye shall surely occupy: it

> My conjecture ἄτροπον (Atropos, the divinity of in-
fle ΤΙΣ fate) yields the required sense and accounts for both
readings of the mss. ; first the ἅ was dropped, and then the
feminine part. σημαινομένην eansed the conversion of τρύπον
into τροπήν (which Weill adopts, rendering “ comme il y vit
le signe dune fuite ”’).

531

Balaam
predicts
Tsrael's
future

> greatness.

Numb.
Xx1l. 35.

Tb, xxiii. 1.

116

117

118

119

JOSEPHUS

Tépols, Kal TOU περὶ αὐτῶν κλέους ἐμπλησθήσεται
πᾶσα ἡ γῆ καὶ θάλασσα, ἀρκέσετε δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ
παρασχεῖν ἑκάστῃ γῇ τῶν ἀφ᾽ ὑμετέρου γένους
οἰκήτορας. θαυμάζετε οὖν, ὦ μακάριος. στρατός,
ὅτι τοσοῦτος ἐξ ἑνὸς πατρὸς γεγόνατε ;* ἀλλὰ
τὸν νῦν ὑμῶν ὀλίγον ἡ Χαναναίων χωρήσει γῆ,
τὴν δ᾽ “οἰκουμένην οἰκητήριον δι᾿ αἰῶνος ἴστε
προκειμένην ὑμῖν, καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ὑμῶν ἔν τε
νήσοις καὶ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον βιοτεύσετε ὅσον ἐστὶν
οὐδ᾽ ἀστέρων ἀριθμὸς ἐν οὐρανῷ. τοσούτοις δὲ
οὖσιν οὐκ ἀπαγορεύσει τὸ θεῖον ἀφθονίαν μὲν
παντοίων ἀγαθῶν ἐν εἰρήνῃ χορηγοῦν, νίκην δὲ
καὶ κράτος ἐν πολέμῳ. παῖδας ἐχθρῶν ἔρως
τοῦ πρὸς ὑμᾶς πολέμου λάβοι καὶ θρασυνθεῖεν
ὥστε εἰς ὅπλα καὶ τὰς ὑμετέρας χεῖρας ἐλθεῖν"
οὐ γὰρ ἂν ὑποστρέψειέ τις νικηφόρος οὐδ᾽ ὥστε
παῖδας εὐφρᾶναι καὶ γυναῖκας. τοσοῦτον ὑμῖν
ἀνδρείας τὸ περιὸν ἐκ θεοῦ προνοίας ἀνήρτηται," ᾧ
καὶ τὰ περιττὰ μειοῦν ἰσχὺς καὶ τὰ λείποντα
διδόναι.

(5) Kat ὁ μὲν τοιαῦτ᾽ ἐπεθείαζεν οὐκ ὧν ἐν
ἑαυτῷ τῷ δὲ θείῳ πνεύματι πρὸς αὐτὰ νενικημένος.
τοῦ δὲ Βαλάκου δυσχεραίνοντος καὶ παραβαΐίνειν
αὐτὸν τὰς συνθήκας ἐφ᾽ αἷς αὐτὸν ἀντὶ μεγάλων
λάβοι δωρεῶν παρὰ τῶν συμμάχων ἐπικαλοῦντος,
ἐλθόντα γὰρ ἐπὶ κατάρᾳ τῶν πολεμίων ὑμνεῖν
αὐτοὺς ἐκείνους καὶ μακαριωτάτους ἀποφαΐίνειν
ἀνθρώπων, “᾿ ὦ Βάλακε,᾽᾽ φησί, “᾿ περὶ τῶν ὅλων
λογίζῃ καὶ δοκεῖς ἐφ᾽ ἡμῖν εἶναί τι περὶ τῶν

1 μακάριοι Niese. 2 γεγόνατε, edd.
3 Dindorf (Lat. prestabitur): ἀνήρηται codd.

532

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 115-119

shall be subject for ever to your children, and with
their fame shall all earth and sea be filled: aye and
ye shall suffice for the world, to furnish every land
with inhabitants sprung from your race. Marvel ye
then, blessed army, that from a single sire ye
have grown so great? Nay, those numbers now
are small and sh all be contained by the land of
Canaan ; but the habitable world, be sure, lies before
you as an eternal habitation, and your multitudes
shall find abode on islands and continent, more
numerous even than the stars in heaven. τς for all
those mighty hosts the Deity shall not fail to supply
abundance of blessings of every sort in peace-time,
victory and mastery in war. Let the children of
your foes be seized with a passion for battle against
you, and be emboldened to take arms and to close
with you in strife ; for not one shall return victorious
or in such wise as to gladden the heart of child and
wife. With such superabundant valour have ve been
invested by the providence of God, who has power
alike to diminish what is in excess and to make good
that which is lacking.”

(5) Such was the inspired utterance of one who Balaam's
was no longer his own master but was overruled by aionras
the divine spirit to deliver it. But when Balak fumed further
and accused him of transgressing the covenant a ρος
whereunder, in exchange for liberal gifts, he had **#. 11.
obtained his services from his allies—having come, in
fact, to curse his enemies, he was now belauding
those very persons and pronouncing them the TEL
blessed of men— ‘ Balak,” said he, “hast thou
refleeted on the whole matter and chinkest thou that

¢ After Hom. Jl. v. 638 εὐφρανέειν ἄλοχόν τε φίλην καὶ
νήπιον υἱόν,
VOL. IV $2 533

~~

JOSEPHUS

, ~ av“ φ ς ~ \ ~ ~
τοιούτων σιγᾶν ἢ λέγειν, ὅταν ἡμᾶς TO τοῦ θεοῦ
/ ~ ~
λάβὴ πνεῦμα; φωνὰς yap ἃς βούλεται τοῦτο
4 , 3 \ ς ~ > , ᾽ ͵ > 4
120 καὶ λόγους οὐδὲν ἡμῶν εἰδότων ἀφίησιν. ἐγὼ
δὲ μέμνημαι μὲν ὦὧντε καὶ σὺ καὶ Madravirar
δεηθέντες ἐνταυθοῖ με προθύμως ἠγάγετε καὶ
᾽ ἃ
du ἃ τὴν ἀφιξιν ἐποιησάμην, ἦν τέ μοι δι᾽ εὐχῆς
12] μηδὲν ἀδικῆσαί σου τὴν ἐπιθυμίαν. κρείττων
δὲ ὁ θεὸς ὧν ἐγὼ χαρίζεσθαι διεγνώκειν: καὶ
παντελῶς ἀσθενεῖς οἱ προγινώσκειν περὶ τῶν
> e ~
ἀνθρωπίνων, παρ᾽ ἑαυτῶν ὑπολαμβάνοντες, ws μὴ
af? i ¢ f ‘ “ 7 7
ταῦθ᾽ ἅπερ ὑπαγορεύει τὸ θεῖον λέγειν, βιάζεσθαι
Ἁ A > , τᾷ + ‘ ‘ 2 ς ~ ”
δὲ τὴν ἐκείνου βούλησιν: οὐδὲν yap ev ἡμῖν ἔτι
122 φθάσαντος εἰσελθεῖν ἐκείνου ἡμέτερον. ἔγωγ᾽ οὖν
τὸν στρατὸν τοῦτον οὔτ᾽ ἐπαινέσαι προυθέμην
ΕΝ] .,.[.3 e \ 7 ? ~ ς ‘ > ~
οὔτ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ois τὸ γένος αὐτῶν ὁ θεὸς ἀγαθοῖς
3 , “- > 3 3 A 3 ~ e
ἐμηχανήσατο διελθεῖν, ἀλλ᾽ εὐμενὴς αὐτοῖς οὗτος
ὧν καὶ σπεύδων αὐτοῖς εὐδαίμονα βίον καὶ κλέος
αἰώνιον παρασχεῖν ἐμοὶ τοιούτων ἀπαγγελίαν
, ς ‘0 a SZ t 6 , 2 \ 2 A»
123 λόγων ὑπέθετο. νῦν δέ, χαρίζεσθαί τι yap αὐτῷ
~ \ 4 τ
σοὶ διὰ σπουδῆς ἐστί μοι καὶ Μαδιανίταις, ὧν
ἀπώσασθαί μοι τὴν ἀξίωσιν οὐκ εὐπρεπές, φέρε
> ,
βωμούς τε ἑτέρους αὖθις ἐγείρωμεν καὶ θυσίας
ταῖς πρὶν παραπλησίας ἐπιτελέσωμεν, εἰ πεῖσαι
‘ >
τὸν θεὸν δυνηθείην ἐπιτρέψαι μοι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους
~ ~ \ ~
124 ἀραῖς ἐνδῆσαι.᾽᾿ συγχωρήσαντος δὲ τοῦ Badakov
δὶς μὲν τεθυκότι τὸ θεῖον οὐκ ἐπένευσε τὰς κατὰ
~ b ~ > ? , \ \ , ”
τῶν ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἀράς, [θύσας δὲ Kat τρίτον ἄλλων
~ \ 7
πάλιν ἀνασταθέντων βωμῶν οὐδὲ τότε μὲν κατ-

1 ἀνθρωπείων ML.
2 conj. Niese: τε RO: om. rell.

534

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 119-124

it rests with us at all to be silent or to speak on sueh
themes as these, when we are possessed by the spirit
of God? For that spirit gives utterance to such
language and words as it will, whereof we are
all uneonscious. For myself, I remember well what
both thou and the Madianites craved when ye
eagerly brought me hither and for what purpose I
have paid this visit, and it was my earnest prayer to
do no despite to thy desire. But God is mightier
than that determination of mine to do this favour 5
and wholly impotent are they who pretend to such
foreknowledge of human affairs, drawn from their own
breasts, as to refrain from speaking that which the
Deity suggests and to violate His will. For nothing
within us, once He has gained prior entry, is any
more ourown. Thus, for my part, I neither intended
to extol this army nor to reeount the blessings for
which God has designed their race ; it is He who, in
His gracious favour to them and His zeal to confer
on them a life of felicity and everlasting renown, has
put it into my heart to pronounce such words as these.
But now,? since it is my earnest desire to gratify
both thyself and the Madianites, to rejeet whose
request were unseemly, come, let us erect yet other
altars and offer sacrifices like unto the first, if per-
chance I may persuade God to suffer me to bind these
people under a curse.”” Balak consenting thereto,
twice did the seer offer sacrifice, but failed to obtain
the Deity’s consent to imprecations upon the

@ In Numbers it is Balak who proposes a second attempt.
535

Numb,
ΧΧΙΪ. 13,

125

1320

125

JOSEPHUS

, ~ | λί 1 A ὃ᾽ 3 Α td
npacato τοῖς “lopandAtrats,|' πεσὼν ἐπὶ στόμα
πάθη προύλεγεν ὅσα τε βασιλεῦσιν ἔσται καὶ
“ 7 ~ > ? ec 30CU*f 393
ὅσα πόλεσι ταῖς ἀξιολογωτάταις, ὧν ἐνίαις ovo
οἰκεῖσθαί πω" συνέβαινε τὴν ἀρχήν, a τε καὶ
προὔὐπῆρξεν ἐν τοῖς ἔμπροσθεν χρόνοις γενόμενα

~ ~ * 4
τοῖς ἀνθρώποις διὰ γῆς ἢ θαλάσσης εἰς μνήμην

Ἀ 2 , 3 κυ ς ᾽; 4 4 € “
τὴν ἐμήν. ἐξ ὧν ἁπάντων λαβόντων τέλος ὁποῖον
ἐκεῖνος προεῖπε τεκμήραιτ᾽ ἀν τις, O τι καὶ ἔσοιτο
πρὸς τὸ μέλλον.

7 , ee ΄, > A A ἢ

(6) Βάλακος δὲ ἀγανακτήσας ἐπὶ τῷ μὴ κατ-

9
apatous γενέσθαι τοὺς ᾿Ισραηλίτας ἀποπέμπει τὸν
Βάλαμον μηδεμιᾶς τιμῆς ἀξιώσας: ὁ δὲ ἀπιὼν
ἤδη κἀπὶ τῷ περαιοῦν τὸν ὐφράτην γενόμενος
A
tov Te Badakov μεταπεμψάμενος καὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας
τῶν δαδιανιτῶν “᾿ Βαλακέ,᾽᾽ φησί, “᾿ καὶ Madia-

“- A
νιτῶν οἱ παρόντες, χρὴ γὰρ καὶ παρὰ βούλησιν

~ ~ - ¢
τοῦ θεοῦ χαρίσασθαι ὑμῖν, τὸ μὲν ‘EBpaiwy γένος

2 Ww +” A 4 vw 9 3
οὐκ ἂν ὀλεθρος παντελὴς καταλάβοι, οὔτ᾽ ἐν
πολέμῳ οὔτ᾽ ἐν λοιμῷ καὶ σπάνει τῶν ἀπὸ γῆς
23 LAA 2 ,ὔ LA

ἄλλη τις αἰτία παράλογος δια-
φθείρειεν. πρόνοια γάρ ἐστιν αὐτῶν τῷ θεῷ
σώζειν ἀπὸ παντὸς κακοῦ καὶ μηδὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
5 α. ~ c 3 “-Ἠ ς 3 ce “᾿ 3 4
ἐᾶσαι τοιοῦτον πάθος ἐλθεῖν, ὑφ᾽ οὗ Kav ἀπόλοιντο

“A »
καρπῶν, οὐτ

’ ,ὔ 3 nv“ 3 “~ At A \
παντες" συμπέσοι δ᾽ ἂν αὐτοῖς ὀλίγα τε καὶ προς
3 ’ὔ ς 3 ec ~ θ ὃ “ * 3 3
ὀλίγον, ὑφ wy ταπεινοῦσθαι δοκοῦντες ELT ἀἂν-

’ > A , ~ 3 , 3 A
θήσουσιν ἔπι φόβῳ τῶν ἐπαγαγόντων αὑτοῖς τὰς

1 hab. SP: ins. post στόμα L: om. rell. Doubtless a

gloss.
2 Dindorf: πως codd. 3 οὐδ᾽ Niese.

536

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 125-128

Israelites. Instead, falling upon his face, he fore-
told what calamities were to come for kings and
what for cities of the highest celebrity (of whieh
some had uot yet so much as been inhabited at all),
along with other events which have already befallen
men in by gone ages, by land or sea, down to times
within my memory. And from all these prophecies
having received the fulflment which he predicted
one may infer what the future also has in store.?

(6) Balak, furious because the Israelites had not
been cursed, dismissed Balaam., dignifying him with
no reward. But he, when already departing and on
the point of erossing the Euphrates, sent for Balak
and the princes of Nadian and said: ‘* Balak and
ve men of Madian here present—since it behoves
me despite God's will to gratify you—doubtless this
race of Hebrews will never be overwhelmed by utter
destruction, neither through war, nor through pesti-
lenee and ΠΡ τ: of the fruits of the earth, neither
shall any other unlooked-for eause exterminate it.
For God is watching over them to preserve them
from all ill and to cahee no such calamity to come
upon them as would destroy them all. Yet mis-
fortunes may well befall them of little moment and
for a little while, whereby they will appear to be
abased, though only thereafter to flourish onee more
to the terror of those who inflicted these injuries

7 Some ss. insert the gloss: ‘“ Ele sacrificed also a third
time, other altars being again erected; vet even then he
pronouneed no imprecation on the Israelites ”’ (cf. Numb.
xxii. 30). The glossator has not observed that dis, with the
sacritice already narrated, brings up the number to three:
he has apparently interpreted δὲς as deere ov,

ἡ Cf a rather similar mysterious reference to the fulfilment
of the prophecies of Daniel in cf. x. 210.

537

Balaam’s
parting
advice.

129

130

131

132

JOSEPHUS

βλάβας. ὑμεῖς δ᾽ εἰ νίκην τινὰ πρὸς βραχὺν
καιρὸν κατ᾽ αὐτῶν κερδᾶναι ποθεῖτε, τύχοιτ᾽ ἂν
αὐτῆς ταῦτα ποιήσαντες: τῶν θυγατέρων τὰς
μάλιστα εὐπρεπεῖς καὶ βιάσασθαι καὶ νικῆσαι
τὴν τῶν ὁρώντων σωφροσύνην ἱκανὰς διὰ τὸ
κάλλος ἀσκήσαντες τὴν εὐμορφίαν αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὸ
μᾶλλον εὐπρεπὲς πέμψατε πλησίον ἐσομένας τοῦ
ἐκείνων στρατοπέδου, καὶ δεομένοις συνεῖναι τοῖς
νεανίαις αὐτῶν προστάξατε. ἐπειδὰν δὲ κεχει-
ρωμένους ὁρῶσι ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις, καταλιπέτωσαν
καὶ παρακαλούντων μένειν μὴ πρότερον ἐπι-
νευέτωσαν, πρὶν ἂν πείσωσιν αὐτοὺς ἀφέντας
τοὺς πατρίους νόμους καὶ τὸν τούτους αὐτοῖς
θέμενον τιμᾶν θεὸν τοὺς δαδιανιτῶν καὶ ΔΙ]ωαβιτῶν
σέβωσιν: οὕτως γὰρ αὐτοῖς τὸν θεὸν ὀργισθή-
σεσθαι.᾿ καὶ ὁ μὲν τοῦθ᾽ ὑποθέμενος αὐτοῖς
ὥχετο.

(7) Τῶν δὲ ΔίΙαδιανιτῶν πεμψάντων τὰς θυ-
γατέρας κατὰ τὴν ἐκείνου παραΐνεσιν ot τῶν
“Ἑβραίων ἁλίσκονται νέοι τῆς εὐπρεπείας αὐτῶν
καὶ παραγενόμενοι εἰς λόγους αὐταῖς παρεκάλουν
μὴ φθονεῖν αὐτοῖς τῆς τοῦ κάλλους αὐτῶν ἀπο-
λαύσεως μηδὲ τῆς τοῦ πλησιάζειν συνηθείας": αἱ
δ᾽ ἀσμένως δεξάμεναι τοὺς λόγους συνήεσαν
αὐτοῖς. ἐνδησάμεναι δ᾽ αὐτοὺς τῷ πρὸς αὐτὰς
ἔρωτι καὶ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ἀκμαζούσης περὶ ἀπ-
αλλαγὴν ἐγίνοντο. τοὺς δ᾽ ἀθυμία δεινὴ; πρὸς

1 πολλὴ ΠΟ.

¢ Cf. Is. Ivii. 17 τχχ δι ἁμαρτίαν βραχύ τι ἐλύπησα αὐτόν
and the concluding portion of the Ep. of Baruch (end of
Ist cent. a.p.), beginning ὁ ἐπαγαγὼν ὑμῖν τὰ κακά (iv. 29),

> This suggestion is foreign to the older (‘J ”’) narrative

538

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 129-132

upon them.? Ye then, if ye yearn to gain some short-
lived victory over them, may attain that end by acting
on this wise. Take of your daughters those who are
comeliest and most capable of constraining and
conquering the chastity of their beholders by reason
of their beauty, deck out their charms to add to their
comeliness, send them to the neighbourhood of the
Hebrews’ camp, and charge them to company with
their young men when they sue their favours. Then,
when they shall see these youths overmastered by
their passions, let them quit them and, on their
entreating them to stay, let them not consent or
ever they have induced their lovers to renounce the
laws of their fathers and the God to whom they
owe them. and to worship the gods of the Madianites
and Moabites. For thus will God be moved to
indignation against them.”’ And, having propounded
to them this scheme, he went his way.?

(7) Thereupon the Madianites having sent their
daughters in accordance with his advice, the Hebrew
youths were captivated by their charms and, falling
into parley with them, besought them not to deny
them the enjoyment of their beauty or the intimacy
of intercourse ; and they, gladly accepting their suit,
consorted with them. Then, having enchained
them with love towards themselves, at the moment
when their passion was at its height, they made
ready to go. ‘The young men were in the depths

in Numbers, but is alluded to in the later (‘ Priestly 5)
doeument: ‘* Behold these (women) caused the children of
Israel, through the counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass ἡἢ
(Numb. xxxi. 16). Jewish Midrash (see Weill) enlarged
upon this and even traced a reference to the story in Numb.
xxiv. 1£ ‘ | will advertise (or rather “ counsel ᾽) thee what
this people shall do.”

539

Seduction
of the
Hebrew
youth by
the
Midianite
women.
Cf. Numb.
χχν. 1}.

JOSEPHUS

τὴν ἀναχώρησιν τῶν γυναικῶν κατέλαβε Kat
λιπαροῦντες ἐνέκειντο, μὴ σφᾶς καταλιπεῖν, ἀλλὰ
γαμετὰς αὐτῶν ἐσομένας αὐτόθι μένειν καὶ δε-
σποίνας ἀποδειχθησομένας πάντων ὧν ὑπῆρχεν

9 a ~ \ ’ 4 " AY \
133 auTots. ταῦτα δὲ ομνυντες ἔλεγον και θεὸν

134

135

136

μεσίτην ὧν ὑπισχνοῦντο ποιούμενοι, δακρύοντές
τε καὶ πανταχόθεν αὑτοὺς ἐλεεινοὺς ταῖς γυναιξὶ
κατασκευάζοντες εἶναι. αἱ δ᾽ ὡς δεδουλωμένους
αὐτοὺς κατενόησαν καὶ τελέως ὑπὸ τῆς συνηθείας
ἐχομένους, ἡρξαντο πρὸς αὐτοὺς λέγειν:

(8) “ Ἥμν, ὦ κράτιστοι νέων, οἶκοί τέ εἰσι
πατρῷοι καὶ κτῆσις ἀγαθῶν ἄφθονος καὶ ἡ παρὰ
τῶν γονέων καὶ τῶν οἰκείων εὔνοια καὶ στοργή,
καὶ κατ᾽ οὐδενὸς τούτων πόρον᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ἥκουσαι
ἡμεῖς εἰς ὁμιλίαν ἥκομεν, οὐδ᾽ ἐμπορευσόμεναι
τὴν ὥραν τοῦ σώματος προσηκάμεθα τὴν ὑμετέραν
ἀξίωσιν, αλλ᾽ ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς καὶ δικαίους ὑπο-
λαβοῦσαι τοιούτοις ὑμᾶς τιμῆσαι ξενίοις δεομένους
ἐπείσθημεν. καὶ νῦν, ἐπεί pate πρὸς ἡμᾶς
φιλοστόργως ἐ ἔχειν καὶ λυπεῖσθαι" μελλουσῶν ava-
χωρεῖν, οὐδ᾽ αὐταὶ τὴν δέησιν ὑμῶν ἀποστρε-
φόμεθα, πίστιν δ᾽ εὐνοίας λαβοῦσαι τὴν μόνην
ἡμῖν ἀξιόλογον νομισθεῖσαν ἀγαπήσομεν τὸν μεθ᾽
ὑμῶν βίον ὡς γαμεταὶ διανύσαι. δέος γάρ, μὴ
καὶ κόρον τῆς ἡμετέρας ὁμιλίας λαβόντες ἔπειθ᾽
ὑβρίσητε καὶ ἀτίμους ἀποπέμψητε πρὸς τοὺς
γονεῖς᾿᾽- συγγινώσκειν τε ταῦτα φυλαττομέναις
ἠξίουν. τῶν δὲ ἣν βούλονται πίστιν δώσειν

1 ἀποροῦσαι SP Lat. (-ούσαις L): ? lege ἀπορίαν.
2 RO Lat.: λυπεῖσθε rell.

* The model for this speech and for the episode as a whole
540

JEAVISH: ANTIQUITIES: IN 132-136

of despondeney at the women’s departure: they
pressed and implored them not to abandon them,
but to stay where they were, to be their brides and
to be installed as mistresses of all that they possessed.
This they affirmed with oaths, inv oking God as
arbiter of their promises, and by their tears and by
every means secking to render themselves an object
of the women’s compassion. And these, when they
perceived them to be enslaved and completely holden
by their society, began to address them thus :

(8) 4 “We, most excellent young men, have our
paternal houses. goods in abundanee, and the bene-
volenee and affection of our parents and kinsfolk.
It was not in quest of ® any of those things that we
came hither to consort with you, nor with intent
to trafhe with the flower of our persons that we
accepted your suit; nay, it was because we took you
for honest and just men that we were induced to
honour your petition with such hospitable welcome.
And now, since ye say that ye have so tender an
affection for us and are grieved at our approaching
departure, we do not—for our part—reject your
request ; but, on reeciving from you the only pledge
of goodwill whieh we can vAgenunit of worth, we shall
be content to end our lives with you as vour wedded
wives. Tor it is to be feared that, becoming sated
with our SOCICIN,. τ Ὁ ΠΕ’ then do us outrage and
send us back dishonoured to our parents ° and they
begged to be excused for protecting themselves
against that. The vouths thereupon promising to

was furnished by the similar story of the Scythians and the
Amazons in Herodotus iv. 11 ff. (esp. the speeches in 114,
beginning μιν εἰσὶ μὲν τοκέες εἰσὶ δὲ κτήσεις).

® Or, with another reading. “ for lack οὗ "ἢ

541}

Conditions
imposed
by them.

JOSEPHUS

ὁμολογούντων καὶ πρὸς [7d]' μηδὲν ἀντιλεγόντων

137 ὑπὸ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὰς πάθους, “ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ὑμῖν,
ἔφασαν, “᾿ δέδοκται, τοῖς δ᾽ ἔθεσι καὶ τῷ βίῳ πρὸς
ἅπαντας ἀλλοτριώτατα χρῆσθε, ὡς καὶ τὰς τροφὰς
ὑμῖν ἰδιοτρόπους εἶναι καὶ τὰ ποτὰ μὴ κοινὰ τοῖς
ἄλλοις, ἀνάγκη βουλομένους ἡμῖν συνοικεῖν καὶ
θεοὺς τοὺς ἡμετέρους σέβειν, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ἄλλο
γένοιτο τεκμήριον ἧς ἔχειν τε νῦν φατε πρὸς ἡμᾶς
εὐνοίας καὶ τῆς ἐσομένης ἢ τὸ τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἡμῖν

138 θεοὺς προσκυνεῖν. μέμψαιτο δ᾽ ἂν οὐδείς, El γῆς εἰς
ἣν ἀφῖχθε τοὺς ἰδίους αὐτῆς θεοὺς προστρέποισθε,"
καὶ ταῦτα τῶν μὲν ἡμετέρων κοινῶν ὄντων πρὸς
ἅπαντας, τοῦ δ᾽ ὑμετέρου πρὸς μηδένα τοιούτου
TUYXAVOVTOS.” δεῖν οὖν αὐτοῖς ἔλεγον. ἢ ταὐτὰ
πᾶσιν ἡγητέον ἢ ζητεῖν ἄλλην οἰκουμένην, ἐν ἡ
βιώσονται μόνοι κατὰ τοὺς ἰδίους νόμους.

139 (0) Οἱ δ᾽ ὑπὸ τοῦ πρὸς αὐτὰς ἔρωτος κάλλιστα
λέγεσθαι ταῦτα ὑπολαβόντες καὶ παραδόντες αὖ-
τοὺς εἰς ἃ προεκαλοῦντο παρέβησαν τὰ πάτρια,
θεούς τε πλείονας εἶναι νομίσαντες καὶ θύειν
αὐτοῖς κατὰ νόμον τὸν ἐπιχώριον τοῖς καθιδρυσα-
μένοις προθέμενοι ξενικοῖς τε βρώμασιν ἔχαιρον
καὶ πάντ᾽ εἰς ἡδονὴν τῶν γυναικῶν ἐπὶ τοὐναντίον

~

οἷς 6 νόμος αὐτῶν ἐκέλευε ποιοῦντες διετέλουν,
140 ὡς διὰ παντὸς ἤδη τοῦ στρατοῦ τὴν παρανομίαν
χωρεῖν τῶν νέων καὶ στάσιν αὐτοῖς πολὺ χείρω
τῆς προτέρας ἐμπεσεῖν καὶ κίνδυνον παντελοῦς
τῶν ἰδίων ἐθισμῶν ἀπωλείας. ἅπαξ γὰρ τὸ νέον

1 RO: om. rell, 2 S!: προτρέποισθε rell.
542

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 136-140

give whatever pledge they chose and gainsaying
them in nothing, such was their passion for them,

“Seeing then,” said the maidens, “ that ye agree
to flee conditions, and that ye have customs and
a mode of life wholly alien to all mankind, insomuch
that your food is of a peculiar sort and your drink
is distinct from that of other men, it behoves you,
if ye would live with us, also to revere our gods ; :
no other proof can there be of that affection which
ye declare that ve now have for us and of its continu-
ance in future, save that ye worship the same gods
as we. Norcan any man reproach you for venerating
the special gods of the eountry whereto ye are
come, above all when our gods are common to all
mankind, while yours has no other worshipper.” They
must therefore (they added) either fall in with the
beliefs of all men or look for another world, where they
could live alone in accordance with their peculiar laws.

(9) So these youths, dominated by their love for
the damsels, regarding their speech as excellent
and surrendering to. their proposal, transgressed

The
corruption
spreads.
Numb.

the laws of their fathers. Accepting the belief **% *

in a plurality of gods and determining to sacrifice
to them in accordance with the established rites
of the people of the country,? they revelled in strange
meats and, to please these women, ceased not to
do everything contrary to that which their Law
ordained ; with the result that the whole army was
soon permeated by this lawlessness of the youth
and a sedition far graver than the last descended
upon them. with a danger of complete ruin of their
own institutions. Tor the youth, once having tasted

9 Lit. “ according to the law native to those who had
established ’’ (“it ’’; or “‘ them,” 7.e. the gods).
519

—

14

143

L44

JOSEPHUS

γευσάμενον ἕενικῶν ἐθισμῶν ἀπλήστως ἐνεφορεῖτο,
καὶ εἴ TIES τῶν πρώτων ἀνδρῶν διὰ πατέρων
ἀρετὰς ἐπιφανεῖς ἦσαν συνδιεφθείροντο.

(10) Kat ZappPpias ὁ τῆς Σεμεωνίδος ἡγούμενος
φυλῆς Χοσβίᾳ, συνὼν Δίαδιανίτιδι Lovpov' θυγατρὶ
τῶι: ἐκείνῃ δυναστεύοντος ἀνδρός, κελευσθεὶς
ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς πρὸ τῶν; λ]ωυσεῖ δοχθέντων τὸ
πρὸς ἡδονὴν αὐτῇ γενησόμενον ἐθεράπευεν. ἐν
τούτοις δ᾽ ὄντων τῶν πραγμάτων δείσας λ]ωυσῆς,
μὴ γένηταϊ τι χεῖρον, συναγαγὼν εἰς ἐκκλησίαν
τὸν λαὸν οὐδενὸς μὲν κατηγόρει. πρὸς ὄνομα, μὴ
βουλόμενος εἰς ἀπόνοιαν περιστῆσαι τοὺς ἐκ τοῦ
λανθάνειν μετανοῆσαι δυναμένους, ἔλεγε δ᾽ ὡς
οὐκ afta δρῶεν οὐθ᾽ αὑτῶν οὔτε πατέρων τὴν
ἡδονὴν προτιμήσαντες τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τοῦ κατὰ
τοῦτον βιοῦν, προσήκειν δ᾽ ἕως" ἔτι καὶ καλῶς
αὐτοῖς᾽ ἔχοι μεταβαλέσθαι, τὴν ἀνδρείαν ὑπο-
λαμβάνουσιν οὐκ ἐν τῷ βιάζεσθαι τοὺς νόμους
ann’ ev τῷ μὴ εἴκειν ταῖς ἐπιθυμίαις εἶναι. πρὸς
τούτοις δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ “εὔλογον ἔφασκε σωφρονήσαντας
αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρήμου νῦν ἐν tots ἀγαθοῖς ὄντας
παροινεῖν, μηδὲ τὰ κτηθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς ἐνδείας δι᾿
εὐπορίαν αὐτῶν ἀπολέσθαι. καὶ ὁ μὲν ταῦτα
λέγων ἐπειρᾶτο τοὺς νέους ἐπανορθοῦν καὶ εἰς
μετάνοιαν ἄγειν ὧν ἔπραττον.

1 Bernard: Otpov codd.

2 RO: + οὔτε θύων τὰ πάτρια Kai γάμον ἡγμένος ἀλλόφυλον
ti βίου RO. 4 Niese (Lat. dum): ὡς codd.

§ αὐτοῖς ἂν (or ἂν αὐτοῖς) codd.

4 Bibl. Zimri (χχ Zau3pet).
ὩΣ δ νος ὉΠ ΟΣ ΙΝ
¢ Bibl. Cozbi (Χασβεῖ). 4 Bibl. Zur (Σούρ).
518

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 140-144

of foreign customs, became insatiably intoxicated
with them; and some even of the leading men, Numb.
persons conspicuous through the virtues of their “> *
ancestors, succumbed to the contagion.
(10) Among others Zambrias,? “the chief of the Apostasy of
‘ Zanibrias :
tribe of Simeon? who was consorting with Chosbia © remon-
the Madianite, daughter of Sur,4 a local prince. at {'a"ce of
the bidding of hic woman, in preference to fie Io. 14,
decrees of iMfbses. devoted himself to the cult that
would be to her liking.¢ Such was the state of things
when Moses, fearing lest worse should befall, con-
vened the people in assembly ; he accused no one
by name, not wishing to reduce to desperation any
who under cover of obscurity might be brought to
repentance, but he said that they were acting in a
manner neither worthy of themselves nor of their
fathers in preferring voluptuousness to God and to
a God-fearing life, and that it beseemed them, while
it was yet well with them,’ to amend their ways,
reckoning that courage consisted not in violating
the laws but in resisting their passions. He added
that neither was it reasonable, after their sobriety
in the desert. to relapse now, in their prosperity,
into drunken riot, and to lose through afHuence what
they had won by penury. By this speech he en-
deavoured to correet the youthful offenders and to
bring them to repent of their actions.

* Most mss. add “ by ceasing to sacrifice according to the
laws of his fathers and by contracting a foreign marriage ἢ
(pe ‘rhaps a gloss).

‘This speech and that of Zambrias which follows have io
warrant in Scripture.

¢ Or, according to another reading, ‘in order that it

bd 93
nnght yet be well with them.

545

JOSEPHUS

> 4 Ug /
145 (11) “Avaoras δὲ. pet αὐτοῦ ZapPpias “ adda
σὺ pev, εἶπεν, “᾿ ὦ Δ]ωυσῆ, χρῶ νόμοις ois αὐτὸς
5 , > ~ , 5 πος, ἢ ,
ἐσπούδακας ἐκ τῆς τούτων εὐηθείας, τὸ βέβαιον
~ > \ ~ ~
αὐτοῖς παρεσχημένος" ἐπεὶ μὴ τοῦτον αὐτῶν
ἐχόντ των τὸν τρόπον πολλάκις ἂν ἤδη κεκολασμένος
146 ἔγνως ἂν οὐκ εὐπαραλογίστους “Ἑβραίους. ἐμὲ
δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν ἀκόλουθον οἷς σὺ προστάσσεις τυραννικῶς
λάβοις: οὐ γὰρ ἄλλο τι μέχρι νῦν ἢ προσχήματι
~ fons ’ὔ a
νόμων Kat τοῦ θεοῦ δουλείαν μὲν ἡμῖν ἀρχὴν δὲ
- - > [4 e ~
σαυτῷ Kakoupyeis, ἀφαιρούμενος ἡμᾶς τὸ ἡδὺ
s Η ‘ s ’ > / τ ~ 3 ?
Kal TO κατὰ TOV βίον αὐτεξούσιον, ὃ τῶν ἐλευθέρων
’ > ’ὔ
ἐστὶ καὶ δεσπότην οὐκ ἐχόντων. χαλεπώτερος
δ᾽ ἂν οὕτως Αἰγυπτίων Ἕβραίοις γένοιο τιμωρεῖν
ἀξιῶν κατὰ τοὺς νόμους τὴν ἑκάστου πρὸς τὸ
κεχαρισμένον αὐτῷ βούλησιν. πολὺ δ᾽ ἂν δι-
καιότερον αὐτὸς τιμωρίαν ὑπομένοις τὰ παρ᾽
ἑκάστοις ὁμολογούμενα καλῶς ἔχειν ἀφανίσαι
\ ‘ ~ e 4 2
προῃρημένος καὶ κατὰ τῆς ἁπάντων δόξης ἰσχυρὰν
~ ͵ > 9
148 τὴν σεαυτοῦ κατεσκευακὼς ἀτοπίαν: ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἂν
χ f ~ 99
στεροίμην εἰκότως ὧν πράττω νῦν, εἰ κρίνας
ἀγαθὰ ταῦτ᾽ ἔπειτα περὶ αὐτῶν ὁμολογεῖν ἐν
ld
τούτοις" ὀκνήσαιμι. γύναιόν τε ξενικόν, ὡς dys,
5 ~ 3 , \ > A
ἦγμαι: παρ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ yap ἀκούσῃ τὰς ἐμὰς πράξεις
ς , 2 ’ \ \ ON ἐς 5
ws παρὰ ἐλευθέρου, καὶ yap οὐδὲ λαθεῖν προεθέμην'
7 “Ἅ - ’ ? ἊΨ
149 θύω τε θεοῖς οἷς θύειν μοι νομίζεται δίκαιον
~ 3 ~
ἡγούμενος παρὰ πολλῶν ἐμαυτῷ πραγματεύεσθαι
> ins Orn
τὴν ἀλήθειαν, καὶ οὐχ ὥσπερ ἐν τυραννίδι ζῆν
᾿Ὶ ee > e ‘ 5 ᾽; ~ ? ‘ >
τὴν ὅλην ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐλπίδα τοῦ βίου παντὸς ἀνηρτη-

14

~J

1 SPE: συνηθείας rell.
2 pov, εἰ edd.: νυνὶ codd. 8 + οὐκ codd.

540

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 145-149

(11) But after him rose up Zambrias and said :
“ Nay, do thou, Moses, keep these laws on which thou
hast bestowed thy pains, having secured confirmation
for them only through these men’s simplicity ; for,
were they not men of that character, thou wouldest
often ere now have learnt through chastisement
that Hebrews are not duped so easily. But me thou
shalt not get to follow thy tyrannical orders ; for
thou hast done nought else until now save by wicked
artifice, under the pretext of ‘laws’ and ‘God,’
to contrive servitude for us and sovereignty for
thyself, robbing us of life’s sweets and of that liberty
of action,? which belongs to free men who own no
master. By such means thou wouldest prove more
oppressive to the Hebrews than were the Egyptians,
in claiming to punish in the name of these laws the
intention of each individual to please himself. Nay,
far rather is it thyself who deservest punishment,
for having purposed to abolish things which all the
world has unanimously admitted to be excellent and
for having set up, over against universal opinion,
thine own extravagances. Tor myself, fairly might I
be debarred from my present course of action, if,
after deciding that it was right, I were then to shrink
from confessing it before this assembly. I have
married, as thou sayest, a foreign wife,—aye, from
mine own lips shalt thou hear of my doings, as from a
free man, and indeed I had no intention of conceal-
ment—aye, and I sacrifice to gods to whom I hold
sacrifice to be due, deeming it right to get at
the truth for myself from many persons, and not
to live as under a tyranny, hanging all my hopes for

2 ‘The inodern word ‘ self-determination ’’ closely corre-
sponds to the Greek.

O47

Retort of
Zambrias.

150

151

152

153

JOSEPHUS

κότα" χαρείη τ᾽ ἂν οὐδεὶς κυριώτερον αὑτὸν περὶ
ὧν πράξαιμι γνώμης τῆς ἐμῆς ἀποφαινόμενος. i

(12) Τοῦ δὲ Ζαμβρίου ταῦτα περὶ ὧν αὐτός τε
ἠδίκει καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τινὲς εἰπόντος ὁ μὲν λαὸς
ἡσύχαζε φόβῳ τε τοῦ μέλλοντος καὶ τὸν νομο-
θέτην δὲ ὁρῶν μὴ περαιτέρω τὴν ἀπόνοιαν αὐτοῦ
προαγαγεῖν ἐκ τῆς ἄντικρυς διαμάχης θελή-
σαντα: περιίστατο γάρ, μὴ πολλοὶ τῆς τῶν λόγων
ἀσελγείας αὐτοῦ μιμηταὶ γενόμενοι ταράξωσι τὸ
πλῆθος. καὶ διαλύεται μὲν ἐπὶ τούτοις ὁ σύλλογος"
προεληλύθει δ᾽ ἂν ἐπὶ πλεῖον ἡ τοῦ κακοῦ πεῖρα
μὴ φθάσαντος ΖΔαμβρία τελευτῆσαι ἐκ τοιαύτης
αἰτίας. Φινεὲς ἀνὴρ τά τε ἄλλα τῶν νεωτέρων
κρείττων καὶ τοῦ πατρὸς ἀξιώματι τοὺς ἡλικιώτας
ὑπερέχων, ᾿βλεαζάρου γὰρ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως [υἱὸς]
ἣν. [λΙωυσέως δὲ ἀδελφοῦ παιδὸς υἱός," περιαλγήσας
τοῖς πεπραγμένοις ὑπὸ τοῦ Δαμβρίου, καὶ πρὶν
ἰσχυροτέραν γενέσθαι τὴν ὕβριν ὑπὸ τῆς ἀδείας
ἔργῳ τὴν δίκην αὐτὸν εἰσπράξασθαι διαγνοὺς
καὶ κωλῦσαι διαβῆναι τὴν παρανομίαν εἰς πλείονας
τῶν ἀρξαμένων οὐ κολαζομένων, τόλμῃ δὲ καὶ
ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος ἀνδρείᾳ τοσοῦτον προύχων,
ὡς μὴ πρότερον εἴ τινι συσταίη τῶν δεινῶν
ἀπαλλάττεσθαι, πρὶν ἢ καταγωνίσασθαι καὶ νίκην
τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ λαβεῖν, ἐπὶ τὴν τοῦ ἀαμβρίου σκηνὴν
παραγενόμενος αὐτόν τε παίων τῇ ῥομφαίᾳ καὶ
τὴν Νοσβίαν ἀπέκτεινεν. οἱ δὲ νέοι πάντες, οἷς
ἀρετῆς ἀντιποίησις ἦν καὶ τοῦ φιλοκαλεῖν, μιμηταὶ

1 ROE om. words in brackets.

~ @ Bibl. Phinehas (Lxx Peweés).

δ Some mss. omit these words.

‘ A variation on the writer’s favourite Thucydidean
phrase οἱ ἀρετῆς τι μεταποιούμενοι (ii. 51); while the follow-

548

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 149-154

my whole life upon one. And woe be to any man
who declares himself to have more mastery over my
actions than my own will !”’

(12) After this speech of Zambrias concerning the He is slain
erimes which he and some of the others had eom- eet ca
mitted, the people held their peace, in terror of what of the
might come and because they saw that the lawgiver
was unwilling further to provoke the fellow’s frenzy
by direct controversy. He feared, in fact, that his
wanton language might find many imitators to foment
disorder among the crowd. Accordingly the meeting
was thereon dissolved; and this wicked assault
might have gone to further lengths, had not Zambrias
promptly come to his end under the following cireum-
stances. Phinees,? a man superior in every way to Numb.
the rest of the youth besides being exalted above **%*
his fellows by his father’s rank—for he was son of
Fleazar the high-priest [and grandson of the brother
of Moses] °—being deeply distressed at the deeds
of Zambrias, determined, before his insolence gained
strength through impunity, to take the law into his
own hands and to prevent the iniquity from spreading
further afield, should its authors escape chastisement.
Gifted moreover with an intrepidity of soul and a
eourage of body so pre-eminent that when engaged
in any hazardous contest he never left it until he had
conquered and come off victorious, Phinees repaired 10. 8,
to the tent of Zambrias and smote him with his
broadsword, along with Chosbia, and killed them.
Thereupon all the young men who aspired to make
a display of heroism ¢ and of a love of honour,
ing φιλοκαλεῖν (lit. “τὸ love beauty ”’) recalls ene famous
phrase in Thue. ii. 40. According to Numb. xxv. * Moses
said unto the judges (Lxx_ ταῖς gudais) of ΠΡῸΣ " Slay ye
every one his men,”’ etc.

949

155

156

157

158

JOSEPHUS

/ ~ A
γενόμενοι τῆς Φινεέσσου τόλμης ἀνήρουν τοὺς
+ ‘ ~ [ ,ὔ ’ Ἁ 3 / > /
ἐπὶ Tots ὁμοίοις Φαμβρίᾳ τὴν αἰτίαν εἰληφότας.
ἀπόλλυνται μὲν οὖν καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς τούτων avdpa-

/ \ ~ 7 2 4 \
γαθίας πολλοὶ τῶν παρανομησάντων, ἐφθάρησαν δὲ
πάντες καὶ λοιμῷ, ταύτην ἐνσκήψαντος αὐτοῖς τοῦ
θεοῦ τὴν νόσον, ὅσοι τε συγγενεῖς ὄντες κωλύειν
δέον ἐξώτρυνον αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ ταῦτα συναδικεῖν"

~ ~ ~ > 4 2 Pe ‘ 4
τῷ θεῷ δοκοῦντες ἀπέθνησκον. ἀπόλλυνται μὲν
οὖν ἐκ τῶν τάξεων ἄνδρες οὐκ ἐλάττους τετρα
κισχιλίων καὶ μυρίων.“

{Ἂν A \ ~

(13) ‘Yao δὲ ταύτης παροξυνθεὶς τῆς αἰτίας
λ]ωυσῆς ἐπὶ τὸν Μαδιανιτῶν ὄλεθρον τὴν στρατιὰν
ἐξέπεμπε, περὶ ὧν τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐξόδου μετὰ
μικρὸν ἀπαγγελοῦμεν, προδιηγησάμενοι πρῶτον
ὃ παρελίπομεν, δίκαιον γὰρ ἐπὶ τούτου τὴν τοῦ
νομοθέτου γνώμην μὴ παρελθεῖν ἀνεγκωμίαστον.

Ἁ Ἀ ’ 7 ¢ A ~ ή
τὸν γὰρ βάλαμον παραληφθέντα ὑπὸ τῶν Ma-
διανιτῶν, ὅπως ἐπαράσηται τοῖς “EBpatous, καὶ

~ , / / Ἁ
τοῦτο μὲν οὐ δυνηθέντα θείᾳ προνοίᾳ, γνώμην δὲ
ὑποθέμενον, ἧ χρησαμένων τῶν πολεμίων ὀλίγου
τὸ τῶν ᾿βραίων πλῆθος διεφθάρη τοῖς ἐπιτη-
δεύμασι νοσησάντων δή τινων περὶ ταῦτα, μεγάλως
ἐτίμησεν ἀναγράψας αὐτοῦ τὰς μαντείας, καὶ
παρὸν αὐτῷ σφετερίσασθαι τὴν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς δό-
ἔαν καὶ ἐξιδιώσασθαι μηδενὸς ἂν γενομένου
μάρτυρος τοῦ διελέγξοντος, ἐκείνῳ τὴν μαρτυρίαν

‘ ~ 3 > ~ >
ἀπέδωκε, καὶ τῆς ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ μνήμης ἠξίωσε. Kal
1 SP Exe.: ἀδικεῖν rell. 2 συναπέθνησκον Bekker.
3 καὶ μυρίων] δισμυρίων L. 4 ἔδωκε RO.
550

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 154-158

imitating the daring deed of Phinees, slew those who
were found guilty of the same crimes as Zambrias.
‘This; through their valianey, perished many of the
transgressors ; all (the rest) were destroyed by a pesti-
lenee, God having launched this malady upon them;
while such of their relatives as, instead of restraining
them, instigated them to those erimes were accounted
by God their accomplices and died likewise. Thus
there perished from the ranks no less than fourteen
thousand men.

(13) That was the reason why Moses was provoked
to send that army to destroy the Madianites.? Of
its eampaign against them we shall speak anon, after a
preliminary word on a point whieh we omitted ; for it
is right that in this partieular the judgement of the
lawgiver should not be left without its meed of praise.
This Balaam, in faet, who had been summoned by
the Madianites to curse the Hebrews and who, though
prevented from so doing by divine providenee, had
yet suggested a plan whieh, being adopted by the
enemy, well-nigh led to a demoralization of the whole
IIcbrew community and actually infeeted the morals
of some—this was the man to whom Moses did the
high honour of reeording his propheeies ; and though
it was open to him to appropriate and take the
eredit for them himself, as there would have been
no witness to convict him, he has given Balaam this
testimony and deigned to perpetuate his memory.°

α Numb. “ twenty and four thousand "’ (as one ms. reads
here). δ 101:

¢ Cf. the eulogy of Moses for similar eandour in the case
of Jethro, A. iil. 74. From the Talmudie passage, Baha
Bathra 14b, “ Moses wrote his own book and the section
(Parashah) about Balaam,”’ Weill infers that the prophecies
of Balaam once formed a separate treatise.

55]

bid.

Ib. xxv. 9.

The candour
of Moses in
recording
the
prophecies
of Balaam.

160

101]

109

JOSEPHUS

ταῦτα μὲν ws ἂν αὐτοῖς τισι δοκῇ οὕτω σκο-
πείτωσαν.
ee δε ‘oe 4 Φ \ “ >.
(vil. 1) Μωυσῆς δὲ ὑπὲρ ὧν καὶ προεῖπον ἐπὶ
Ἁ ~ ~ » Α ‘
τὴν Μιαδιανιτῶν γῆν ἔπεμψεν στρατιὰν τοὺς
‘4 3 “ ‘ , 3 ς ὔ
πάντας εἰς δισχιλίους καὶ μυρίους, ἐξ ἑκάστης
~ ‘ ” 3 ‘ ? , A
φυλῆς τὸν ἴσον ἀριθμὸν ἐπιλεξάμενος, στρατηγὸν
? ? ~ ? / “ Ὁ ~ ᾽
δ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀπέδειξε Φινεές, οὗ μικρῷ πρότερον
, ~ e é ’
ἐμνήσθημεν φυλάξαντος τοῖς ‘EBpatots τοὺς νόμους
~ 4
Kal τὸν παρανομοῦντα τούτους Δαμβρίαν τιμωρη-
- Ἁ
σαμένου. Madravitar δὲ προπυθόμενοι τὸν στρα-
Ἁ 2 Ἁ ~ 9 vA ‘ is ? ’
τὸν ἐπὶ σφᾶς ἐλαύνοντα καὶ ὅσον οὐδέπω παρ-
/ 3 ’ ’ Α Α ? 4 ~
εσόμενον ἠθροίζοντό τε Kat τὰς εἰσβολὰς τῆς
f - ia ‘ Ul 3
χώρας, ἧ προσεδέχοντο τοὺς πολεμίους, ἀσφα-
, - ? , 2 ; A A
λισάμενοι περιέμενον αὐτούς. ἐλθόντων δὲ καὶ
~ ’ “ ~ ~
συμβολῆς γενομένης πίπτει τῶν Μαδιανιτῶν πλῆθος
3 , Ἁ ? ~ a 7 -
ἀσυλλόγιστον καὶ ἀριθμοῦ κρεῖττον οἵ τε βασιλεῖς
x \ > > , \
αὐτῶν ἅπαντες: πέντε δὲ ἦσαν, Ὦχος τε Kat
"Ἢ » 7 ΄,
Novpys ἔτι δὲ ‘PoBéens καὶ Ούρης,; πέμπτος δὲ
ς r - , 9 , \ a ee =
Ρέκεμος, οὗ πόλις ἐπώνυμος TO πᾶν αξίωμα τῆς
> / ~ ‘ “~ 4 A
ApaBwv ἔχουσα γῆς Kat μέχρι viv ὑπὸ παντὸς
~ 39 ’ ~ , ’ A ¢
τοῦ “ApaBtov τοῦ κτίσαντος βασιλέως τὸ ὄνομα
€ - |
Pexepns καλεῖται, Πέτρα παρ᾽ “EAAnot λεγομένη.
᾽ὔ 4 ~ , ς ¢ ~ ,
τραπέντων δὲ τῶν πολεμίων ot “Ἑβραῖοι διήρ-
? ~ ‘ , A A ‘ ?
πασαν αὐτῶν THY χώραν Kat πολλὴν λείαν λαβόντες
4 A 9 ’ ᾿ [4 ’
καὶ τοὺς οἰκήτορας γυναιξὶν ἅμα διαφθείραντες
μόνας τὰς παρθένους κατέλιπον, τοῦτο Mwucéos

1 RO (Lat.): Οὔβης rell.
552

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 158-162

On this narrative readers are free to think what they
please.?

(vii. 1) So Moses, for the reasons which I have ἐπ
already stated, sent to the land of the Madianites nie
an army of twelve thousand men in all, selecting an pe Ἢ
equal number from each tribe ; for their general he =”
appointed Phinees who, as we mentioned just now,?
had preserved to the Hebrews their Jaws and punished
Zambrias for transgressing them. The Madianites,
forewarned that the army was marehing upon them
and might at any moment arrive, mustered their
troops and, having fortificd the passes into the
country which they expeeted the enemy to take,
awaited their appearance. They came and an
engagement ensued, in which there fell of the
Madianites a multitude incalculable and past num-
bering, including all their kings. Of these there
were five : Oehus and Sures, Robees and Ures, and, 18. xxxi. 3
the fifth, Rekem*; the city which bears his name Sa ai,
ranks highest in the land of the Arabs and to this
day is called by the whole Arabian nation, after the
name of its royal founder, Rekeme @: it is the Petra
of the Greeks. Upon the rout of the enemy, the
Hebrews pillaged their country, eaptured abundance
of booty, and put the inhabitants with their wives

to death, leaving only the unmarried women, sueh &. 18,

¢ This reeurrent formula (see i. 108) niust bere, at the close
of chap. vi, refer to the story of Balaam as a whole and in
particular to the miraculous element in it. such as the
speaking of the ass. DS toe:

¢ Bibl. Evi (Beet): Zar (Σούρ): Reba (Posox: in Josh.
Posé): Hur (Ot): Rekem ( Poxdu). Josephus omits the
last half of the verse in Numbers: ** Balaam also the son of
Beor they slew with the sword, ’

4 Cf. § 82 (note), where the name appears in the was.
as ᾿Αρκη.

553

163

1601

165

166

JOSEPHUS

Φινέει κελεύσαντος. ὃς ἧκεν ἄγων τὸν στρατὸν
ἀπαθῆ καὶ λείαν ἄφθονον, βόας μὲν γὰρ δισχιλίους
καὶ πεντακισμυρίους, ὄις δὲ πεντακισχιλίας πρὸς
μυριάσιν ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑξήκοντα, ὄνους δὲ ἑξακισμυρίας
χρυσοῦ δὲ καὶ ἀργύρου ἄπειρόν Τὶ πλῆθος κατα-
σκευῆς, ἧ κατ᾽ οἶκον ἐχρῶντο: ὑπὸ γὰρ εὖὐδαι-
μονίας καὶ ἁβροδίαιτοι σφόδρα ἐτύγχανον. ἤχ-
θησαν δὲ καὶ αἱ παρθένοι περὶ δισχιλίας καὶ
τρισμυρίας. Μωυσῆς δὲ μερίσας τὴν λείαν τῆς
μὲν ἑτέρας τὸ πεντηκοστὸν ᾿Ελεαζάρῳ δίδωσι
καὶ τοῖς ἱερεῦσι, Λευίταις δὲ τῆς ἑτέρας τὸ πεν-
τηκοστὸν μέρος, τὴν δὲ λοιπὴν νέμει τῷ λαῷ.
καὶ διῆγον τὸ λοιπὸν εὐδαιμόνως, ἀφθονίας μὲν
ἀγαθῶν αὐτοῖς ὑπ᾽ ἀρετῆς γεγενημένης, ὑπὸ
μηδενὸς δὲ σκυθρωποῦ ταύτης ἀπολαύειν ἐμ-
ποδιζόμενοι.'

(9) Διωυσῆς δὲ γηραιὸς ἤδη τυγχάνων διάδοχον
ἑαυτοῦ ᾿Ιησοῦν καθίστησιν ἐπί τε ταῖς προφητείαις
καὶ στρατηγὸν εἴ που δεήσειε γενησόμενον, κε-
λεύσαντος καὶ τοῦ θεοῦ τούτῳ τὴν προστασίαν
ἐπιτρέψαι τῶν πραγμάτων. ὁ δὲ ᾿Ιησοῦς πᾶσαν
ἐπεπαίδευτο τὴν περὶ τοὺς νόμους παιδείαν καὶ
τὸ θεῖον δΔίωυσέος ἐκδιδαάξαντος.

(3) Kav τούτῳ δύο φυλαὶ Vadis? τε καὶ ‘Pov-

1 ἐμποδιζομένοις Codd. 2 No: Vadov rell.

¢ The virgins, who have not taken part in the previous
seduction of the Israelites, are to be preserved (‘“* keep alive
for yourselves’), presumably in the expectation of their
conversion to Judaism.

> Bibl. (Heb. and txx) 72,000.

¢ Bibl. (both texts) 6t,000.

4 So both Biblical texts; the qualifying word “ about ”
possibly indicates acquaintance with a variant reading.

55+

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 163-166

being the orders of Moses to Phinees.? That officer
returned with his army unscathed and booty in
abundance, to wit 52,000° oxen, 675,000 sheep, Numb.
60,000 ὁ asses, and an unlimited quantity of articles *“*" ***
of gold and silver for domestic use ; for prosperity

had rendered these people very luxurious. They
brought also the unmarried women, numbering about
32,000. Moses, having divided the spoils into two 21. 27-30.
portions, gave a fiftieth of the first half to Eleazar

and the priests, a fiftieth of the other half to the
Levites, and the rest he distributed among the
people.¢ So they lived thenceforth in felicity, with

this abundance of goods which their valour had
brought them, and with no tragic incidents to thwart

their enjoyment of it.

(2) Moses, already advanced in years, now appointed Moses
Joshua‘ to succeed him both in his prophetical fune- P00
tions and ascommander-in-chief, whensoever the need 88 his
should arise, under orders from God himself to entrust 7b, sxvil. 18,
the direction of affairs to him. Joshua had already
received a thorough training in the laws and in divine
lore under the tuition of Moses.

(8) And now also the two tribes of Gad and of the Amorits
land
ΡΞ : μ ; , . assigned
¢ The aecount tn Numbers is more precise. There is to the two

first an equal division of the booty between combatants and and a hall
non-combatants. ‘Then, before it is distributed to individuals, Pace ᾿
ἃ tax is deducted for religious purposes: from the portion ΡΠ
of the combatants one jive hundredth (not, as in Josephus,
one fiftieth) is set apart for the priests, and from the portion
of the non-combatants one fiftieth is set apart for the Levites.
The Levites thus receive ten times as much as the priests.
Josephus, who, as a priest, is coneerned for priestly privileges
(§ 63), equalizes the shares, not, however, without authority ;
the reading ‘* 50° for ** 500” is found in a small group of
Lxx Mss. in Numb. xxxi. 28.

" Gr. “" Jesus,” here and throughout.

559

JOSEPHUS

βήλου καὶ τῆς Μανασσίτιδος ἡμίσεια, πλήθει
τετραπόδων εὐδαιμονοῦντες καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις ἅπασι,
κοινολογησάμενοι παρεκάλουν τὸν Μωυσῆν ἐξαίρετον
αὐτοῖς τὴν ᾿Αμορῖτιν παρασχεῖν δορίκτητον οὖσαν"
167 ἀγαθὴν γὰρ εἶναι βοσκήματα τρέφειν. G00.
ὑπολαβὼν αὐτοὺς δείσαντας τὴν πρὸς Χαναναίους
μάχην πρόφασιν εὐπρεπῆ τὴν τῶν βοσκημάτων
ἐπιμέλειαν εὑρῆσθαι κακίστους τε ἀπεκάλει καὶ
δειλίας εὐσχήμονα' πρόφασιν ἐπινοήσαντας αὐτοὺς
μὲν βούλεσθαι τρυφᾶν ἀπόνως διάγοντας, πάντων
τεταλαιπωρηκότων ὑπὲρ τοῦ κτήσασθαι τὴν αἱἰ-
168 τουμένην ὑπ᾿ αὐτῶν γῆν, μὴ θέλειν δὲ συναρα-
μένους τῶν ἐπιλοίπων ἀγώνων γῆν ἣν διαβᾶσιν
αὐτοῖς τὸν ᾿Ιόρδανον ὁ θεὸς παραδώσειν ὑπέσχηται
ταύτην λαβεῖν καταστρεψαμένους οὗς ἐκεῖνος
169 ἀπέδειξεν ἡμῖν πολεμίους. οἱ δ᾽ ὁρῶντες ὀργιζό-
Perey αὐτὸν καὶ δικαίως ἠρεθίσθαι πρὸς τὴν
ἀξίωσιν αὐτῶν ὑπολαβόντες ἀπελογοῦντο μὴ διὰ
φόβον κινδύνων μηδὲ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὸ πονεῖν
170 μαλακίαν πεποιῆσθαι τὴν αἴτησιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως τὴν
λείαν ἐν ἐπιτηδείοις καταλιπόντες εὔζωνοι πρὸς
τοὺς ἀγῶνας καὶ τὰς μάχας χωρεῖν δύναιντο,
ἑτοίμους τε ἔλεγον. ἑαυτοὺς κτίσαντας πόλεις εἰς
φυλακὴν τέκνων καὶ γυναικῶν καὶ κτήσεως αὐτοῦ
διδόντος συναπιέναι"5 τῷ στρατῷ. καὶ Μωυσῆς
ἀρεσθεὶς τῷ λόγῳ καλέσας *EXealapov τὸν
ἀρχιερέα καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦν καὶ τοὺς ἐν τέλει πάντας
συνεχώρει τὴν ᾿Αμορῖτιν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ τῷ συμ-
μαχῆσαι τοῖς συγγενέσιν, ἕως ἂν καταστήσωνται

—

17

1 ed. pre: ἀσχήμονα codd. 2 συναπεῖναι codd.

---

° Reuben (i. 304).
550

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 166-171

Rubel® and half the tribe of Manasseh, being blest
with an abundance of cattle and all sorts of other
possessions, after conferring together besought Moses
exceptionally ἢ to award them the Amorite land that
their arms had won, since it was excellent for the
pasturage of flocks. But he, supposing that it was
fear of the contest with the Canaanites which had
led them to diseover this specious pretext of the
tending of their flocks, denounced them as arrant
knaves, who had devised this plausible excuse for
their cowardice, because they wished to live them-
selves in luxury and ease—thongh all had toiled to
win this land for which they mated ana were loath
to take their part in the remaining struggles and to
occupy the land which God had promised to deliver
to them after crossing the Jordan and after subduing
those whom He had designated as their enemies.
The tribes, seeing his anger and conceiving that he
had just cause for being provoked at their request,
replied in self-defence that it was through no fear of
perils or slackness for toil that they had made their
petition ; no, it was that, by leaving their booty on
suitable ground, they might march the more briskly
to the struggles and combats ; and they professed
themselves ready, once they had built cities for the
protection of their children, their wives, and their
chattels, with his consent, to set off with the army.
Moses, being satisfied with this statement, thereupon
summoned Eleazar the high-priest and Joshua and
all those in authority and conceded the Amorite land
to these tribes, on condition of their fighting along
with their brethren until the general settlement. So

> 7.e. independeatly and in advance of the general allot-
ment of territory.

VOL. IV T 557

Numb.
XXxli, 28,

17:

to

173

174

JOSEPHUS

τὰ πάντα. λαβόντες οὖν ἐπὶ τούτοις THY χώραν
καὶ κτίσαντες πόλεις καρτερὰς τέκνα [τε] καὶ
γυναῖκας καὶ τἄλλα ὅσα συμπεριάγειν μέλλουσιν
αὐτοῖς ἂν ἦν ἐμπόδια τοῦ πονεῖν ἀπέθεντο εἰς
αὐτάς.

(4) Οἰκοδομεῖ δὲ καὶ Μωυσῆς τὰς δέκα πόλεις
τὰς εἰς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τῶν ὀκτὼ καὶ τεσσαράκοντα
γενησομένας, ὧν τρεῖς ἀπέδειξε τοῖς ἐπ᾽ ἀκουσίῳ
φόνῳ φευξομένοις, καὶ χρόνον ἔταξεν εἶναι τῆς
φυγῆς τὸν αὐτὸν τῷ ἀρχιερεῖ, ἐφ᾽ οὗ δράσας τις
τὸν φόνον ἔφυγε" μεθ᾽ ὃν συνεχώρει τελευτήσαντα
κάθοδον, ἐχόντων ἐξουσίαν τῶν τοῦ πεφονευμένου
συγγενῶν κτείνειν, εἰ λάβοιεν ἔξω τῶν ὅρων τῆς

/ 3 Δ » Α / ¢ 4 \
πόλεως εἰς ἣν ἔφυγε τὸν πεφονευκότα' ἑτέρῳ δὲ
οὐκ ἐπετέτραπτο. αἱ δὲ πόλεις αἵ πρὸς τὰς

‘ 3 t * “ t 1 νι
φυγὰς ἀποδεδειγμέναι ἦσαν αἵδε: Βόσορα' μὲν
A ~ cle ~ 3 ’ > / 3 ~
ἐπὶ τοῖς ὁρίοις τῆς Apafias, Αρίμανον δὲ τῆς
Γαλαδηνῶν γῆς, καὶ DavAavav δ᾽ ἐν τῇ Βατανίϑι.
κτησαμένων δ᾽ αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν Χαναναίων γῆν
τρεῖς ἕτεραι πόλεις ἔμελλον ἀνατεθήσεσθαι τῶν

é 4 ~ 3
Λευίτιδων πόλεων τοῖς φυγάσιν εἰς κατοικισμὸν
λΙωυσέος ἐπιστείλαντος.

“~ \ 7 3 ~ ~ 4

(5) δΔίωνσῆς δὲ προσελθόντων αὐτῷ τῶν πρώτων

~ ; , ~ ‘ 7 A ξ
τῆς Μανασσίτιδος φυλῆς καὶ δηλούντων μὲν ὡς

~ ~ /
τεθνήκοι τις τῶν φυλετῶν ἐπίσημος ἀνὴρ Σωλο-
φάντης ὄνομα, παῖδας μὲν οὐ καταλιπὼν ἄρσενας
θυγατέρας δέ τοι," καὶ πυθομένων εἰ τούτων ὁ

1 Βωσάρα RO. 2 δέ τοι RO: μέντοι rell.

4 je. the proportionate number (4 for each tribe, hence
10 for the 23 trans-Jordanic tribes) of the 48 cities assigned
to the priests and Levites (88 67-69),

558

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 171-174

having received the territory on these conditions and
founded cities with strong defences, they deposited
there children and wives aud ev erything which, had
they been required to carry it about with them,
would have been an impediment to their labours.

(+) Moses himself too built the ten cities that were the cities
to be reckoned among the number of the forty-eight.@ ee
Of these he appointed three for persons to flee to iv. 41 i:
after involuntary manslaughter, and he ordained that oe, "
the term of their exile should be the lifetime of the
high-priest in office when the manslayer fled. Upon ;», 25 δ.
the death of the high-priest he permitted him to
return; the relatives of the slain had moreover the

right to kill the slayer, if they caught him without

ihe bounds of the city whither he had fled, but this
permission was given to no one else. Tlie cities Deut. iv. 43
appointed as refuges were these: Bosora® on the “°*"***
confines of Arabia, Ariman in the land of Galadene,°

and Gaulana in Batanaea.? But when they had
conqucred also the land of Canaan, three more of

the Levitical cities were to be dedicated as havens

for fugitives, by the injunction of Moses.

(5) "Moses was now approached by the head men Regulation
of the tribe of Manasseh, who informed him that a prea
certain notable member of their tribe, by name Numb.”
Solophantes,¢ had died, leaving no male issue though (\yvii if
there were daughters ; and on hei inquiring w hethey

> Bibl. “ Bezer (Boodp) in the wilderness, in the table-
land ᾿ς unidentified.

¢ Bibl. “ Ramoth in Gilead ἧς: elsewhere called by
Josephus 'Apauata or αμάθη, Ant. villi, 398 etc.; commonly
identified with es-Salt.

4 Bibl. *“ Golan (Vav\dév) in Bashan *’: unidentified. It
gave its name to the province of Gaulanitis often mentioned
in Josephus, and was ‘a very large village ἡ in the time of
Eusebius, “ Bibl. Zelophehad (Σαλπαάδ).

55Y

175

176

1117

178

179

JOSEPHUS

~ Μ ’ 93 \ , ,
κλῆρος ἔσοιτο, φησίν, εἰ μὲν μέλλουσί τινι συν-
οικεῖν τῶν φυλετῶν, μετὰ τοῦ κλήρου πρὸς αὐτοὺς
> , ? > > » A , ~ A
ἀπιέναι, εἰ δ᾽ ἐξ ἄλλης γαμοῖντό τισι φυλῆς, τὸν
κλῆρον ἐν τῇ πατρῴᾳ φυλῇ καταλιπεῖν. καὶ τότε

€ ~ ΄- “A
μένειν ἑκάστου τὸν κλῆρον ἐν τῇ φυλῇ διετάξατο.

(vill, i) Τῶν δὲ τεσσαράκοντα ἐτῶν παρὰ τριά-
κοντα ἡμέρας eA Lenard Mevoijs ἐκ-
κλησίαν ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ιορδάνῳ συναγαγών, ὅπου νῦν
πόλις ἐστὶν A BiXn, φοινικόφυτον ὃ ὃ é€aTt TO
χωρίον, συνελθόντος τοῦ λαοῦ παντὸς λέγει
τοιάδε:

(9) * "Avopes συστρατιῶται καὶ τῆς μακρᾶς
κοινωνοὶ ταλαιπωρίας, ἐπεὶ τῶ θεῶ δοκοῦν ἤδη
καὶ τῷ γήρᾳ χρόνον ἐτῶν εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν
Diegie Tak det με τοῦ ζῆν ἀπελθεῖν καὶ τῶν πέρα

ῦ ᾿Ιορδάνου πραχθησομένων οὐ μέλλω -βοηθὸς
ste ἔσεσθαι καὶ σύμμαχος, κωλυόμενος ὑπὸ τοῦ
θεοῦ, δίκαιον ἡγησάμην μηδὲ νῦν ἐγκαταλιπεῖν
τοὐμὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ὑμετέρας εὐδαιμονίας πρόθυμον,
ἀλλ᾽ ἀίδιόν τε ὑμῖν πραγματεύσασθαι τὴν τῶν
ἀγαθῶν ἀπόλαυσιν, καὶ μνήμην ἐμαυτῷ γενομένων
ὑμῶν ἐν ἀφθονίᾳ τῶν κρειττόνων. φέρε οὖν
ὑποθέμενος ὃν τρόπον ὑμεῖς T ἂν εὐδαιμονήσαιτε'
καὶ παισὶ τοῖς αὑτῶν καταλίποιτε κτῆσιν ἀγαθῶν

1 Dindorf: εὐδαιμονήσητέ codd.

σα According to the Talmud (quoted by Weill) this law
had only temporary validity.

* Abel-shittim (Lxx Bedod ete.) “* by Jordan’. i's in the
plains of Moab” is mentioned in Numb. xxxiil. 49 as the
last station in the itinerary of the wilderness wanderings ;
Josephus calls it indifferently Abile, Abele (v. 4) and Abila

560

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 175-179

the inheritanee should pass to these, he replied that,
if they proposed to unite themselves to persons of
their tribe, they should carry the inheritance with
them to their husbands, but if they were married
into another tribe, the inheritance should be left in
their father’s tribe. Then it was that he ordained
that each man’s heritage should remain in his tribe.?

(viii, 1) When the forty years had, save for
thirtv days, now run their course, Moses called
together an assembly nigh to the Jordan, where
to- “day stands the city of Abile δ in a region thickly
planted with palm-trees, and addressed to a con-
gregation of the whole people the following words :

(2) ** Comrades in arms and _ partners in this
long tribulation, seeing that now, by God’s decree
and at the call of age, having completed a span of
one hundred and twenty years, I must quit this
life, and that in those coming actions beyond the
Jordan I am not to be your helper and _ fellow-
combatant, being prohibited by God, I have deemed
it right even now not to renounce my zeal for your
@oltaire. but to labour to secure for you the ever-
lasting enjoyment of your good things and_ for
myself an abiding memorial when xe shall be en-
dowcd with a store of blessings yet better. Come
then, let me first propound the means w hereby ve
may yourselves attain bliss and may bequeath to your
children the possession of blessings for all eternity,
(18... iv. 438), and tells us elsewhere (v. 4) that it was 60

~

stades (¢. 7 miles) distant from the Jordan. [tis the modern
Khurbet el-Neffrein, situate at about the same distance (N.E.)
from the Dead Sea. [t is not mentioned in an array of
names in Deut. i. 1, which attempts to define the precise spot
at which the final discourses of Moses were delivered.

501

Assembly
at Abile
near Jordan.
Deut. i 1,3

Moses
exhorts the
people
before his
death.

ἰδ. xxx 2.

180

18]

182

JOSEPHUS

ἀίδιον [παραθέμενος] οὕτως ἀπέλθω τοῦ βίου.
πιστεύεσθαι δὲ ἀξιός εἰμι διά τε τὰς πρότερον
ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν φιλοτιμίας καὶ διὰ τὸ τὰς ψυχὰς ἐπὶ
τελευτῇ γιγνομένας μετ᾽ ἀρετῆς πάσης ὁμιλεῖν.
“Ὦ παῖδες ᾿Ισραήλου, μία πᾶσιν ἀνθρώποις aya-
θῶν κτήσεως αἰτία ὁ θεὸς εὐμενής" μόνος γὰρ οὗτος
δοῦναί τε ταῦτα τοῖς ἀξίοις καὶ ἀφελέσθαι τῶν
ἁμαρτανόντων εἰς αὐτὸν ἱκανός, ᾧ παρέχοντες
ἑαυτοὺς οἵους αὐτός τε βούλεται κἀγὼ τὴν διάνοιαν
αὐτοῦ σαφῶς ἐξεπιστάμενος παραινῶ, οὐκ ἂν
ὄντες μακαριστοὶ καὶ ζηλωτοὶ πᾶσιν [ἀτυχήσαιτέ
ποτ᾽ ἢ)" παύσαισθε, ἀλλ᾽ ὧν τε νῦν ὑμῖν ἐστιν
ἀγαθῶν 7 κτῆσις BeBaia μενεῖ τῶν TE ἀπόντων
ταχεῖαν ἕξετε τὴν παρουσίαν. μόνον οἷς ὁ θεὸς
ὑμᾶς ἕπεσθαι βούλεται, τούτοις πειθαρχεῖτε, καὶ
μῆτε νομίμων τῶν παρόντων ἄλλην προτιμήσητε
διάταξιν μήτ᾽ εὐσεβείας ἧς νῦν περὶ τὸν θεὸν
eXETE καταφρονήσαντες εἰς ἄλλον μεταστήσησθε
τρόπον. ταῦτα δὲ πράττοντες ἀλκιμώτατοι μάχας
διενεγκεῖν ἁπάντων ἔσεσθε καὶ “μηδενὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν
εὐάλωτοι" θεοῦ γὰρ παρόντος ὑμῖν βοηθοῦ πάντων
περιφρονεῖν εὔλογον. τῆς ὃ “ἀρετῆς ἔπαθλα ὑμῖν
μεγάλα κεῖται πρὸς ἅπαντα τὸν βίον κτησαμένοις""
αὕτη γε τὸ" πρῶτον ἀγαθῶν τὸ πρέσβιστόν ἐστιν,
ἔπειτα καὶ τὴν τῶν ἄλλων χαρίζεται περιουσίαν,

loom. Bekker: ἀΐδιον παραθέμενος om. Lat.

2 om. Dindorf: text uncertain: ἀτυχήσητέ (or -ceré)...
παίσησθε (-ecte) codd.

3 ed. pr. (Lat. geritis): ἔχοντες codd.

4 κτησομένοις conj. Niese.

δ᾽ γέ τοι conj. Niese.

4 ὁμιλεῖν, “ speak,’? “converse”? (with others), not

562

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 179-182

and so depart from life. Aye and 1 deserve your
confidence. alike by reason of those jealous efforts
on your behalf in the past, and because souls when
on the verge of the end deliver themselves with
perfect integrity. a

7) iden: of Israel, there is for all mankind
but one source of felicity—-a gracious God : He alone ‘
has power to give these good things to those who
merit them and to take them from those who sin
against Him: will ye but show yourselves in ie
sight such as He would hare you, aye and such as [,
who know His mind right well, exhort you to be,
then will ve never cease to be blessed and envied
of all men; nay, your possession of those good things
which ve have already will rest assured, and thace
vet absent will soon be present in your hands.
Only obey those precepts ® which God would have
you follow, prefer not above your present statutes
any other code, nor, spurning that pious worship
of God which now is yours, desert it for another
fashion. Act ye but thus and ve will be the
doughtiest of all to sustain the fight nor lightly
conquered by any of your foes ; for with God at
your side to succour you ye may well despise them
all. And for sueh virtue great are the rewards
set before. οὐ; τ θ᾽ δὴ for all your Πα 3: she
herself, to begin with, is the choicest of treasures,
and fen che bestows abundance of the rest, so

*‘ consort,” “ are in touch with every virtue’: ef. Vita 258
μετὰ TANS ἀρετῆς πεπολίτευμαι.

ὃ The Greek might be either neuter (ἡ what ’’) or mase.
(“ whom”); but he comes to the question of subordination
to rulers later, αὶ 150.

‘ Not, I think, as earlier translators take it, “‘ if ye possess
(or “ preserve ’’) it (ve. virtue) for all your life.”

503

Deut.

7155 1.

188

184

JOSEPHUS

ὡς καὶ πρὸς “ἀλλήλους ὑμῖν χρωμένοις αὐτῇ
μακαριστὸν ποιῆσαι τὸν βίον καὶ τῶν ἀλλοφύλ ων
πλέον δοξαζομένους ἀδήριτον καὶ παρὰ τοῖς αὖθις
τὴν εὔκλειαν ὑ ὑμῖν ὑπάρξαι. τούτων δ᾽ ἂν ἐφικέσθαι
δυνηθείητε, εἰ τῶν νόμων οὗς ὑπαγορεύσαντός μοι
τοῦ θεοῦ συνεταξάμην κατήκοοι καὶ φύλακες
γένοισθε καὶ μελετῴητε τὴν σύνεσιν αὐτῶν.
ἄπειμι δ᾽ αὐτὸς χαίρων ἐπὶ τοῖς ὑμετέροις ἀγαθοῖς
παρατιθέμενος ὑμᾶς νόμων τε σωφροσύνῃ" καὶ
κόσμῳ τῆς πολιτείας καὶ ταῖς τῶν στρατηγῶν
ἀρεταῖς, ot πρόνοιαν ἕξουσιν. ὑμῶν τοῦ συμ-

5 φέροντος. θεός τε ὁ μέχρι νῦν ἡγεμονεύσας ὑμῶν,"

καθ᾽ οὗ βούλησιν Kayw “χρήσιμος ὑμῖν ἐγενόμην,
οὐ μέχρι τοῦ δεῦρο στήσει τὴν αὑτοῦ πρόνοιαν,
3 3 3 ὦ 9 \ / / “- Ὡ

ἀλλ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ὅσον αὐτοὶ βούλεσθε χρόνον τοῦτον ἔχειν
προστάτην ἐν τοῖς τῆς ἀρετῆς ἐπιτηδεύμασι
μένοντες, ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον αὐτοῦ χρήσεσθε τῇ προ-

180 μηθείᾳ. γνώμας τε ὑμῖν εἰσηγήσονται τὰς ἀρί-

187

στας, αἷς ἑπόμενοι τὴν εὐδαιμονίαν ἕξετε, ὁ ἀρχι-
ερεὺς ᾿Ελεάζαρος καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦς ἢ τε γερουσία καὶ
τὰ τέλη τῶν φυλῶν, ὧν ἀκροᾶσθε μὴ χαλεπῶς,
γινώσκοντες ὅτι πάντες οἱ ἄρχεσθαι καλῶς εἰδότες
καὶ ἄρχειν εἴσονται παρελθόντες εἰς ἐξουσίαν
αὐτοῦ, τήν τ, ἐλευθερίαν ἡγεῖσθε μὴ τὸ προσ-
αγανακτεῖν οἷς ἂν ὑμᾶς οἱ ἡγεμόνες πράττειν
ἀξιῶσι: νῦν μὲν γὰρ ἐν τῷ τοὺς εὐεργέτας ὑβρίζειν
ἐν τούτῳ τὴν παρρησίαν Τίς ἐσύ ες ὃ δὴ τοῦ λοιποῦ

188 φυλαττομένοις b ὑμῖν ἄμεινον εξ εἰ τὰ τ μηδὲ

τὴν ἴσην ἐπὶ τούτοις ὀργήν ποτε λαμβάνετε, n
κατ᾽ ἐμοῦ πολλάκις ἐτολμήσατε χρῆσθαι" γινώ-

1 Niese: νόμῳ τε σωφροσύνης codd. 2 ἡμῖν RO.
504

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 183-188

that, will you but practise her among yourselves,
she will make vour life blissful. render you more
glorious than foreign races, and assure you an
uncontested renown with future generations. And
these blessings might ye attain, would ye but
hearken to anil observe those laws which, at the
dictation of God, I have drawn up. and muse on
their inward meaning.

“Tam leaving you myself, rejoicing in your happi-
ness, committing you to the sober guidance of the
ee. to the ordered scheme of the constitution,
and to the virtues of those chiefs who will take
thought for vour interests. And God. who hereto-
fore has gov erned you, and by whose will I too have
been of service to you, will not at this point set a
term to His providence, but so long as ye vourselves
desire to have His protection, by ‘continuing in the
paths of virtue, so long will ye enjoy His watchful
care. Moreover the best of counsels, by following
which ye will attain felicity, will be put ‘before you
by Eleazar the high-priest and Joshua, as also by the
council of Alderes and the magistrates of the tribes ;
to whom give car ungrudgingly, recognizing that
all who know well how to obey ail pik also how
to rule, should they reach the authority of office.
And think not that liberty lies in resenting what
your rulers require you to do. For now indeed
it is in naught but insulting your benefactors that
ye reckon freedoin of specch’ to consist; whereof
heneeforth if ye beware, things will go better with
you. Never display towards Niece pullers the like
of that wrath which ye have oft-times dared to vent
on me; for ye know that my life has more often

VOL. 1V τῷ 508

189

190

191]

1902

JOSEPHUS

f € / 3 ¢ ¢ > € ~
σκετε yap, ws πλεονάκις ἐκινδύνευσα ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν

A Ba} \ ~ ,ὔ ~
ἀποθανεῖν ἢ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων. ταῦτα δ᾽ οὐκ
3 , ; ae eee t ἢ \ »,.2. 54: -
ὀνειδίζειν: ὑμᾶς προεθέμην, οὐ γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδῳ τοῦ
σι é a
ζῆν δυσχεραίνοντας καταλιπεῖν ἠξίουν εἰς τὴν

Δ »
ἀνάμνησιν φέρων μηδὲ παρ᾽ ὃν ἔπασχον αὐτὰ
καιρὸν ἐν ὀργῇ γενόμενος, ἀλλ᾽ ὥστε τοῦ σωφρο-
νήσειν" ὑμᾶς εἰς τὸ μέλλον. κατ᾽ αὐτό γε τοῦτο
ταἀσφαλὲς" εἶναι, καὶ μηδὲν εἰς τοὺς προεστηκότας
3 ’ ‘ ~ a ς - 4 ~ A
ἐξυβρίσαι διὰ πλοῦτον, ὃς ὑμῖν πολὺς διαβᾶσι τὸν
᾿Ιόρδανον καὶ τὴν Χαναναίαν κτησαμένοις περι-
\ >

στήσεται. ἐπεὶ “προαχθέντες εἰς καταφρόνησιν ὑπ᾽
αὐτοῦ καὶ τῆς ἀρετῆς ὀλιγωρίαν ἀπολεῖτε καὶ τὴν
εὔνοιαν τὴν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ, ποιήσαντες δὲ τοῦτον
ἐχθρὸν τήν τε γῆν, ἣν κτήσεσθε, κρατηθέντες
[7 ς \ ΄σ. > > ? \ /
πλοις ὑπὸ τῶν αὖθις ἀφαιρεθήσεσθε μετὰ μεγίστων
ὀνειδῶν καὶ σκεδασθέντες διὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης πᾶσαν
ἐμπλήσετε καὶ γῆν καὶ θάλασσαν τῆς αὐτῶν δου-

» > “ , “"
λείας. ἔσται δ᾽ ὑμῖν τούτων πεῖραν λαμβάνουσιν
» \ e , . ἐς Ἂς Η »
ἀνωφελὴς ἡ μετάνοια καὶ ἡ τῶν οὐ φυλαχθέντων

4 , > ~
νόμων ἀνάμνησις. ὅθεν εἰ βούλοισθε τούτους ὑμῖν
μένειν, τῶν πολεμίων μηδέν᾽ ἂν ὑπολείποισθε'
- > >
κρατήσαντες αὐτῶν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολλύναι πάντας κρί-
- ‘

ναιτεῦ συμφέρειν, ἵνα μὴ ζώντων παραγευσάμενοι
τῆς ἐκείνων ἐπιτηδεύσεως διαφθείρητε τὴν πάτριον
2 πολιτείαν. ἔτι δὲ καὶ βωμοὺς καὶ ἄλση καὶ νεὼς
ὁπόσους ἂν ἔχοιεν. κατερείπειν “παραινῶ καὶ
δαπανᾶν πυρὶ τὸ γένος αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν μνήμην"
βεβαία γὰρ ἂν οὕτως ὑμῖν μόνον ὑπάρξειεν ἡ τῶν

1 ὀνειδίζων P? (Lat. Ὁ). : A aaa |

3 τρῦτζο τρασφαλὲς CON}.: τοῦτ᾽ (τοῦτο SP) ἀσφαλὲς (ἀσφαλεῖς
SPE)-codd.

4+ Niese: μηδένα ὑπολείπησθε codd. ὃ Niese: κρίνατε codd,

500

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 188--192

been imperilled by you than by the enemy. I
say this with no intent to reproach you—at my
exit from life I should be loath to leave you aggrieved
by recalling these things to mind, [I who even at
the moment when I τ ent them refrained from
wrath—but rather that ye may learn moderation
for the future (and) that it is just in this thing that
the path of safety lies,¢ and to prevent you from
breaking out into any violence against those set
over you, by reason of that wealth auhich will come
to you in abundance when ye have crossed the
Jordan and eonquered Canaan. Tor, should ye
be earried away by it into a contempt and disdain
for virtue, ye will lose even that favour which ye
have found of God; and, having made Him your
enemy, ye will forfeit that land, which ye are to
win, beaten in arms and deprived of it by future
generations with the grossest ignominy, and, dis-
persed throughout the habitable world, ye will
fill every bad and sea with your servitude. And
when ye undergo these trials, all unavailing will
be repentance and recollection of those laws whieh
ve have failed to keep.

“ Wherefore, if ye would have those laws remain to
you, ye will leave not one of your enemies alive after
de feating thein, but will deem it expedient to destroy
them all, lest, doula they live, ye having had but a

taste of any of their ways should corrupt the constitu-
tion of your fathers. Furthermore, I exhort you to
demolish all such altars, groves, and temples as they
may have, and to consume with fire their race and
their memory ; for thus only can ye have firmly en-

9 ‘Text uncertain,

567

Deut.

iv. 26 tf

Ib, xii.

2 ti

193

194

196

JOSEPHUS

οἰκείων ἀγαθῶν ἀσφάλεια. ἵνα δὲ μὴ δι’ ἀμαθίαν
τοῦ κρείττονος ἡ φύσις ὑμῶν πρὸς τὸ χεῖρον
ἀπονεύσῃ, συνέθηκα ὑμῖν καὶ νόμους ὑπαγορεύ-
σαντὸς μοι τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ πολιτείαν, ἧς τὸν κόσμον
φυλάξαντες πάντων ἂν εὐδαιμονέστατοι κριθείητε.᾽

(3) Ταῦτα εἰπὼν δίδωσιν αὐτοῖς ἐν βιβλίῳ τοὺς
νόμους καὶ τὴν διάταξιν τῆς πολιτείας ἀναγεγραμ-
μένην. οἱ δὲ ἐδάκρυόν τε καὶ πολλὴν ἐπιζήτησιν
ἐποιοῦντο τοῦ στρατηγοῦ μεμνημένοι τε ὧν
κιυδυνεύσειε καὶ προθυμηθείή τῆς περὶ αὐτῶν
σωτηρίας καὶ δυσελπιστοῦντες περὶ τῶν μελλόν-
των ὡς οὐκ ἐσομένης ἄλλης ἀρχῆς τοιαύτης,
ἧττόν τε τοῦ θεοῦ προνοησομένου διὰ τὸ Mwvajv
εἶναι τὸν παρακαλοῦντα. ὧν τε ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρήμου
μετ᾽ ὀργῆς ὁμιλήσειαν αὐτῷ μετανοοῦντες ἤλγουν,
ὡς ἅπαντα τὸν λαὸν εἰς δάκρυα προπεσόντα
κρεῖττον καὶ τῆς ἐκ λόγου παρηγορίας τὸ ἐπ
αὐτῷ' ποιῆσαι πάθος. δ͵ωυσῆς δ᾽ αὐτοὺς παρ-
ηγόρει, καὶ τοῦ δακρύων αὐτὸν ἄξιον ὑπολαμβάνειν
ἀπάγων αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι τῇ πολιτείᾳ παρεκάλει.
καὶ τότε μὲν οὕτω διελύθησαν.

(4) Βούλομαι δὲ τὴν πολιτείαν πρότερον εἰπὼν τῷ
τε ΔίἝωυσέος ἀξιώματι τῆς ἀρετῆς ἀναλογοῦσαν
καὶ μαθεῖν παρέξων δι᾿ αὐτῆς τοῖς ἐντευξομένοις,
οἷα τὰ καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς ἀρχῆθεν ἦν, [οὕτως] ἐπὶ τὴν
τῶν ἄλλων τραπέσθαι διήγησι". γέγραπται δὲ
πάνθ᾽ ὡς ἐκεῖνος κατέλιπεν οὐδὲν ἡμῶν ἐπὶ
καλλωπισμῷ προσθέντων οὐδ᾽ 6 τι μὴ κατα-

1 Niese: ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν (or um αὐτῶν) codd. 2 om. RO.

508

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 193-196

sured to you the security of your own privileges.
But. tor fear lest through ignorance of the better way
your nature should incline you to the worse, I have
compiled for you, at the dictation of God, a code of
laws and a constitution; keep but its ordered har-
mony and ye will be accounted the most fortunate of
all men.”

(3) Having spoken thus, he presented them with
these laws and this constitution recorded in a book.
But they were in tears and displaying deep regret
for their general, alike remembering the risks which
he had run and all that ardent zeal of his for their
salvation, and despondent concerning the future, in
the belief that they would never more have such a
ruler and that God would be less mindful of them,
since it was Moses who had ever been the intercessor.
And of all those angry speeches to him in the desert
they now repented with grief, insomuch that the
whole people plunged into tears and displayed for
him an emotion too strong for words to console. Yet
Moses consoled them and, diverting their minds from
the thought that he merited their tears, exhorted
them to put their constitution into practice. And
thus on that occasion they parted.

(+) But here I am fain first to describe this consti-
tution, consonant as it was with the reputation of the
virtne of Moses, and withal to enable my readers
thereby to learn what was the natnre of our laws from
the first.and then to revert to the rest of the narrative.
All is here written as he left it: nothing have we
added for the sake ot embellishment, nothing which

500

Moses
delivers his
book to th«
Hebrews :
Lheir deep
emotion ἃ
cf Deul.
XXX υ,

Observa-
tions Οὐ Lhe
following
summaty
of the Law.

107

109

200

JOSEPHUS

λέλοιπε Μωυσῆς. νενεωτέρισται δ᾽ ἡμῖν τὸ κατὰ
γένος ἕκαστα τάξαι: σποράδην γὰρ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνου
κατελείφθη γραφέντα καὶ ὡς ἕκαστόν τι παρὰ τοῦ
θεοῦ πύθοιτο. «ὃ» τούτου χάριν ἀναγκαῖον nyn-
σάμην προδιαστείλασθαι, μὴ καί τις ἡμῖν παρὰ
τῶν ὁμοφύλων ἐντυγχανόντων τῇ γραφῇ “μέμψις
NS διημαρτηκόσι γένηται. ἔχει δὲ οὕτως ἣ
διάταξις ἡμῶν τῶν νόμων τῶν ἀνηκόντων εἰς τὴν
πολιτείαν. οὖς δὲ κοινοὺς ἡμῖν καὶ πρὸς ἀλλήλους
κατέλιπε τούτους ὑπερεθέμην εἰς τὴν περὶ ἐθῶν
καὶ αἰτιῶν ἀπόδοσιν, ἣν συλλαμβανομένου τοῦ
θεοῦ μετὰ ταύτην ἡμῖν τὴν πραγματείαν συν-
τάξασθαι πρόκειται.

(5) ““’Evedav τὴν Χαναναίων γῆν κτησάμενοι
καὶ σχολὴν ἐπὶ; χρήσει τῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔχοντες
πόλεις" τὸ λοιπὸν ἤδη κτίζειν προαιρῆσθε, ταῦτα
ποιοῦντες τῷ θεῷ φίλα πράξετε' καὶ τὴν εὐδαι-
μονίαν βεβαίαν ἕξετε: ἱερὰ πόλις ἔστω μία τῆς
Χαναναίων γῆς ἐν τῷ καλλίστῳ καὶ δι᾽ ἀρετὴν
ἐπιφανεῖ, ἣν ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἑαυτῷ διὰ προφητείας
ἐξέληται, Kat νεὼς εἷς ἐν ταύτῃ ἔστω, καὶ βωμὸς
εἷς ἐκ λίθων μὴ κατειργασμένων ἀλλὰ λογάδην
συγκειμένων, ot κονιάματι χρισθέντες εὐπρεπεῖς

1 ins. Niese. 2 ἐν RO. 3 τε codd.
4 Bekker: πράττετε eodd.
5 ME: ἔληται RO: ἐκλέξηται rell.

* This statement, like similar assertions of the author
(4.1.17, x. 218), cannot be taken at its faee value. He has,
in fact, inserted several regulations which, if based on tra-
dition, are yet unknown to the Mosaic Law; he has also
omitted some relevant topics (noted by Weill), though indeed
he does not claim to be exhaustive.

570

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 197-200

has not been bequeathed by Moses.* Our one inno-
vation has been to classify the several subjeets ; for
he left what he wrote in a scattered condition, just as
he reeeived each several instruetion from God.? 1
have thought it necessary to make this preliminary
observation, lest perchance any of my countrymen
who read this work should repro: ach me at all for
having gone astray. Here then is the code of those
laws of onrs which touch our political constitution.
As for those which he has left to us in common econ-
cerning our mutual relations,’ these I have reserved
for that treatise on “‘ Customs and Causes,” which,
God helping, it is our intention to compose after the
present work.¢

(5) “ Whensoever, having conquered the land of rue mosatc
Canaan and being at leisure to enjoy those bounties, te holy
ye shall ΠΑ ΒΞΕ from that time forward to found city, the

temple, and
cities, this is what ye should do that your actions may the altar.
be pleasing to God and your felicity assured :

‘ Let there be one holy city in that place in the land peat. xii. 5.
of Canaan that is fairest and most famous for its ex-
cellence, a city which God shall choose for himself by
prophe tic oracle. And let there be one temple there-
in, and one altar of stones, not worked but picked out Ex. xx. 25.
and put together,é and which, coated with plaster, will

> Weill compares the opinion expressed by a 2nd century
Rabbi, lo the effeet that the Law was given to Moses “ roll
by roll,’ not en bloc (Giffin 60a); just as Mahomet elaims
to ae received the Qur'an.

‘Vhe exact distinction intended is not evident.

ἀ See ho pole,

¢ ‘The phrase comes from Thue. ἵν. ὁ λογάδην δὲ φέροντες
λέθους καὶ ξυνετίθεσαν ws ἕκαστόν τι Evupaiwo, “ brought stones
which they picked out and put them together as they
happened to fit’ (Jowett).

571

20]

202

203

204

205

JOSEPHUS

> Ny κ᾽ \ r \ \ f ε 4.1.5.
τ᾽ av’ εἶεν καὶ καθάριοι πρὸς τὴν θέαν. ἡ δ᾽ ἐπὶ

- 7 » Α 3 , 3 ‘
τοῦτον πρόσβασις ἔστω μὴ διὰ βαθμίδων, ἀλλὰ
προσχώσεως αὐτῷ καταπρανοῦς γενομένης. ἐν
[2 , 4 ’ 4 \ 4 Α » A
ἑτέρᾳ δὲ πόλει μήτε βωμὸς μήτε νεὼς ἔστω" θεὸς
γὰρ εἷς καὶ TO ‘EBpatwy γένος ἕν.

(Gir "Ose βλασφημήσας θεὸν καταλευσθεὶς
κρεμάσθω δι’ ἡμέρας καὶ ἀτίμως καὶ ἀφανῶς
θαπτέσθω.

~ 46 NS , Α ᾽ Δ vn 2 > 4

(τ) “᾿ Συνερχέσθωσαν δὲ εἰς ἣν «ἂν» ἀποφήνωσι
πόλιν τὸν νεὼν τρὶς τοῦ ἔτους οἱ ἐκ τῶν περάτων
τῆς γῆς, ἧς ἂν ᾿“Ιβραῖοι κρατῶσιν, ὅπως τῷ θεῷ
τῶν μὲν ὑπηργμένων εὐχαριστῶσι καὶ περὶ τῶν
? 4 ὔ ~ 4 7 > “
εἰς τὸ μέλλον παρακαλῶσι καὶ συνιόντες ἀλλήλοις
καὶ συνευωχούμειοι προσφιλεῖς ὦσι: καλὸν γὰρ
a ‘ Σ ~ ? ΄ ς , ”
εἶναι μὴ ἀγνοεῖν ἀλλήλους ὁμοφύλους τε ὄντας
καὶ τῶν αὐτῶν κοινωνοῦντας ἐπιτηδευμάτων,
τοῦτο δὲ ἐκ μὲν τῆς τοιαυτῆς" ἐπιμιξίας αὐτοῖς
ὑπάρξειν, τῇ τε ὄψει καὶ τῇ ὁμιλίᾳ μν ἤμην αὐτῶν
ἐντιθέντας" ἀνεπιμίκτους γὰρ ἀλλήλοις μένοντας
ἀλλοτριωτάτους αὑτοῖς νομισθήσεσθαι.

ἐ. ow 4 A f ~ ~ + ΄

(8) Ιύστω δὲ καὶ δεκάτη τῶν καρπῶν ἐξαίρεσις

~ e - ~ Ἁ ᾽ὔ
ὑμῖν χωρὶς ἧς διέταξα' τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ Λευίταις

~ 4
δεδόσθαι, ἣ πιπρασκέσθω μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν πατρίδων,
‘ f ,ὔ ’
εἰς δὲ τὰς εὐωχίας ὑπηρετείτω καὶ τὰς θυσίας

' γ᾽ ἂν Niese: τε codd.
2 ins. Niese.
3 Τ᾿, Reinach: αὐτῆς codd.
4 SPL: διετάξατε (-ετάξατολ rell.
2 Cf. Ap. ii. 193 εἷς ναὸς ἑνὸς θεοῦ.
" The penalty of stoning only is prescribed by Leviticus
l.c.; Deuteronomy requires the body of any mialefactor,
who, after execution, has been exposed on a tree, to be buried

before nightfall, In practice the double penalty of stoning

572

JEWISH. ANTIQUITIES, IV. 201-205

be seemly and neat to look upon: and let the ap-
proach to this altar be not by steps but by a sloping

embankment. In no other city let there be either
altar or temple ; for God is one and the Hebrew race
is one.4

(6) ΤΕ him that blasphemeth God be stoned,
then hung for a day, and buried ignominiously and in
obseurity. ὃ

(7) ** Let them assemble in that eity in which they
shall establish the temple, three times in the vear,
trom the ends of the land which the Hebrews shall
eonquer, in order to render thanks to God for benelits
reecived, to intereede for future mereies, and to
promote by thus meeting and feasting together
feelings of mutual affeetion. For it is good that they
ἘΠΕ ΕἾ not be ignorant of one ἀπ αἰ ἠΐξι being mem-
bers of the same raee and partners in the same
institutions ; and this end will be attained by sueh
intercourse, when through sight and speech they
reeall those ties to mind. ee if they remain
without ever coming into contact they will be re-
garded by each ΠΕ as absolute strangers.

(8) “Ποῖ a tithe of the fruits be set ‘apart be you,
beside that whieh I appointed 4 to be given to the
priests and Levites : let it be sold at its native place,
but let the proceeds serve for the repasts and the
and exposure seems to have been confined to the blasphemer.
“0 far Josephus follows tradition, but in adding the words

‘for a day (long) ’* he departs from the practice deseribed
in the Mishnah (sce M. Weill’s note).

« Lit. “ putting in (instilling) a memory of them Τ᾿ (7.0,
of their common race and common institutions). Others,
taking αὐτῶν as αὐτῶν, render sui recordationem efficinnt*
(Iludson), “se souviendront Weux-memes (Weill) The
motives here mentioned do not appear in Seripture.

* § 68; some Mss. read “ ye appointed.”

573

Εχ. τες --6ὲ

Blasphemy.
Lev. xxiv.
1 : οἱ Deut.
xX). 92.

The three
aunnal
puigrim
festivals.
Deut.

xvi 16.

Tithe of
fruits
{b avy. 22 ff.

JOSEPHUS

Tas ἐν TH ἱερᾷ πόλει: δίκαιον yap εἷναι τῶν ἐκ τῆς
- 3 ᾽ “ ¢ 4 ᾽ ~ 7

γῆς ἀναδιδομένων, ἣν ὁ θεὸς αὐτοῖς κτήσασθαι

παρέσχεν, ἐπὶ τιμῇ τοῦ δεδωκότος ἀπολαύειν.

200 (9) “᾿Εκ μισθοῦ γυναικὸς ἡταιρημένης θυσίας μὴ
τελεῖν: ἥδεσθαι γὰρ μηδενὶ τῶν ἀφ᾽ ὕβρεως τὸ
θεῖον, χείρων, δ᾽ οὐκ ἂν εἴη τῆς ἐπὶ τοῖς σώμασιν
αἰσχύνης" ὁμοίως μηδ᾽ ἂν ἐπ᾽ ὀχεύσει κυνὸς ἤτοι
θηρευτικοῦ ἢ ποιμνίων φύλακος λάβῃ" τις μισθόν,
ἐκ τούτου θύειν τῷ θεῷ.

207 (10) “᾿ βλασφημείτω δὲ μηδεὶς θεοὺς οὖς πόλεις
Ψὕ ,ὔ Α ~ e 3 ? > μὴ
ἄλλαι νομίζουσι: μηδὲ συλᾶν ἱερὰ ἕενικά, μηδ᾽ ἂν
ἐπωνομασμένον ἡ τινι θεῷ κειμήλιον λαμβάνειν.

9039 (11) “Μηδεὶς δ᾽ ἐξ ὑμῶν κλωστὴν ἐξ ἐρίου καὶ
λίνου στολὴν dopeitw τοῖς γὰρ ἱερεῦσι μόνοις
ταύτην ἀποδεδεῖχθαι.

209 (19) “ Συνελθόντος δὲ τοῦ πλήθους εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν

’ὔ > ‘ “ , ? >? ~ e , ~
πόλιν ἐπὶ ταῖς θυσίαις dc ἐτῶν ἑπτά, τῆς σκηνο-
πηγίας ἑορτῆς ἐνστάσης, 6 ἀρχιερεὺς ἐπὶ βήματος
1 edd.: χείρω codd. 2 Dindorf: λάβοι codd.

¢ Josephus, in common with tradition (Sifre 96a, quoted
by Weill), generalizes a rule which in Scripture applies only
to a special case: “if the way be too long for thee...
then shalt thou turn it into money,”’ Deut. xiv. 24 f.

δ To “ the hire of a whore”? Deut. adds “ the wages of a
dog’ (Lxx ἄλλαγμα κυνός), 1.6. of the kadesh or temple
prostitute ; this technical use of ‘‘ dog ”’ is found in inscrip-
tions. ‘In the impure worships of antiquity, it was not
uncommon for the gains of prostitution to be dedicated to
a deity ’’ (Driver). Like Josephus, the Mishnah (see Weill)
takes the word ‘‘ dog” literally, but interprets the phrase

514

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 205-209
sacrifices to be held in the holy city.¢ For it is right
that the produce of that land, which God has enabled
men to win, should be enjoyed to the honour of the
giver.

(9) “ From the hire ofa prostitute let no sacrifiees be
paid ; for the Deity has pleasure in naught that pro-
ceeds from outrage, and no shame could be worse
than the degradation of the body. Likewise, if one
has received payment for the mating of a dog,
whether hound of the chase or guardian of the
flocks.® he must not use thereof to sacrifice to God.

(10) ‘‘ Let none blaspheme the gods which other
cities revere.° nor rob foreign temples, nor take treas-
ure that has been dedicated in the name of any god.4

(11) ‘“‘Let none of you wear raiment woven of
wool and linen; for that is reserved for the priests
alone.é

(12) ‘‘ When the multitude hath assembled in the
holy city for the sacrifices, every seven years at the
season of the feast of ἐπ δος ἴσιο τς let the high

to refer to a proposed exchange of a dog for a pure animal,
such as a lamb, for sacrifice.

“Ex. Le. δ Thou shalt not revile Elohim,’ meaning,
according to Palestinian tradition, “the judges.”’ Here
Josephus follows Alexandrian exegesis: the ixx translated
the plural Llohim by θεούς, and so Philo (Vita Mos. ii. 26,
§ 20s, Meuspecs leg... Ty 803): τι: ταῖς where the
same reason for the Πα τ δε is given as in Philo, viz. the
hallowing of the word * God.”

4 Deut. le. “ The graven images of their gods shall ye
burn with fire: thou shalt not covet the silver or the gold
that is on them, nor take it unto thec ...’ 9 Scripture
emphazises the destruetion of sueh things ; Josephns is
concerned to show that the Jews are not sacrilegious,

“ Reason not given in Scripture: the Mishnah nicrely
cr that the priests wore such garments (Δ αἴγλη ix. 1,

cill).

9

575

Wages that
may not be
expeuded on
sacrifices.
Deut.

xxiii. 18.

Foreign
cults.

Εχ. SXH: 28
(27) υχχ.
Deut. vil. 25.
Forbidden
raiment.

Ib. xxii. 1].

Septennial
reading of
the Laws.
Tbh, xxxi. 10.

2100

2)t

212

213

JOSEPHUS

ὑψηλοῦ σταθείς, ἀφ᾽" οὗ γένοιτ᾽ <av>* ἐξάκουστος,
ἀναγι"ωσκέτω τοὺς νόμους ἅπασι, καὶ μήτε γυνὴ
ae παῖδες εἰργέσθωσαν τοῦ ἀκούειν, ἀλλὰ μηδὲ"

δοῦλοι: καλὸν γὰρ ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐγγραφέντας
καὶ τῇ μνήμῃ φυλαχθῆναι μηδέποτε ἐξαλειφθῆναι
υναμένους. οὕτως γὰρ οὐδὲ" ἁμαρτήσονται μὴ
δυνάμενοι λέγειν ἄγνοιαν τῶν ἐν τοῖς νόμοις
ΟΕ ΠΤ ων, οἵ τε νόμοι πολλὴν πρὸς ἁμαρτάνοντας
ἕξουσι παρρησίαν, ὡς προλεγόντων αὐτοῖς ἃ πεί-
σονται καὶ ταῖς ψυχαῖς ἐγγραψάντων διὰ τῆς
ἀκοῆς ἃ κελεύουσιν, ὥστ᾽ εἶναι διὰ παντὸς ἔνδον
αὐτοῖς τὴν προαίρεσιν αὐτῶν, ἧς ὀλιγωρήσαντες
ἠδίκησαν καὶ τῆς ζημίας αὑτοῖς αἴτιοι γεγόνασι.
μανθανέτωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ παῖδες πρῶτον τοὺς
νόμους, μάθημα κάλλιστον καὶ τῆς εὐδαιμονίας
αἴτιον".

(13) “Δὶς δ᾽ ἑκάστης ἡμέρας ἀρχομένης τε αὐτῆς
καὶ ὁπότε πρὸς ὕπνον ὥρα τρέπεσθαι μαρτυρεῖν
τῷ θεῷ τὰς δωρεάς, ἃς ἀπαλλαγεῖσιν αὐτοῖς ἐκ
τῆς Δίἰγυπτίων γῆς παρέσχε, δικαίας οὔσης φύσει
τῆς εὐχαριστίας καὶ γενομένης ἐπ᾽ ἀμοιβὴ μὲν
τῶν ἤδη γεγονότων ἐπὶ δὲ προτροπῇ τῶν ἐσομένων"
ἐπιγράφειν δὲ καὶ τοῖς θυρώμασιν αὐτῶν τὰ

tex Lat. (unde) Niese: ἐφ᾽ codd.

* ins. Niese: γένοιτο codd.
3 edd.: μήτε codd. 4 οὐδὲν RO.

° The reader is not clearly defined in Scripture: Deut.
xxxi. {1 (after mention of priests and elders) “ἢ thon shalt
read,’ Lxx “ ye shall read,’ Samaritan Pent. (G. A. Smith in
loc.) he“ or“ one shall read." The Mishnah, Sotah vii. 8,
states that it was customary to read a selection of passages
from Deut., and that the reader on one occasion was king
Agrippa (whether Agrippa 1. or 1}. does not appear). On the

576

JEWISH ANTIQOITIES, IV. 209-213

priest,? standing upon a raised platform from which
he may be heard, recite the laws } to the whole
assembly ; and let neither woman nor child be
exeluded trom this audience, nay nor yet the slaves.
For it is good that these laws should be so graven on
their hearts and stored in the memory that they can
never be effaced. Thus will they be kept from sin,
being unable to plead ignorance of what the laws
enact; while the laws will speak with great authority
to sinners, in that they forewarn them what they will
have to suffer and will have so graven on their hearts
through the hearing that w hieh they command, that
they Tell for ever carry within their breasts the
principles of the code: whieh if they disdain they
are guilty, and will have brought their penalty upon
fhenicele es; Let your children also begin by learn-
ing the laws, most beautitul of lessons ‘and a source
of “felicity.¢

(13) “ Twiee each day,? at the dawn thereof and
when the hour comes for turning to repose, let all
acknowledge before God the bounties which He has
bestowed on them through their deliverance from the
land of Egypt: thanksgiving is a natural duty, and
is rendered alike in gratitude for past mercies and
to ineline the giver to others yet te come. They shall
inseribe also on their doors the greatest of the

apparent inconsistency between Josephus and the Mishnah
as to the reader, and the various explanations offered, reference
must be made to ΔΙ. Weill’s note.

δ Deut. “this law”; the Mishnah specifies passages
drawn from eleven chapters of that book.

NGL lps ile 2OF,

¢ Not specified in Scripture ; tradition attributed to Moses
an ordinance to pray thrice daily, including a midday prayer,
Moore, Judaism, ii, 218, 220.

574

Deut. xf. 14

Daily
Drayers ;
symbols
on house
and person.

ΤΟΝ ῖς
X18 22.

JOSEPHUS

μέγιστα ὧν εὐεργέτησεν αὐτοὺς ὁ θεὸς ἔν τε
βραχίοσιν ἕκαστον διαφαίνειν, ὅσα τε τὴν ἰσχὺν
ἀποσημαίνειν δύναται τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὴν πρὸς
αὐτοὺς εὔνοιαν φέρειν ἐγγεγραμμένα ἐπὶ τῆς
κεφαλῆς καὶ τοῦ βραχίονος, ὡς περίβλεπτον
πανταχόθεν τὸ περὶ αὐτοὺς πρόθυμον τοῦ θεοῦ.
212 (14 “ ᾿Αρχέτωσαν δὲ καθ᾽ ἑκάστην πόλιν ἀνὸρες
ἑπτὰ οἱ καὶ τὴν ἀρετὴν καὶ τὴν περὶ τὸ δίκαιον
σπουδὴν προησκηκότες: ἑκάστῃ δὲ ἀρχῇ δύο
ἄνδρες ὑπηρέται διδόσθωσαν ἐκ τῆς τῶν Λευιτῶν
215 φυλῆς. ἔστωσαν δὲ καὶ οἱ δικάζειν λαχόντες ταῖς
πόλεσιν ἐν ἁπάσῃ τιμῇ, ὡς μήτε βλασφημεῖν
ἐκείνων παρόντων μήτε θρασύνεσθαί τισιν ἐξεῖναι,
τῆς πρὸς τοὺς ἐν ἀξιώματι τῶν ἀνθρώπων αἰδοῦς
αὐτῶν εὐλαβεστέρους, ὥστε τοῦ θεοῦ μὴ κατα-
216 φρονεῖν, ἀπεργαζομένης. οἱ δὲ δικασταὶ ἀπο-
φήνασθαι κύριοι περὶ τοῦ δόξαντος αὐτοῖς ἔστωσαν,
πλὴν εἰ μὴ τι χρήματα λαβόντας τις αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ
διαφθορᾷ τοῦ δικαίου ἐνδείξαιτ᾽' 7) ἄλλην τινὰ
αἰτίαν προφέροι, καθ᾽ ἣν οὐ καλῶς ἐλέγχει αὐτοὺς
ἀποφηναμένους: οὔτε γὰρ κέρδει χαριζομένους
οὔτ᾽ ἀξιώματι προσῆκε φανερὰς ποιεῖσθαι τὰς

1 Dindorf: ἐνδείξηται (-εται) codd.

¢ Or “and they shall display each (of them) on their
arms’; the double mention of the arm, here and below,
suggests a glossed text.

> Mezuzah (“ door-post *’) was the name given to a small
metal cylinder enclosing a parchment, inscribed with Deut.
vi. 4-9 and xi. 13-21, and affixed to the right-hand door-post
of Jewish houses; fephillin, the N.T. ‘ phylacteries ”
(φυλακτήρια), were scrolls similarly inscribed, enclosed in

578

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 213-216

benefits which they have received from God and
each shall display them on his arms; and all that
can show forth the power of God and His goodwill
towards them, let them bear a record thereof written
on the head and on the arm, so that men may see
on every side the loving care with which God sur-
rounds them.?

(14) “As rulers let each city have seven men long
exercised in virtue and in the pursuit of justice ; and
to each magistracy let there be assigned two subordi-
nate officers of the tribe of Levi.c Let those to whom
it shall fall to administer justice in the cities be held
in all honour, none being permitted to be abusive or
insolent in their presence ; for a respect for human
dignitaries will make men too reverential to be ever
contemptuous of God. Let the judges have power
to pronounce what sentence they think fit, always
provided that no one denounce them for having
received a bribe to pervert Justice or bring forw ard
some other charge to convict them of not having
pronounced ariglit : : ‘for they miust be influenced
neither by tucre nor by rank in declaring judgement,

cases, and bound on the forehead and left arm at certain
hours of prayer.

¢ Deut. says merely ‘‘ Judges and officers shalt thou make
thee in all thy gates,” specifying no numbers. In mentioning
civic bodies of scven magistrates and two assistants Josephus is
attributing to Moses the practice with which he was familar :
how much older it may have been is uncertain. He himself
instituted in Galilee “ seven individuals in each city to adjudi-
cate upon petty disputes δ (BJ. ii. S71), perhaps, as Schiirer
thinks, merely enforcing an older custom. The Talmud
has one reference to “ the seven leading men of the town”
(.Megillah 20a): Josephus mentions * the seven judges ”
ayvain in ὃ 951. Of the two assistants we hear nowhere else,
but cf. Deut. xxi. 5 for Levites acting in such a capacity.

979

Administra-
tion of
justice.
Deut.

xvi. 18.

JOSEPHUS

κρίσεις, ἀλλὰ TO δίκαιον ἐπάνω πάντων τιθεμένους.

917 ὁ γὰρ θεὸς ἂν οὕτως δόξειε καταφρονεῖσθαι καὶ
ἀσθενέστερος ἐκείνων οἷς ἂν τις κατὰ φόβον
ἰσχύος προσνέμοι τὴν ψῆφον κεκρίσθαι: τοῦ θεοῦ
γὰρ ἰσχύς ἐστι τὸ δίκαιον. ὃ Tots" ἐν ἀξιώματι
τυγχάνουσι καταχαριζόμευός τις ἐκείνους τοῦ θεοῦ

218 δυνατωτέρους ποιεῖ. ἂν δ᾽ οἱ δικασταὶ μὴ νοῶσι
περὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς" παρατεταγμένων ἀποφήνασθαι,
συμβαίνει δὲ πολλὰ τοιαῦτα τοῖς ἀνθρώποις,
ἀκέραιον" ἀναπεμπέτωσαν Τὴν δίκην εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν
πόλιν, καὶ συνελθόντες ὃ τε ἀρχιερεὺς καὶ ὁ
apoonris καὶ ἡ γερουσία τὸ δοκοῦν ἀποῴφαινέ-
σθωσαν.

219. (1 5) “ Eis δὲ μὴ πιστευέσθω μάρτυς, ἀλλὰ τρεῖς
ἢ τὸ τελευταῖον δύο, ὧν τὴν μαρτυρίαν ἀληθῆ
ποιήσει τὰ προβεβιωμένα. γυναικῶν δὲ μὴ ἔστω
μαρτυρία διὰ κουφότητα καὶ θράσος τοῦ γένους
αὐτῶν: μαρτυρείτωσαν δὲ μηδέ" δοῦλοι διὰ τὴν
τῆς ψυχῆς ἀγένειαν, οὗς 7) διὰ κέρδος εἰκὸς ἢ διὰ
φόβον μὴ τἀληθῆ μαρτυρῆσαι. ἂν δέ τις ψευδο-
μαρτυρήσας πιστευθῇ, πασχέτω ταῦτ᾽ ἐλεγχθεὶς
ὅσα ὁ καταμαρτυρηθεὶς πάσχειν ἔμελλεν.

220 { 6) “ “Av δὲ πραχθέντος φόνου ἔν τινι χώρᾳ μὴ
εὑρίσκηται ὁ δράσας μηδ᾽" ὑπονοῆταί τις ὡς διὰ
μῖσος ἀπεκτονηκώς, ζητείτωσαν μὲν αὐτὸν μετὰ
πολλῆς σπουδῆς μήνυτρα προθέμενοι" μηδενὸς δὲ
μηνύοντος αἱ ἀρχαὶ τῶν πόλεων τῶν πλησίον τῇ
χώρᾳ, ἐν ἡ ὁ φόνος ἐπράχθη, καὶ ἡ γερουσία

1 ὃ τοῖς RO: τοῖς οὖν rel). 2 αὐτοὺς ΒΟ.
3 om. KO, 4 Dindorf: μήτε (μήθ᾽) codd.

¢ Deut. xvii. 9 names as the high court “ the priests (of
the tribe of Levi) and the judge that shal! be in those days.”’

580

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 216-220

but must set justice above all. Else God would
appear to be eontemned and accounted weaker than
thase to whom, from fear of their strength, the
judge accords his vote. Vor God's strength is Justice ;
and one who gives this away out of favour to persons
of rank makes them more powerful than God. But
if the judges see not how to pronounee upon the
matters set before them—and with men such things
oft befall—let them send up the case entire to the
holy city and let the high priest and the prophet and
the couneil of elders* meet and pronounce as they
think fit.

(15) * Put not trust in a single witness, but let there
be three or at the least two, whose evidence shall be
accredited by their past lives. From women let
no evidence be accepted,’ because of the levity and
temerity of their sex ; neither let slaves bear witness ὃ
beeause of the baseness of their soul, since whether
from cupidity or fear it is like that they will not
attest the truth. If anyone be believed to have borne
false witness, let hin on conviction suffer the penalty
which would have been incurred by him against
whom he hath borne witness.

(16) “If a murder hath been done in any plaee
and the doer thereof be not found nor is anyone
suspected of having killed the victim from hatred,
let them make diligent seareh for the culprit, offering
rewards for πα δὴ ee Dut oil 0 Pr OENIeE
appear, let the magistrates at the towns adjacent to
the spot where the murder was done, along with the

κι

‘The ‘senate’ in Josephus recalls the Sanhedrin of later
days: ef. the provincial council of seventy set up by himself
in Galilee for the trial of major cases, δώ, it. 570 f.
" "Praditional ruling : not in Seripture.
¢ Detail not in Seripture.
581

Deut.
xvi. 8.

Witnesses.
Tb. 6,
τίν. 15,

1b, 16 ff.

The
undetected
nvirderer.
1b. Xx1. 1.

JOSEPHUS

? 4 > Ἁ ~ / μὲ
συνελθόντες μετρειτῶσαν ATO TOV Τοποὺυ O7TOU

99 -“ ¢ \ A 7, ἉΔ δ᾽ nw εν λ ΄
221 κειται O νέκρος τὴν χῶραν. ἢ ὁ ἂν ἢ πληῃσιαιτάτῃ

πόλις, οἱ ἐν αὐτῇ δημόσιοι πριάμενοι δάμαλιν καὶ
κομίσαντες εἰς φάραγγα καὶ ἀνεπιτήδειον ἀρότῳ'
καὶ φυτοῖς χωρίον τοὺς τένοντας ᾿κοψάτωσαν τῆς

222 Boos, καὶ χέρνιβας ἑλόμενοι ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς τῆς

223

Boos ot ἱερεῖς καὶ οἱ Λευῖται καὶ ἡ γερουσία τῆς
πόλεως ἐκείνης καθαρὰς ἀναβοησάτωσαν τὰς χεῖ-
ρας ἔχειν ἀπὸ τοῦ φόνου καὶ μήτε ὃρᾶσαι μήτε
δρωμένῳ παρατυχεῖν, ἐπικαλεῖσθαι δὲ ἵλεω τὸν
θεὸν καὶ μηκέτι τοιοῦτον δεινὸν συμβῆναι τῇ γῇ
πάθος.

(17) 7 ᾿Αριστοκρατία μὲν οὖν κράτιστον καὶ ὁ
κατ᾽ αὐτὴν βίος, καὶ μὴ λάβῃ: πόθος ὑμᾶς ἄλλης
πολιτείας, ἀλλὰ ταύτην στέργοιτε καὶ τοὺς νόμους
ἔχοντες δεσπότας κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἕκαστα eae
ἀρκεῖ γὰρ ὁ θεὸς ἡγεμὼν εἶναι. βασιλέως δ᾽
γένοιτο ἔρως ὑμῖν, ἔστω μὲν οὗτος Sudgutos,
πρόνοια δ᾽ αὐτῷ δικαιοσύνης καὶ τῆς ἀλλὴης
ἀρετῆς διὰ παντὸς ἔστω. παραχωροίη δὲ οὗτος
τοῖς μὲν νόμοις καὶ τῷ θεῷ τὰ πλείονα τοῦ φρονεῖν,
πρασσέτω δὲ μηδὲν δίχα τοῦ ἀρχιερέως καὶ τῆς
τῶν γερουσιαστῶν γνώμης, γάμοις τε μὴ πολλοῖς
χρώμενος μηδὲ πλῆθος διώκων χρημάτων μηδ᾽
ἵππων, ὧν αὐτῷ παραγενομένων ὑπερήφανος ἂν
τῶν νόμων ἔσοιτο. κωλυέσθω δ᾽, εἰ τούτων τι

1 Niese: ἀρότρῳ codd. 2 λάβοι ROM.

* Deut. “a valley with (ever) running water.”

> The text seems sound; M. Weill would alter it, render-
ing “‘ Qu’il confie aux lois et a Dieu les desseins les plus
importants.”

582

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 220-224

council of elders, assemble and measure the ground
from the place where the body lics. And “which-
ever town is the nearest, let the public officers
thereof purchase a heifer and, conducting it to a
ravine, ® to a spot unfitted for ploughing or planta-
tion, let them cut the sinews of the creature’s neck ;
then, after washing their hands in holy water over
the head of the animal, let the priests, the Levites,
and the council of that city proclaim that their
hands are pure of this murder, that they neither did
it nor saw it done, and that they implore God to
be gracious and that so dire a calamity may no more
befall the land.

(17) ““ Aristoeraey, with the life that is lived there-
under, is indeed the best: let no craving possess
you for another polity, but be eontent with this,
having the laws for your masters and governing
all your actions by them; for God sufhceth for
your ruler. But should ye become enamoured of a
king, let him be of your own race and let him have
a perpetual care for justice and virtue in every other
form. Let him eoneede to the laws and to God the
possession of superior wisdom,’ and let him do
nothing without the high priest and the eounsel of
his senators let ee not indulge in many wives
nor in the pursuit of abundance of riches or of horses,
through the attainment of which things he might
ὙΦ disdainful of the laws. ΘΙ ἢ he set sie
heart on any of these things, let him be restrained

¢ M. Weill quotes the Talmud (Sanhedrin 20b), to the
effect that the king must consult his tribunal of seventy-one
members before engaging in an ὁ optional’ or “ἢ aggressive ἡ
war (ie. with others than the Amalekites or the nations of
Canaan).

583

Law of
the king.

Deut.
XVil. 14.

to

t
eT

226

ts

JOSEPHUS

διὰ σπουδῆς ἔχοι, γίγνεσθαι τοῦ συμφέροντος
ὑμῖν δυνατώτερος.

(18) “““Ὅρους γῆς μὴ ἐξέστω κινεῖν μήτε οἰκείας
μήτ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας πρὸς οὕς ἐστιν ὑμῖν εἰρήνη,
φυλαττέσθω δ᾽ ὥσπερ θεοῦ ψῆφον βεβαίαν' εἰς
αἰῶνα κειμένην ἀναιρεῖν, ὡς πολέμων ἐντεῦθεν
καὶ στάσεων γι ομένων ἐκ τοῦ πλεονεκτοῦντας
προσωτέρω χωρεῖν βούλεσθαι τῶν ὅρων' μὴ γὰρ
μακρὰν εἶναι τοῦ καὶ τοὺς νόμους ὑπερβαίνειν τοὺς
τὸν ὅρον μετακινοῦντας.

(19) “ PHv Ὁ φυτεύσας, πρὸ ἐτῶν τεσσάρων ἂν
καρπὸν προβάλῃ τὰ φυτά, μήτε τῷ θεῷ ἀπαρχὰς
ἐντεῦθεν ἀποφερέτω μήτ᾽ αὐτὸς χρήσθω-" οὐ γὰρ
κατὰ καιρὸν τοῦτον ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν ἐνεχθῆναι, βιασα-
μένης δὲ τῆς φύσεως ἀώρως μήτε τῷ θεῷ ἁρμόζειν
[nT αὐτῷ τῷ δεσπότῃ χρῆσθαι. τῷ δὲ τετάρτῳ
τρυγάτω πᾶν τὸ γενόμενον, τότε γὰρ ὥριον εἶναι,
καὶ συναγαγὼν εἰς τὴν ἱερὰν πόλιν κομιζέτω, καὶ
σὺν τῇ δεκάτῃ τοῦ ἄλλου καρποῦ μετὰ τῶν φίλων
εὐωχούμενος ἀναλισκέτω καὶ μετ᾽ ὀρφανῶν καὶ
χηρευουσῶν γυναικῶν. πέμπτου δὲ ἔτους κύριος
ἔστω τὰ φυτὰ καρποῦσθαι.

(20) “ Tap ἀμπέλοις κατάφυτον. γῆν μὴ σπείρειν"
ἀρκεῖσθαι γὰρ αὐτὴν τρέφειν τοῦτο τὸ φυτὸν καὶ
τῶν ἐξ ἃ ἀρότρου πόνων ἀπηλλάχθαι. βουσὶν ἀροῦν
τὴν γῆι, καὶ μηδὲν τῶν ἑτέρων ζῴων σὺν αὐτοῖς"

1 RO: βέβαιον rell. 2 RO: ἀρκεῖ rel).

3 σὺν αὐτοῖς om. RO.

* Literally “God's pebble’: the ψῆφος was the pebble
used in voting, to which the boundary-stone is here compared
as recording God's decision.

O84

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 224--228

from becoming more powerful than is expedient for
your welfare.

(18) ** Let it not be permitted to displace boundary-

Non-

marks, whether of your own land or of the land of moval!

others with whom ye are at peace; beware of

uprooting as it were a stone by God's decree *
laid firm for eternity. For thence come wars and
seditions, even from that desire of the covetous
to overstep their boundaries. In truth, they are
not far from transgressing the laws to boot who
displace a boundary.

landmarks.
Deut.
xix. 14
CeRveNs 17).

(19) “ When a inan planteth a piece of land, if pruits

the plants produce fruit before the fourth year,
let him neither cull thereof first-fruits for God nor
enjoy it himself; for this fruit has not been borne
by them in season,’ and what nature has forced
untimely is befitting neither for God nor for the
use of the owner himself.¢ But in the fourth year
let him reap all the produce, for then is it season-
able, and having gathered it in let him take it to
the holy city and there expend it, along with the
tithe of his other fruits, in feasting with his friends,
as also with orphans and widows.? In the fifth
year he shall be at liberty to enjoy the fruits ot his
planting.

(20) ** Land that is planted with vines is not to
be sown ; for it sufficeth that it rear this plant and
be exempt from the labonrs of the plongh. Use
oxen to plough the ground and put no other aniinal

> I take τοῦτον to refer to καρπόν, not (as other trans-
lators) with κατὰ καιρόν.

¢ Motive not given in Scripture.

4 Traditional practice: Lev. merely states that the fruit

of the fourth year “ἢ shall be holy, for giving praise unto the
Lord.”

585

of the
fourth year.
Ley, xix. 23.

P: ohibition
of unnatural
“mixing.”
[pent.

xi OTs ¢
lev.

xix. 19,

JOSEPHUS

ὑπὸ ζεύγλην ἄγοντας, ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ οἰκεῖα γένη
κἀκείνοις ποιεῖσθαι τὸν ἀροτον.ἷ εἶναι δὲ καθαρὰ
τὰ σπέρματα καὶ ἀνεπίμικτα, καὶ μὴ σύνδυο καὶ
τρία σπείρειν᾽ οὐ γὰρ τῇ τῶν ἀνομοίων. κοινωνίᾳ

229 χαίρειν τὴν φύσιν. μηδὲ κτήνεσιν ἐπάγειν ὅσα

μὴ συγγενῆ" δέος γὰρ ἐκ τούτου μὴ διαβῇ καὶ
μέχρι τῶν ἀνθρωπείων ἡ πρὸς τὸ ὁμόφυλ ον
ἀτιμία τὴν ἀρχὴν ἀπὸ τῶν περὶ τὰ μικρὰ καὶ τὰ

230 φαῦλα πρότερον λαβοῦσα. δεῖ δὲ μηδὲν εἶναι

231

τοιοῦτον συγκεχωρημένον, ἐξ οὗ κατὰ μίμησιν
παρατροπή τις τῶν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν ἔσοιτο,
ἀλλ᾽ ὡς οὐδὲ περὶ τῶν τυχόντων Τἀμελήσεται"
τοῖς νόμοις εἰδόσι προνοεῖσθαι τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς
ἀμέμπτου.

(91) ““᾿Αμῶντας δὲ καὶ συναιροῦντας τὰ θέρη μὴ
καλαμᾶσθαι, καταλιπεῖν δέ τινα καὶ τῶν pay
μάτων Tots βίου σπανίζουσιν ἕρμαιον εἶναι" πρὸς
διατροφήν" ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ Τῆς τρύγης ἀπολιπεῖν
τὰς ἐπιφυλλίδας τοῖς πένησι καὶ τῶν ἐλαιώνων'
παρεῖναί τι τοῦ καρποῦ πρὸς συλλογὴν τοῖς ἐξ
ἰδίων οὐκ ἔχουσι μεταλαβεῖν" οὐ τοσαύτη γὰρ ἂν
ἐκ τῆς ἐπ᾽ ἀκριβὲς αὐτῶν συλλογῆς εὐπορία τοῖς
δεσπόταις γένοιτο, ὅση χάρις ἐκ τῶν δεομένων
ἔλθοι, τὸ τε θεῖον τὴν γῆν προθυμοτέραν εἰς τὴν
ἐκτροφὴν τῶν καρπῶν ἀπεργάσεται μὴ τοῦ καθ᾽
αὑτοὺς προνοουμένων «μόνον »)5 λυσιτελοῦς, ἀλλὰ
καὶ τῆς τῶν ἄλλων διατροφῆς λόγον ἐχόντων.

1 edd.: ἅροτρον codd.
3 conj.: ἀμελεῖται, ἀμεληταὶ (sic), or ἠμέληται codd.,
3 +xai εὕρεμα ROM: - τούτοις rell.
4 ROM: ἐλαιῶν rell,
δ ΠΝ Lat, Niese:

586

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 228-232

with them beneath the yoke; nay, these too should
be paired according to their own kinds for the labours
of the field.¢ Let your seeds too be pure and
without mixture, and sow not two or three kinds
together; for nature delighteth not in the con-
junction of things dissimilar. Neither shall ye
mate beasts that are not of kindred nature; for
it is to be feared that from this custom a disregard
for the law of the breed may pass over even into the
practices of humanity, having owed its origin to
the treatment of petty and insignificant objects.
Nothing, in short, must be permitted that is calcu-
lated to lead, through imitation, to some perversion
of the principles of the constitution; nay, a2
trivial matters must not be neglected by the laws,?
which should know how to guard themselves against
all reproach.

(21) “When reaping and gathering in the crops
ve shall not glean, but shall even leave some of the
sheaves° for the destitute, to eome as a godsend
for their sustenance ; likewise at the vintage leave
the little bunehes for the poor, and pass over some-
what of the fruit of the olive-yards to be gathered
by those who have none of their own whereof to
partake. For that minute care in garnering will
not bring the owners wealth so great as the σταῖς
tude which would so come to them from the needy :
the Deity, too, will render the earth more eager
to foster its fruits for those who look not only to
their own interests but also have regard to the

¢ Additional detail, not in Scripture.

" Text doubtful. The construction de... ὡς with fut.
ind. has the support of Sophocles (dec σ᾽ ὅπως δείξεις), whose

style was imitated by the assistant of Josephus.
er hand hulss-

537

Rights of
the poor:
the beasts
and the
wayfarers
to share in
the harvest.
Deut.
xxiv. 193
Lev.

XIX. U.

233

23-4

235

236

237

=~.

238

JOSEPHUS

μηδὲ βοῶν ὁπότε τρίβοιεν τοὺς στάχυας ἀποδεῖι
τὰ στόματα ἐπὶ THS aAwos: ov yap εἶναι δίκαιον
εἴργειν τοὺς συνειργασμένους τοῦ καρποῦ καὶ περὶ
τὴν γένεσιν αὐτοῦ πονήσαντας. μηδὲ ὀπώρας
ἀκμαζούσης κωλύειν ἅπτεσθαι τοὺς ὁδῷ βαδί-
ἵἕοντας, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐξ οἰκείων αὐτοῖς ἐπιτρέπειν
ἐμπίπλασθαι, κἂν ἐγχώριοι τυγχάνωσι κἂν ξένοι,
χαίροντας ἐπὶ τῷ παρέχειν αὐτοῖς τῶν ὡραίων
μεταλαμβάνειν’ ἀποφέρεοθαι' δ᾽ αὐτοῖς μηδὲν
ἐξέστω. μηδὲ τρυγῶντες ὧν ἂν εἰς τὰς ληνοὺς
κομίζωσιν εἰργέτωσαν τοὺς ὑπαντιάζοντας ἐπ-
ἐσθίειν" ἄδικον γὰρ ἀγαθῶν, ἃ κατὰ “βούλησιν θεοῦ
παρῆλθεν εἰς τὸν βίον, φθονεῖν τοῖς ἐπιθυμοῦσιν
αὐτῶν μεταλαμβάνειν, τῆς ὥρας ἐν ἀκμῇ τε οὔσης
καὶ σπευδούσης ἀπελθεῖν" ὡς τῷ θεῷ κεχαρισμένον
ἂν εἴη, κἂν ὑπ᾽ αἰσχύνης τινὰς ὀκνοῦντας ἅψασθαι
λαβεῖν παρακαλοῖεν,, ὄντας μὲν ᾿Ισραηλίτας ὡς
κοινωνοὺς καὶ δεσπότας διὰ τὴν συγγένειαν,
ΠΩ ΝᾺ δ᾽ ἀλλαχόθεν ἀνθρώπους ξενίων τυχεῖν
ἀξιοῦντας ὧν ὁ θεὸς καθ᾽ ὥραν αὐτοῖς παρέσχεν.
ἀναλώματα γὰρ οὐχ ἡγητέον ὅσα τις κατὰ χρη-
στότητα παρίησιν ἀνθρώποις λαμβάνειν, τοῦ θεοῦ
τὴν ἀφθονίαν τῶν ἀγαθῶν χορηγοῦντος οὐκ ἐπὶ τῷ
καρποῦσθαι μόνοις, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῷ τοῖς ἀλλοις μετα-
διδόναι φιλοτίμως, κα i βουλομένου" τῷ τρόπῳ
τούτῳ τὴν ἰδίαν περὶ ἐπ ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν λαὸν εὔνοιαν
καὶ τὴν χορηγίαν τῆς εὐδαιμονίας καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις
ἐμφανίζεσθαι, ἐκ πολλοῦ τοῦ περιόντος αὐτοῖς
κἀκείνοις μεταδιδόντων. ὁ δὲ παρὰ ταῦτα ποιήσας
1 SP: ἐπιφέρεσθαι rell.
2 Dindourf: παρακαλῶεν codd.: -καλῶσιν Niese,
3. Led. pr.: βουλόμενος rell.

588

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 233-238

support of others. Neither muzzle ye the oxen
when they crush the ears of corn on the thresh-
ing-floor ; for it is not Just to exclude from the fruit
your fellow-labourers who have toiled to produce it.
Nor yet, when autumn fruits are at their prime,
must ye forbid wayfarers to touch them, but let
them take their fill, as if they were their own, be
they natives or strangers, rejoicing at thus affording
them a share in the fruits of the season; but let
it not be permitted to them to carry any of them
away. Neither let the vintagers hinder such as
they meet from eating of that which they are
earrying to the wine-vats; for it were unjust to
grudge the good things which by God’s will have
eome into the world to such as long for a share in
them, when the season is at its prime and so swiftly
to pass. Nay, it would be acceptable to God that
one should even invite to take thereof any who,
through modesty, should hesitate to touch them
—be they Israelites, as partners and owners, in
virtue of their kinship, be they come from another
country, entreating them to aceept, as guests, of
these gifts which God has granted them in season.
For one must not account as expenditure that which
out of liberality one lets men take; since God
bestows this abundanee of good things not for our
enjoyment alone, but that we may also share them
generously with others, and He is desirous that
by these means the special favour that He bears
to the people of Israel and the bounty of His gifts
may be manifested to others also, when out δὲ τὰ
that superabundance of ours they too receive their
share from us. But let him who aets contrary to

VOL. 1V υ 580

ἜΝ
ΧΧ 4.

10. Xie 2

5.

9

Ω

9

ho

39

40

4)

JOSEPHUS

πληγὰς μιᾷ λειπούσας τεσσαράκοντα τῷ δημοσίῳ
σκύτει λαβὼν τιμωρίαν ταύτην αἰσχίστην ἐλεύ-
θερ ος ὑπομενέτω, ὅτι τῷ κέρδει δουλεύσας ὕβρισε
τὸ ee καλῶς γὰρ ὑμῖν. ἔχει πεπειραμένοις ἐν
Αἰγύπτῳ συμφορῶν καὶ κατὰ τὴν ἐρημίαν πρόνοιαν
τῶν ἐν τοῖς ὁμοίοις ὑπαρχόντων ποιεῖσθαι, καὶ
τυχόντας εὐπορίας ἐξ ἐλέου καὶ προνοίας τοῦ θεοῦ
τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἐξ ὁμοίου πάθους ἀπομερίζειν
τοῖς δεομένοις.

(22) “Ταῖς δὲ δεκάταις ταῖς δυσίν, ἃς ἔτους
ἑκάστου προεῖπον τελεῖν, τὴν μὲν τοῖς “Λευίταις,
τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέραν “πρὸς τὰς εὐωχίας, τρίτην πρὸς
αὐταῖς κατὰ τὸ ἔτος" τρίτον συμφέρειν εἰς δια-
νέμησιν τῶν σπανιζόντων γυναιξί τε χήραις καὶ
παισὶν ὀρφανοῖς" τῶν δ᾽ ὡραίων ὅ τι καὶ πρῶτον
ἑκάστῳ τύχῃ γενόμενον εἰς τὸ ἱερὸν κομιζέτωσαν,
καὶ τὸν θεὸν ὑπὲρ τῆς ἐνεγκαμένης αὐτὸ γῆς ἣν
αὐτοῖς κτήσασθαι παρέσχεν εὐλογήσαντες, θυσίας
ἃς ὁ νόμος αὐτοῖς ἐπιφέρειν κελεύει ἐπιτελέσαντες
τούτων τὰ προτέλεια τοῖς ἱερεῦσι διδότωσαν.
ἐπειδὰν δὲ ταῦτά τις ποιήσας καὶ πάντων τὰς
δεκάτας ἅμα ταῖς εἰς τοὺς Λευίτας καὶ τὰς εὐωχίας"
ἀπενηνοχὼς ἀπιέναι μέλλῃ πρὸς αὑτὸν οἴκαδε,
στὰς ἀντικρὺ τοῦ τεμενίσματος εὐχαριστησάτω

1 κατ᾽ ἔτος Dindorf. 8. “ταῖς ἀπαρχαῖς MSPL.

@ As Reinach remarks, the verses in Deut. about scourging,
though interposed between the precepts with which Josephus
has been dealing, are really of much more general applica-
tion. Throughout this paragraph Josephus is concerned to
extol Jewish charity in the eyes of pagan readers; but it
was indeed a thing of which he might justly be proud (see
the excellent chapter in G. F. Moore, Judaism, ii. p. 162).

δ The forty stripes allowed by the Law were by tradition

590

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 238-242

these precepts? receive forty stripes save one?
from the public lash, undergoing, free man as he is,
this most disgraceful penalty, because through
slavery to lucre he has outraged his dignity. For
it beseems you, after your experience of aflictions
in Egypt and in the desert, to take thought for those
who are in like case, and, after receiving such store
of blessings through the merey and providence of
God, of that same store and from kindred feelings
to impart to those in need.

(22) “In addition to the two tithes which I have
already directed you* to pay each year, the one
for the Levites and the other for the banquets.
ye should devote a third? every third year to the
distribution of such things as are lacking to widowed
women and orphan children. The very first of the
ripe fruits which shall fall to each man’s lot are
to be brought to the temple, where, after blessing
God for the land which has borne them and which
He has enabled them to win, and after performing
the sacrifices which the law commands them to
offer, let them present the first-fruits thereof to the
priests. And when any man, after having done all
this and having offered tithes of all, along with
those ὁ for the Levites and for the banquets, is
about to depart to his own home, let him stand
right opposite the sacred precincts and render
reduced to thirty-nine, doubtless for fear of a miscount,
Makkoth 11. 10 {{ 3 Be 2 Cor; xi. 24, “ ξξ 65, 900,

2 his: Ὁ third’ ΛΠ poor ἢ tithe was, according to one
tradition, not an ἘΎπες tithe. as Josephus ante rprets it,
but only a particular use to which the δ second "' or ‘ festival”
tithe was put every third year (see Weill's eh The two
conflieting Greek texts of Tobit i. 6 ff. illustrate the current
variety of interpretation ; Josephus does not stand alone.

“ Text a little nncertain.

391

Penalty of
SCOUrZIN.
Deut.

ταν. 83.

Triennial
tithe for
widows
and
orplians.
Ib. xiv. 28,
Χατῖ 19.

Ceremony
after
olferiug
tithes.

(". tb;

xxvi. 3 ἢ.

248

244

240

240

JOSEPHUS

4 ~ ~ e¢ ~ > > > ’ 3 A th

μὲν τῷ θεῷ, ὅτι τῆς ἀπ᾿ Αἰγυπτίων αὐτοὺς ὕβρεως
> ? ~ > - > Α \ % »
ἀπαλλάξας γῆν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολλὴν ἔδωκε
καρποῦσθαι, μαρτυράμενος δὲ ὡς τάς τε δεκάτας"
κατὰ τοὺς Mwuaéos τελέσειε νόμους αἰτησάσθω
τὸν θεὸν εὐμενῆ καὶ ἵλεων αὐτῷ διὰ παντὸς εἶναι
\ ~ ~ « U f 7

καὶ κοινῇ πᾶσιν “EBpatows διαμένειν, φυλάττοντα

4 Δ ,ὔ 3 “- 3 θὰ a 2 4
μὲν ἃ δέδωκεν αὐτοῖς ἀγαθὰ προσκτήσασθαι" δὲ
ὅσα δύναται χαρίζεσθαι.

a , ‘ 3 σ ta a
(23) ““Γαμείτωναν δὲ ἐν ὥρᾳ γάμου γενόμενοι
7 2 , / > ~ e A A 7
παρθένους ἐλευθέρας γονέων ἀγαθῶν, ὁ δὲ μὴ μέλ-
Α -.
λων ἄγεσθαι παρθένον μὴ ζευγνύσθω συνοικοῦσαν
~ \ ~
ἄλλῳ νοθεύσας μηδὲ λυπῶν" τὸν πρότερον αὐτῆς
» rf A \ ~ ~ > 4
avdpa’ δούλας δὲ μὴ γαμεῖσθαι τοῖς ἐλευθέροις,
᾽ ~
μηδ᾽ av ὑπ᾽ ἔρωτος πρὸς τοῦτό τινες ἐκβιάζωνται,
-" A ~ ᾽ A am
κρατεῖν δὲ τῆς ἐπιθυμίας 70 εὐπρεπὲς καὶ τοῖς
ἀξιώμασι πρόσφορον" ert’ μηδὲ ἡταιρημένης εἶναι
γάμον, ἧς δι᾿ ὕβριν τοῦ σώματος τὰς ἐπὶ τῷ γάμῳ
θυσίας ὁ θεὸς οὐκ ἂν προσοῖτο. γένοιτο γὰρ ἂν
~ A 4
οὕτω τῶν παίδων τὰ φρονήματα ἐλευθέρια καὶ
” 3 \ “ 3
πρὸς ἀρετὴν ὀρθια, εἰ μὴ τύχοιεν ἐκ γάμων φύντες
~ > , 3
αἰσχρῶν μηδ᾽ ἐξ ἐπιθυμίας οὐκ ἐλευθερίας συν-
ελθόντων: εἴ τις ὡς παρθένον μνηστευσάμενος
’
ἔπειτα μὴ τοιαύτην εὕροι, δίκην λαχὼν αὐτὸς μὲν
3 3 ’ὔ Ὄ 9 ,
κατηγορείτω χρώμενος εἰς ἀπόδειξιν οἷς ἂν ἔχῃ
\ a
τεκμηρίοις, ἀπολογείσθω δὲ ὁ τῆς κόρης πατὴρ
1 - καὶ τάλλα E.

2 προσκτήσαντα ex Lat. (et addat) Bernard.
3 λιποῦσαν O? (Reinach). 4 δὲ SPL.

— — - ase,

@ Qne authority adds “ and all else.”
> Cf. the shorter summary of marriage laws in 4p. ii.
199 ff.

592

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 242-246

thanks to God for having delivered his race from the
insolence of the Egyptians and given them a good
land and spacious to enjoy the fruits thereof ; then,
after attesting that he has paid the tithes 4 in accord-
ance with the laws of Moses, let him ask God ever to
be favourable and gracious to himself and to con-
tinue such favour towards all Hebrews in common,
preserving to them the good things that He had given
them and adding thereto all else that He could bestow.

(23) «© Let ® your young men, on reaching the age
of wedlock, marry virgins, freeborn and of honest
parents. He that will not espouse a virgin must
not unite himself to a woman living with another
man, corrupting her or wronging ὁ her former hus-
band. Female slaves must not be taken in marriage
by free men, however strongly some may be con-
strained thereto by love: such passion must be
mastered by regard for decorum and the proprieties
of rank. Again, there must be no marriage with
a prostitute,? since by reason of the abuse of her
body God could not accept her nuptial sacrifices.é
For so only ean your children have spirits that are
liberal and uprightly set towards virtue, if they are
not the issue of dishonourable marriages or of a
union resulting from ignoble / passion.

Marriag6
laws,

Deut.
XXII 222:
Lev. xXi. 7.

Lev.

‘If a man, having Letrothied a bride in the belief Deut.

that she is a virgin, thereafter find that she is not
so, let him bring a suit and make his own accusation,
relying upon what evidence he may have to prove
it; and let the damsel’s defence be undertaken by

¢ Lit. “* grieving ᾿ς but we should probably read λιποῦσαν,
‘nor let him marry one that has left her former husband.”’

4 In Scripture this prohibition applies only to the priests ;
and so Josephus elsewhere inte rprets it, ili, 276.

* § 206. “ Gr. “ illiberal,’’ ae. a ἘΠ ον for a slave.

593

ΧΧΙ], 13.

247

~

248

249

250

JOSEPHUS

ἢ ἀδελφὸς ἢ ὃς ἄν μετὰ τούτους ἐγγυτέρω δοκῇ
τοῦ γένους. καὶ κριθεῖσα μὲν ἡ κόρη μὴ ἀδικεῖν
συνοικείτω τῷ κατηγορήσαντι μηδεμίαν ἐξουσίαν
ἔχοντος ἐκείνου ἀποπέμπεσθαι αὐτήν, πλὴν εἰ μὴ
μεγάλας αἰτίας αὐτῷ παράσχοι καὶ πρὸς ἃς οὐδ᾽"
ἀντειπεῖν δυνηθείη. τοῦ δὲ τολμηρῶς καὶ προ-
πετῶς ἐπενεγκεῖν αἰτίαν καὶ διαβολὴν πρόστιμον
ἐκτινύτω, πληγὰς τεσσαράκοντα μιᾷ λειπούῦσας
λαμβάνων, καὶ πεντήκοντα σίκλους ἀποτινύτω τῷ
πατρί. ἂν δ᾽ ἐξελέγξῃ τὴν παιδίσκην ἐφθαρμένην,
δημότις μὲν οὖσα τοῦ "μὴ σωφρόνως προστῆναι
τῆς παρθενίας ἄχρι νομίμων γάμων καταλευέσθω,
ἂν δ᾽ ἐξ ὶ ἱερέων ἢ γεγενημένη, καιέσθω ζῶσα. δύο
ν
γυναικῶν οὐσῶν τινι, καὶ τῆς μὲν ἑτέρας ἐν τιμῇ
σφόδρα καὶ εὐνοίᾳ κειμένης ἢ Ov ἔρωτα καὶ κάλλος
ἢ κατ᾽ ἄλλην αἰτίαν, τῆς δ᾽ ἑτέρας ἐν ἐλάττονι
μοίρᾳ τυγχανούσης, ἂν ὁ ἐκ τῆς ἀγαπωμένης παῖς
γενόμενος, νεώτερος ὧν τοῦ ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρας φύντος,
ἀξιοῖ διὰ τὴν πρὸς τὴν μητέρα τοῦ πατρὸς εὔνοιαν
τῶν πρεσβείων τυγχάνειν, ὥστε διπλοῦν τὸ μέρος
THS πατρῴας οὐσίας ἐκλαμβάνειν," τοῦτο γὰρ ἐν
τοῖς νόμοις διεταξάμην, μὴ συγκεχωρήσθω: ἄδικον
γὰρ τὸν τῇ “γενέσει πρεσβύτερον, ὅτι τὰ τῆς
μητρὸς αὐτῷ ἥττονα παρὰ τῇ διαθέσει τοῦ πατρός,
τῶν ὀφειλομένων αὐτῷ στερεῖσθαι. ὁ κόρην ἄλλῳ

1 + ¢ayv> Naber. 2 RO: λαμβάνειν rell.

« Scripture mentions only the father (accompanied by the
mother) as counsel for the defence.

> Deut. xxii. 19 ** an hundred (shekels) of silver“ (txx
ἑκατὸν σίκλοι). The Hebrew names no coin; tradition,
supporting Josephus, names a coin equivalent to ἃ half-
shekel (/Avethuboth 45b, quoted by Weill).

594

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 246-251

her father or brother or whosoever, failing these,
be considered her next of kin.? If the damsel be
then declared innocent, let her continue to live
with her accuser, who shall have no right to dismiss
her, save only if she furnish him with grave and
undeniable reasons for so doing. And for having
rashly and precipitately brousht ἃ calumnious
charge against her, let him tinderso a double penalty,
receiving forty stripes save one and paying fifty
shekels® to the father. But should he prove that
the young woman has been corrupted, then, if she
be one of the people, for not having kept chaste
guard over her virginity up to her lawful marriage,
let her be stoned ; if she be of priestly parentage,
let her be burnt alive.¢

“Tf a man have two wives, of whom the one is
held in special honour and affection, be it for love
and beauty, or for other cause, while the other has
a lesser portion of his regard, should the son of
the beloved one, being younger than the offspring
of the other, claim, in atic of his father’s affeetion
for his mother, the rights of the firstborn, to wit to
receive a double portion of his father’s substance—
for that is what I have ordained in the laws 4—let
this claim be disallowed. For it: were unjust that
he that is elder by birth should, beeause his mother
holds a lesser place in his father’s affections, be
deprived of that which is his due.

¢ This last clause has no authority in Seripture and is not
strictly in accord with tradition (see Weill’s note). Serip-
ture mentions only the penalty of stoning for all alike.

4 Οηὶν specified in this passage of Scripture (Deut. xxi.
ef 2 Wein O).

595

Deut.
EX. 28,
πεν 3,

Tb.

Xxi. 15.

262

254

JOSEPHUS

κατηγγυημένην φθείρας, εἰ μὲν πείσας Kal πρὸς
τὴν φθορὰν συγκάταινον λαβών, ἀποθνησκέτω σὺν
αὐτῇ πονηροὶ γὰρ ὁμοίως ἕκάτεροι, ὁ μὲν τὸ
αἰσχιστον πείσας ἑκουσίως ὑπομεῖναι καὶ προ-
τιμῆσαι τοῦτο τοῦ ἐλευθέρου γάμου τὴν κόρην,
ἡ δὲ παρασχεῖν ἑαυτὴν πεισθεῖσα δι᾿ ἡδονὴν" ἢ διὰ
κέρδος πρὸς τὴν ὕβριν" ἐὰν δέ που μόνη περιπεσὼν
βιάσηται μηδενὸς βοηθοῦ παρόντος, μόνος ἀπο-
νησκέτω. ὁ φθείρας παρθένον μήπω κατηγ-
γυημένην αὐτὸς γαμείτω: ἣν δὲ τῷ πατρὶ τῆς
κόρης μὴ δόξῃ συνοικίζειν αὐτῷ, πεντήκοντα
σίκλους τιμὴν τῆς ὕβρεως καταβαλλέτω. γυ-
ναικὸς δὲ τῆς συνοικούσης βουλόμενος διαζευχ-
θῆναι καθ᾽ ἁσδηποτοῦν αἰτίας, πολλαὶ δ᾽ ἂν τοῖς
ἀνθρώποις τοιαῦται γίγνοιντο, γράμμασι μὲν περὶ
τοῦ μηδέποτε συνελθεῖν ἰσχυριζέσθω" λάβοι γὰρ
ἂν οὕτως ἐξουσίαν συνοικεῖν ἑτέρῳ, πρότερον γὰρ
οὐκ ἐφετέον: εἰ δὲ καὶ πρὸς ἐκείνου Kako )είη Νὰ
τελευτήσαντος αὐτοῦ θελήσειε γαμεῖν ὁ πρότερος,
μὴ ἐξεῖναι αὐτῇ ἐπανιέναι. τὴν ἄτεκνον, τἀνδρὸς
αὐτῇ τετελευτηκότος, ὁ ἀδελφὸς ἐκείνου γαμείτω

1 ρα, pr.: -ἰδίαν codd. 2 conj.: ἐκεῖνον codd.
3 MLE: καὶ RO: om. SP. 4 RM: αὐτὴν rell.

* In Scripture the seducer is required to marry the girl
and to pay the customary “ bride-price’’ to her father.
Josephus is in line with tradition, which required ‘* compen-
sation’? to be paid only when no marriage took place
(references quoted by Weill).

> Deut, ‘* if she find no favour in his eyes, because he hath
found in her some indecency “ (lit. “the nakedness of a
thing *’). This vague phrase gave rise to conflicting inter-
pretations: the school of Shammai (1st cent. B.c.) under-
standing by it unchastity, that of Hillel extending it to cover

596

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV -254

‘“Should a man violate a damsel who is betrothed
to another, if he persuaded her and had obtained
her assent to the violation, let him die along with
her; for both are guilty alike, he for having per-
suaded the damsel voluntarily to submit to the worst
disgrace and to prefer that to honest wedlock, she
for “being persuaded to lend herself, for pleasure or
for haere, to this outrage. But if he met her alone
somewhere and forced her, when none was at hand
to aid, let him die alone. He that violateth a virgin
who is not yet betrothed shall marry her himself ;
but if the father of the damsel be not minded to
give her away to him, he shall pay fifty shekels as
compensation for the outrage.?

‘He who desires to be div orced from the wife who
is living with him for whatsoever cause ’—and with
mortals many such may arise—must certify in
writing that he will have no further intercourse
with her; for thus will the woman obtain the right
to consort with another, which thing ere then
must not be permitted. But if she be maltreated
by the other also or if upon his death her former
husband wishes to marry her, she shall not be allowed
to return to him.

“When a woman is left childless® on her husband’s
death, the husband's brother shall marry her, and

the most trivial canses. As Weill remarks, the latter view
seems to have prevailed. cf. cf. xvi. 198, Vita 426 (the
historian’s own divorce): also the question of the Pharisees
as reported in Matt. xix. 3 “is it lawful to put away one’s
wife for every cause Ὁ (κατὰ πᾶσαν αἰτίαν). with the saving
clause in the reply, μὴ ἐπὶ πορνείᾳ (v. 9), where the text
probably owes its form to its Jewish editor.

ς Deut. “if one die and have no son.’ Josephus follows
tradition (Baba Bathra 1094. Weill): so Lxx (σπέρμα) and
Matt. xxii. 24 with parallels (τέκνον, ἄτεκνος).

VOL. 1V U2 597

Deut.
xxii. 23.

10. 35.

Ib. 28.

Divorce.
Ib. xxiv. 1.

Levirate
marriage.
Ib. xxv. 5

“00

256

257

258

JOSEPHUS

Kal τὸν παῖδα TOV γεν (ησ δόμενον' τῷ τοῦ τεθνεῶ-
τος καλέσας ὀνόματι τρεφέτω τοῦ κλήρου διάδοχον"
τοῦτο γὰρ καὶ τοῖς δημοσίοις λυσιτελήσει. γιγνό-
μένον τῶν οἴκων οὐκ ἐκλειπόντων καὶ τῶν χρη-
μάτων τοῖς συγγενέσι μενόντων, καὶ ταῖς γυναιξὶ
κουφισμὸν οἴσει τῆς συμφορᾶς τοῖς ἔγγιστα τῶν
προτέρων ἀνδρῶν συνοικούσαις. ἐὰν δὲ μὴ βού-
ληται γαμεῖν ὁ ἀδελφός, ἐπὶ τὴν γερουσίαν ἐλθοῦσα
ἡ γυνὴ μαρτυράσθω τοῦθ᾽, ὅτι βουλομένην αὐτὴν
ἐπὶ τοῦ οἴκου μένειν καὶ τεκνοῦν ἐξ αὐτοῦ μὴ
προσδέχοιτο ὑβρίζων τὴν τοῦ τεθνηκότος ἀδελφοῦ
μνήμην. ἐρομένης δὲ τῆς γερουσίας, διὰ ποίαν
αἰτίαν ἀλλοτρίως τ πρὸς τὸν γάμον, ἄν τε
μικρὰν av τε μείζω λ ey πρὸς ταὐτὰ! ῥεπέτω:"
ὑπολύσασα δ᾽ αὐτὸν ἡ γυνὴ τἀδελφοῦ τὰ σάνδαλα
καὶ πτύσασα" αὐτοῦ εἰς τὸ πρόσωπον τούτων
αὐτὸν ἄξιον εἶναι παρ᾽ αὐτῆς λεγέτω τυγχάνειν
ὑβρίσαντα τὴν τοῦ κατοιχομένου μνήμην. καὶ ὁ
μὲν ἐκ τῆς γερουσίας ἀπίτω τοῦτ᾽ ἔχων ὄνειδος
πρὸς ἅπαντα τὸν βίον, ἡ δ᾽ ὦὧπερ ἂν βουληθῇ τινι
τῶν δεομένων γαμείσθω. ἂν δ᾽ αἰχμάλωτόν τις
λάβῃ παρθένον ἄν τε καὶ γεγαμημένην, βουλομένῳ
συνοικεῖν μὴ πρότερον ἐξέστω εὐνῆς ἅψασθαι καὶ
κοινωνίας, πρὶν ἢ ξυραμένην αὐτὴν καὶ πένθιμον
σχῆμα ἀναλαβοῦσαν ἀπο ρηνῆσαι συγγενεῖς καὶ
φίλους τοὺς ἀπολωλότας ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, ὅπως τὸ ἐπ᾿
αὐτοῖς κορέσασα λυπηρὸν ἔπειθ᾽ οὕτως ἐπ᾽ “εὐωχίας
τράπηται καὶ Oe καλὸν yap εἶναι καὶ δίκαιον

1 γενόμενον (γεννώμενον) codd.
2 Reinach: ταῦτα codd. 3 πτύουσα ROM.

α }eut. draws no such distinction, ‘““ when thou . . . seest
ainong the captives a beautiful woman ’’; tradition, cited

598

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 254-258

shall call the child that shall be born by the name
of the deceased and rear him as heir to the estate ;
for this will at onee be profitable to the public
welfare, houses not dying out and property remain-
ing with the relatives, and it will moreover bring
the women an alleviation of their misfortune to
live with the nearest kinsman of their former hus-
bands. But if the brother be unwilling to marry
her, let the woman come before the council of
elders and testify that, while she desired to remain
in this family and to have children by him, he would
not aecept her, thereby doing outrage to fli memory
of his deceased brother. “And shen the council
ask him for what reason he is opposed to the marriage,
be his alleged reason slight or serious, the result
shall be the same: the wife of his brother shall
loose his sandals and spit in his face and declare
that he merits this treatment from her for having
outraged the memory of the departed. Then let
him quit the council of elders to carry this reproach
throughout his life, while she shall be free to marry
any suitor whom she will.

‘Shoulda man have taken prisoner whether a virgin
or a woman who has already been married @ and wish
to live with her, let him not be permitted to approach
her couch and consort with her until such time as,
with shorn hair and in mourning apparel, she shall
have made lamentation for the kinsmen and friends
whom she has lost in the battle, in order that she
may satisfy her grief for them before turning to the
festivities and ceremonies of Marriage, ior it is
honourable and just that, in taking her to bear him
by Weill, permitted marriage wilh a captive previously
married (sc. to a Gentile),

509

Deut.

XXi.

10.

259

260

261

262

JOSEPHUS

παιδοποιὸν παραλαμβάνοντα θεραπεύειν αὐτῆς τὸ
βουλητόν, ἀλλὰ μὴ τὴν ἰδίαν ἡδονὴν διώκοντα
μόνον τοῦ κατ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀμελεῖν κεχαρισμένου. τριά-
κοντα δ᾽ ἡμερῶν τῷ πένθει διελθουσῶν, αὐτάρκεις
γὰρ ἐπὶ τοῖς δακρύοις αὗται τῶν φιλτάτων ταῖς
φρονίμοις, τότε χωρεῖν ἐπὶ τὸν γάμον. εἰ δ᾽
ἐμπλησθεὶς τῆς ἐπιθυμίας ὑπερηφανεύσειεν αὐτὴν
γαμετὴν ἔχειν, μηκέτ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ἐχέτω καταδουλοῦν
αὐτήν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπη βούλεται χωρεῖν ἀπίτω τοῦτο
ἐλεύθερον ἔχουσα.

(24) “Ὅσοι δ᾽ ἂν τῶν νέων περιφρονῶσι τοὺς
γονεῖς καὶ τὴν τιμὴν αὐτοῖς μὴ νέμωσιν ἢ δι᾽
αἰσχύνην 7 δι᾽ ἀσυνεσίαν' ἐξυβρίζοντες εἰς αὐτούς,
πρῶτον μὲν λόγοις αὐτοὺς νουθετείτωσαν οἱ
πατέρες, αὐτάρκεις γὰρ ἐφ᾽ vidow οὗτοι δικασταί,
συνελθεῖν μὲν ἀλλήλοις οὐχ ἡδονῆς ἕνεκα λέγον-
τες οὐδὲ “τῆς τῶν χρημάτων αὐξήσεως κοινῶν
τῶν ἑκατέροις ὑπαρχόντων γενομένων, ἀλλ᾽ ὅπως
παίδων τύχωσιν, οἵ ᾿γηροκομήσουσιν αὐτοὺς καὶ
ὧν ἂν δέωνται παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ἕξουσι, “γενόμενόν
τέ σε μετὰ χαρᾶς καὶ τοῦ τῷ θεῷ χάριν εἰδέναι
τὴν μεγίστην ἀράμενοι διὰ σπουδῆς ἀνεθρέψαμεν
μηδενὸς φειδὼ ποιούμενοι τοῦ καὶ δόξαντος εἰς
σωτηρίαν τὴν σὴν καὶ παιδείαν τῶν ἀρίστων
εἶναι χρησίμου. νῦν δέ, συγγνώμην γὰρ χρὴ"
νέμειν ἐφ᾽ ἁμαρτήμασι νέων, ἀπόχρη σοι ὅσα τῆς
εἰς ἡμᾶς τιμῆς By ΠΕΡΙ καὶ μεταβαλοῦ πρὸς

1 ex Lat. (propter insipientiam): δ ἀσύνεσιν R: διὰ
σύνεσιν rell.

2 ré ae Niese: te RO: δέ ye rell.
3 RO: δεῖ rell.

4 7.e. smarting under some disgrace; such seeins to be

600

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [V. 258-262

children, he should respect her wishes, and that he
should not, intent solely on his own pleasure, neglect
what may be agreeable to her. But when thirty days
for the mourning are past—for that period should
suffice sensible women for tears for their dearest ones
—then let him proceed to the nuptials. Should he,
however, sated with his passion, disdain to keep her
as his spouse, he shall have no right thenceforth to
make her his slave ; let her go whither she will and
have that liberty granted to her.

(24) ‘With regard to those youths who seorn their
parents and pay them not the honour that is due, but
whether by reason of disgrace? or through witlessness,
break out insolently against them, first of all let the
parents orally admonish them,° for they have the
authority of judges over their sons. Let them tell
them that they came together in matrimony not for
pleasure’s sake, nor to increase their fortunes by
uniting their several properties in one, but that they
might have children who should tend their old age
and who should receive from them everything that
they needed. * And when thou wast born,’ they
shall proceed, ‘it was with joy and deepest thankful-
ness to God that we raised thee up and devoted our
utmost care to thine upbringing, sparing nothing that
appeared profitable for thy welfare and training in
all that was best. But now—since indnlgence must
be accorded to the errors of youth—have done with
all that scorn of respect towards us and return to
the meaning. The Biblical phrase is “a stubborn and
rebellious son.’ For the Rabbinical treatment of the sub-
ject see the Mishnah, Sanhedrin viii. 1-5 (tr. HE. Danby).

δ Bibl. “chasten him,’ probably including corporal

punishment. ‘The Mishnah speaks of his being ὁ" warned
in the presence of three witnesses and beaten ὁ («bid. viii. 4).

601

Rebellious
children,
Deut

xxi. 18.

20:

—~

264

~60

266

JOSEPHUS

TO σωφρονέστερον, λογισάμενος καὶ τὸν θεὸν ἐπὶ
τοῖς εἰς “πατέρας τολμωμένοις χαλεπῶς ἔχειν,
ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς πατὴρ τοῦ παντὸς ἀνθρώπων γένους
ἐστι Καὶ συνατιμοῦσθαι δοκεῖ τοῖς τὴν αὐτὴν αὐτῷ
προσηγορίαν ἔχουσιν οὐχ ὧν προσῆκεν αὐτοῖς
παρὰ τῶν παίδων τυγχανόντων, καὶ νόμος κολαστὴς
γίνεται τῶν τοιούτων ἀπαραίτητος, οὗ σὺ μὴ
πειραθείης.᾿᾿ κἂν μὲν τούτοις θεραπεύηται τὸ
τῶν γέων αὔθαδες, ἀπαλλαττέσθωσαν τῶν ἐπὶ
τοῖς ἠγνοημένοις, ὀνειδῶν" οὕτως γὰρ ἂν ὅ τε νομο-
ἔτης ἀγαθὸς εἴη καὶ οἱ πατέρες εὐτυχεῖς οὐκ
ἐπιδόντες οὔτε υἱὸν κολαζόμενον οὔτε θυγατέρα.
ᾧ 81 ἂν of λόγοι καὶ ἡ παρ᾽ αὐτῶν διδασκαλία
τοῦ σωφρονεῖν τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι φανῶσιν, ἐχθροὺς
δ᾽ ἀσπόνδους αὑτῷ ποιῇ τοὺς νόμους τοῖς συνεχέσι
κατὰ τῶν γονέων τολμήμασι, προαχθεὶς ὑπ᾽
αὐτῶν τούτων ἔξω τῆς πόλεως τοῦ πλήθους
ἑπομένου καταλευέσθω καὶ μείνας δι᾿ ὅλης τῆς
ἡμέρας εἰς θέαν τὴν ἁπάντων θαπτέσθω νυκτός.
οὕτως δὲ καὶ ot ὁπωσοῦν ὑπὸ τῶν νόμων ἀν-
αἱρεθῆναι κατακριθέντες. θαπτέσθωσαν δὲ καὶ οἵ
πολέμιοι καὶ νεκρὸς μηδὲ εἷς ἄμοιρος γῆς κείσθω
περαιτέρω τοῦ δικαίου τιμωρίαν ἐκτίνων.

(95) ““Δανείζειν δ᾽ “Ἑβραίων ἐπὶ τόκοις ἐξέστω
μηδενὶ μήτε βρωτὸν μήτε ποτόν" οὐ γὰρ δίκαιον
προσοδεύεσθαι τοῦ ὁμοφύλου τὰς τύχας, ἀλλὰ

1 ᾧ δ᾽ Bekker ex Lat.: οὐδ᾽ (εἰ δ᾽ εἰς.) codd.

4 In Scripture and in tradition (see Weill) the law applies
only to sons,

* According to the Mishnah, after trial by a court of
twenty-three judges, including the three witnesses previously
mentioned (Sanhedrin, loc. cit.).

602

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 262-266

saner ways, refleeting that God also is distressed at
aets of effrontery to a father, since He is himself
Father of the whole human race and regards himself
as a partner in the indignity done to those who bear
the same title as himself, when they obtain not from
their ehildren that whieh is their due. And then
there is the Law—that chastiser of all sueh, and in-
exorable : never mayest thou make trial of that!’
If, then, by such means the young men’s contumaey
is cured, let them be spared further reproach for their
sins of ignorance ; for thus will be shown the good-
ness of the law giver, while the parents will be happy
in seeing neither son nor daughter? delivered to
punishment. But the youth with whom these words
and the lesson in sobriety eonveyed by them appear
to pass for naught and who makes for himself im-
placable enemies of the laws by continuous defiance
of his parents, let him ® be led forth by their own hands
without the city, followed by the multitude, and
stoned to death ; and, after remaining for the whole
day exposed to the general view, let “him be buried

at night.¢ Thus hall: it be too with all who howsoever Burial of
criminals

are eondemned by the laws to be put to death. Let fj

burial be given even to your enemies ; and let not a ἈΠΟ τῆλ,
411τ

corpse be left without its portion of earth,? paying xxi.

more than its just penalty.

(25) “ Let it not be permitted to lend upon usury Usury,

to any Hebrew either meat or drink ; for it is not Just ‘
to draw a revenue from the Fact uetunes of a fellow-

¢ Cf. § 202 note.

4 Such e.g. was the practice of Tobit (Tob. i. 18. ii. 8).
But the phrase “ portionless (of earth)’ is reminiscent of
Sophocles, the favourite poet of this assistant of Josephus :
cf, ctjax 1326 ταφῆς ἄμοιρον, nt, 1071 (the later play,
turning on the burial of enemies, is doubtless in mind).

603

40.}
ame

XNUL 19
io ete.

JOSEPHUS

’ ~ ~
βοηθήσαντας ταῖς ypetats αὐτοῦ κέρδος εἶναι
[ὦ ,ὔ > > / 3 , ‘ A > Q
νομίζειν τήν τ᾽ ἐκείνων εὐχαριστίαν καὶ τὴν ἀμοιβὴν
~ ~ \ ~ 7)
τὴν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ γενησομένην ἐπὶ τῇ χρηστότητι.
% » ~
2067 (26) “Od δὲ λαβόντες εἴτε ἀργύρια εἴτε τινὰ τῶν
~ 4 ¥ Α ~ ~ ~
καρπῶν, vypov ἢ ξηρόν, κατὰ νοῦν αὐτοῖς τῶν
- ~ , fy >
mapa τοῦ θεοῦ γχωρησάντων κομίζοντες μεθ
€ ~ Ἷ “ - ~ ef >
ἡδονῆς ἀποδιδότωσαν τοῖς δοῦσιν ὥσπερ ἀπο-
’ 3 Ἁ ¢ ~ 4 , 3 - if
θέμενοι εἰς Ta αὑτῶν καὶ πάλιν εἰ δεηθεῖεν ἕξοντες.
xv \ > - 4 \ 5 4 ‘ \
268 av δὲ ἀναισχυντῶσι περὶ τὴν ἀπόδοσιν, μὴ περι
\ > , wed 3 , A nN 7
τὴν οἰκίαν βαδίσαντας ἐνεχυριάζειν πρὶν ἣ δίκη
‘ 3 a ”
περὶ τούτου γένηται: τὸ δ᾽ ἐνέχυρον αἰτεῖν ἔξω
Ἁ A 4 7ὔ / 9 ¢ ~ ὌΝ
καὶ τὸν ὀφείλοντα κομίζειν δι᾿ αὑτοῦ μηδὲν
> , ~ \ f f > 3 , x
ἀντιλέγοντα τῷ μετὰ νόμου βοηθείας ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν
° ¢ nn A aes ΑΗ τ΄ « Ἷ ᾿ς ’
209 nKOVTL. καν μὲν εὐπορος ἡ O ἠϊνεχυρασμένος,
, ~ f ~ Ἷ Q #7 Ces ΟΝ “
κατεχέτω τοῦτο μέχρι τῆς ἀποδόσεως ὁ δεδανεικως,
μὰ \ , > , ey 7 ~ \
av δὲ πένης, ἀποτιθέτω πρὶν ἡλίου δυσμῶν, Kat
7 > ΄ = δ Ὁ
μαλιστ᾽ ἂν ἱμάτιον ry τὸ ἐνέχυρον, ὅπως εἰς ὕπνον
27 ~ 7 ~ ~ «- Ld
ἔχῃ τοῦτο, φύσει τοῦ θεοῦ τοῖς πενομένοις ἔλεον
ῶ- 7 γ. \ \ \ \ 4 ,
270 νέμοντος. μύλην δὲ Kal τὰ περὶ ταύτην σκεύη
\ ~ ~
μὴ ἐξεῖναι λαμβάνειν ἐνέχυρον, ὅπως μὴ στερῶνται
~ ἊΝ 9 ,, are, ,
καὶ τῶν πρὸς τὰ σιτία ὀργάνων μηδ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἐνδείας
7 ~ if
mabwot τι τῶν χειρόνων.
τὰν 3 > - ,ὔ 3;
(27) “Em ἀνθρώπου μὲν κλοπῇ θάνατος ἔστω

ts
~J
—

f ¢ CA 4 oh vw € s A
ζημία, ὁ δὲ χρυσον ἢ apyupov ὑφελόμενος τὸ
~ 9 , > 3 \ a >
διπλοῦν αποτινέτω). κτείνας ὃ ει τοῖς KAT

¢ Exodus, Heb. text, (generally) “4 man’’; Deut. (more
00.

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 266-271

countryman. Rather, in succouring his distress, ye
should reckon as gain the gratitude of such persons
and the recompense which God has in store for an act
of generosity.

(26) ‘‘ Those who have borrowed whether silver or
produce of any kind, liquid or solid. if their affairs
through God’s grace proceed to their liking, shall
bring back and with pleasure restore these loans to
the lenders, as though they were laving them up
with their own possessions and would have them
again at need. But if they are shameless concerning
restitution, one must not prowl about the house to
seize a pledge betore judgement has been given on
the matter: the pledge should be asked for at the
door, and the debtor should bring it of himself, in no
wise gainsaying his visitor who comes with the law to
support him. If he from whom the pledge has been
taken be well-to-do, the lender should retain posses-
sion of it until restitution be made ; but if he be poo
the lender should return it before sun-down, above all
if the pledge consist of a cloak, that he may have it
for his sleep, God by His nature according pity to the
poor. But a mill and its accompanying utensils may
not be taken in nledge, that folk be not deprived of
the very means of preparing their food nor be reduced
by want to the worst sufferings.

(27) ‘ For the stealing of a person? the penalty shall
be death; the purloiner of gold or silver shall pay
double the sum.? He that killeth another while en-

precisely) ‘ any of his brethren of the children of Israel.”
The limitation of the death-penalty to the case of a free-born
Israelite is emphasized in tradition (Weill).

° In Ex. xxii. 4 the “double” penalty applies to stolen
animals found alive in the thief’s hands: money is not
mentioned

605

Loans and
pledges,

Deut.
xxiv. 10 Γ.

eae ied el

(Ex. xx.

25).

heft.
Lhe tS
Ex. xxi. Io

2

273

274

JOSEPHUS

οἶκον κλεπτομένοις τις ἀθῷος ἔστω κὰν ἢ" πρὸς
72 διορύγματι. τειχίου. βόσκημα δὲ ὁ κλέψας τε-
Ha τὴν ζημίαν ἀποτινέτω πλὴν βοός, πεν-
ταπλ τῆν ὃ ὑπὲρ τούτου καταβαλλέτω. ὁ δὲ τὸ
ἐπιτίμιον ἄπορος διαλύσασθαι δοῦλος ἔστω τοῖς
καταδεδικασμένοις."

(98) ““ I[pabets δὲ ὁμοφύλῳ τις ἕξ ἔτη δουλευέτω,
τῷ δ᾽ ἑβδόμῳ ἐλεύθερος ἀφείσθω: ἐὰν δὲ τέκνων
αὐτῷ γενομένων ἐκ δούλης παρὰ τῷ πριαμένῳ
διὰ τὴν εὔνοιαν καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὰ οἰκεῖα φιλο-
στοργίαν βούληται δουλεύειν, ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐνστάντος
τοῦ ἰοβήλου, πεντηκοστὸς δὲ ἐνιαυτός ἐστιν,
ἐλευθερούσθω καὶ τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ἐλευ-
θέραν ἐπαγόμενος.

(90) “Ἐὰν δέ. τις ἢ χρυσίον ἢ ἀργύριον “εὕρῃ
καθ᾽ ὁδόν, ἐπιζητήσας τὸν ἀπολωλ εκότα καὶ κη-
ρύξας τὸν τόπον ἐν ᾧ εὗρεν ἀποδότω, τὴν ἐκ τῆς
ἑτέρου ζημίας ὠφέλειαν οὐκ ἀγαθὴν ὑπολαμβάνων.
ὁμοίως καὶ περὶ βοσκημάτων οἷς ἂν ἐντύχῃ τις
κατ᾽ ἐρημίαν πλανωμένοις" μὴ εὑρεθέντος [δὲ]" τοῦ
κυρίου παραχρῆμα παρ᾽ αὑτῷ φυλαττέτω μαρτυρά-
μένος τὸν θεὸν μὴ νοσφίζεσθαι ἀλλότρια.

1 Bernard: εἰ codd. 2 καταδικασαμένοις MPLE.
3 ins. E: om. rell.

® i.e. had not got beyond the stage of digging through it.
Josephus omits the proviso added in Exodus, “ If the sun be
risen upon him, there shall be bloodguiltiness,” in other
words, as interpreted by Philo, εἰ δ᾽ ἥλιος ἀνάσχοι μηκέθ
ὁμοίως αὐτοχειρίᾳ κτεινέσθω, πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἄρχοντας Kai δικαστὰς
ἀγέσθω (ii. 337 M., quoted by Weill, who adds another
fanciful interpretation).
> ie. δ an ox or a sheep” (Ex.): Josephus again omits
the Scriptural proviso ** and kill it or sell it.”
In Ex., as the text stands, this refers only to the house-

606

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 271-274

gaged in burglary shall be innocent, even though the gx. xxii. 2.
thief were yet but breaking through his wall. He

that stealeth a head of eattle ἢ shall pay fourfold as ἐν. τ.
penalty, save in the case of an ox, for which he shall

be fined fivefold. He that hath not the means to de- pp. 3.
fray the imposed amount shall become the slave of

those who have had him condemned.°

(28) ‘ A Hebrew sold to another Hebrew shall serve Slavery and
him for six years: in the seventh let him go free.? jon”
But if, having had children by a slave woman at the ἐν xxi. ὅν
house of the master who bought him, he, out of love
and affeetion for his own,¢ desires to continue to serve
him, then on the eoming of the year of jubilee—
which returns every fifty years—let him be liberated,
taking his ehildren and wife, also free, along with
him.

(29) “If anyone find gold or silver on the road, after Restitution
diligent search for the loser and public proelamation ΕΑ ΠΝ
of the place where he found it,? let him duly restore 7% χχι 1.
it, reckoning it dishonest to profit by another's loss.
Similarly in the ease of beasts which one meets stray-
ing in a desert place ; but if the owner be not found
forthwith, let him keep them at his home, calling
God to witness that he has not appropriated the goods
of another.

breaker, but the verses have perhaps been displaced (Driver) ;
the law as applied to housebreakers is found in A. xvi.
ξ 3, of theft in general in Philo and Jewish //alachah (Weill).

4 And his wife, if he has one (Ex. xxi. 3).

‘ The neut. (* his own” or “ bis home surroundings "’)
includes: his master, Εἶν, χχὶ, 5.

‘ In Seripture the master bores the ear of the willing
servant, and he serves him “ for ever’; the jubilee is not
mentioned here.

¢ Detail not in Scripture, but attested by tradition (Weill).

607

275

276

2177

278

JOSEPHUS

(30) “My ἐξεῖναι δὲ παριέναι κτηνῶν τινι κακο-
παθούντων ὑπὸ χειμῶνος πεπτωκότων ἐν πηλῷ,
συνδιασώζειν δὲ καὶ τὸν πόνον οἰκεῖον ἡγησάμενον
βοηθεῖν.

(31) ““Myvuew δὲ καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς τοῖς ἀγνοοῦσι,
καὶ μὴ γέλωτα θηρωμένους αὑτοῖς ἐμποδίζειν
πλάνῃ τὴν ἑτέρου χρείαν.

(99) ᾿ Ὁμοίως μηδὲ βλασφημείτω τις τὸν ἀοπ-
Tov’ καὶ τὸν ἐνεόν.

(33) “Ἐν μάχῃ τις, ὅπου μὴ σίδηρος, πληγεὶς
παραχρῆμα μὲν ἀποθανὼν ἐκδικείσθω ταὐτὸν
παθόντος τοῦ πεπληχότος. ἂν δὲ κομισθεὶς παρ᾽
ἑαυτὸν καὶ νοσήσας ἐπὶ πλείονας ἡμέρας ἔπειτ᾽
ἀποθάνῃ, ἀθῷος ἔστω 6 πλήξας, σωθέντος δὲ καὶ
πολλὰ δαπανήσαντος εἰς τὴν νοσηλείαν ἀποτινέτω
πάνθ᾽ ὅσα παρὰ τὸν γρόνον τῆς κατακλίσεως
avadAwoe καὶ ὅσα τοῖς ἰατροῖς ἔδωκεν. ὁ γυναῖκα
λακτίσας ἔγκυον, ἂν μὲν ἐξαμβλώσῃ ἡ γυνὴ
ζημιούσθω χρήμασιν ὑπὸ τῶν δικαστῶν ws παρὰ
τὸ διαφθαρὲν ἐν τῇ γαστρὶ μειώσας τὸ πλῆθος,
διδόσθω δὲ καὶ τῷ ἀνδρὶ τῆς γυναικὸς παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ

1 SP: ἀπόντα rell.: ἄοπον Bernard.

« Scripture speaks of “ making the bijnd to wander out
of the way,’ “ putting a stumbling-block before the blind.”
Josephus, by generalizing the statement, seems to put into
the mouth of Moses a refutation of the scandalous precept
attributed to him in the historian’s day, ‘“‘ non monstrare
vias eadem nisi sacra colenti’’ (Juv. Sat. xiv. 103).

υ Text and meaning doubtful. For the first adjective
most mss. have the erroneous reading “ the absent’’; the
mss. followed in the text have a word which in its one occur-
rence elsewhere means “ἢ unseen’? (not “‘ unseeing’’); a

608

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [V. 275-278

(30) “Tt is not permissible to pass by unheeding, Assistance
when a man’s beasts of burden, buffeted by tempest, ie ee
have fallen in the mire: one must help to rescue Deut.
them and lend aid as though one laboured for oneself. **"" *
(31) “One must point out the road to those who pirections

are ignorant of it, and not, for the pleasure of 0” the Toad

: ; f 5 oY Cools ΧΆ}...
laughing oneself, impede another’s business by mis- (Lev.
leading him.? ast:
(32) “ Similarly, let none revile the sightless or the Respect for
b blind and
dumb. dumb.

(33) “In a fight without use of the blade, if one Cf Lev.

Ρ 4: ΧΙΝ. 11.
be stricken and die on the spot, he shall be avenged Quarreis

by a like fate for him that struck him. But if he be an! bodily
: ; : Injuries,
carried home and lie sick for several days before he Ex. xxi. 1s,

dies, he that struek him shall go unpunished ; how- ™ 71:
beit, if he reeover and hath spent much on_ his
doetoring, the other shall pay all that he hath expen-
ded during the time of his confinement to his couch
and all that he hath given to the physicians.¢ He
that kieketh a woman with child, if the woman mis- 10. 22.
earry, shall be fined by the judges for having, by the
destruction of the fruit of her woinb, diminished the
population, and a further sum shall be presented by

similar word (ἄοπον) has been conjectured meaning “* speech-
iess.”’ The passage in Levitiens mentions ‘ deaf” and
blind.”

¢ Paraphrase of the Biblical ‘if men contend and one
smiteth the other with a stone or with his fist.”

¢ Josephus here amalgamates two separate laws in Lix-
odus: (1) vv. 18 f. relating to quarrels; (2) vr. 20 Εν relating
to the beating of a slave by his master. ‘The last clause
corresponds to the Tleb. “he shall pay for shibté and shall
cause him to be thoroughly healed; here shitté nay mean
either “ his sitting down ”’ (from ydshab, as Josephus takes
it) or “ his cessation *’ ze. “ unemployment ” (fram shabath,
as Lxx takes it, translating by dpyias).

009

JOSEPHUS

χρήματα: θνησκούσης Ὁ ἐκ τῆς πληγῆς καὶ αὐτὸς
ἀποθνησκέτω. ψυχὴν ἀντὶ ψυχῆς καταθέσθαι δι-
καιοῦντος τοῦ νόμου.

979 (9) “᾿Φάρμακον μήτε θανάσιμον μήτε τῶν εἰς
ἄλλας βλάβας πεποιημένων ᾿Ισραηλιτῶν ἐχέτω
μηδὲ εἷς" ἐὰν δὲ κεκτημένος φωραθῇ τεθνάτω,
τοῦτο πάσχων ὃ διέθηκεν ἂν ἐκείνους Kal? ὧν
τὸ φάρμακον 7) ἣν παρεσκευασμένον.

280 155}. “Οὐ πηρώσας πασχέτω 'τὰ ὅμοια" στερού-
μενος οὗπερ ἄλλον ἐ ἐστέρησε, πλὴν εἰ μήτ ι χρήματα
λαβεῖν ἐθελήσειεν ὃ πεπηρωμένος, αὐτὸν τὸν πε-
πονθότα κύριον τοῦ νόμου ποιοῦντος τιμήσασθαι
τὸ συμβεβηκὸς αὐτῷ πάθος καὶ συγχωροῦντος,
εἰ μὴ βούλεται γενέσθαι πικρότερος.

281 (86) “᾿ Βοῦν τοῖς κέρασι πλήττοντα ὁ δεσπότης

ἀποσφαττέτω" εἰ δ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἅλωος κτείνειέ τινα

πλήξας, αὐτὸς μὲν καταλευσθεὶς ἀποθνησκέτω

μηδ᾽ εἰς τροφὴν εὔχρηστος εἶναι κατηξιωμένος,

ἐὰν δὲ καὶ ὁ δεσπότης ἐλέγχηται προειδὼς αὐτοῦ

τὴν φύσιν καὶ μὴ dvdakapevos, καὶ αὐτὸς

ἀποθνησκέτω ὡς αἴτιος τῷ ὑπὸ τοῦ βοὸς ἀνῃρημένῳ

γεγενημένος. ἐὰν δὲ δοῦλον ἢ θεράπαιναν ἀπο-
1 om. RO. + one Κα,

28:

to

α Misunderstanding of Scripture, which (though the text
is uncertain) appears to contemplate one fine only payable
to the husband ; and so tradition (Weill).

> ‘The traditional interpretation of the Heb. “ if any mis-
chief happen”; txx and Philo interpret otherwise.

¢ The nearest Biblical parallel to this section is Ex. xxii, 18,

““thou shalt not suffer a sorceress (LXx papuaxots) to hive.”
On that passage Philo ii. 315 ff. M. dilates on poison,

4 ie. ask an exorbitant sum, Scripture names no alter-
native to the ¢alio, ‘eye for eye’ ete. Josephus here
approximates to the ruling of the Pharisees who, in contrast

010

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 278-282

him to the woman’s husband.” If she die of the blow,®
he also shall die, the law claiming as its due the
sacrifice of life for lite.
(34) “Poison, whether deadly or of those designed Poison
a + forbidden.
for other injurious ends, let no Israelite possess ; 1
one be eaught with it in his keeping, let him die,
undergoing ‘the fate that he would have inflicted on
the intended vietims of the drug.°
(35) *“‘ He that maimeth a man shall undergo the pee ΤΣ
like, being deprived of that limb whereof he depriv ed Lev.xxivily,
the oiler unless indeed the maimed man be willing
to accept money ; for the law empowers the victim
himself to assess the damage that has befallen him
and makes this eoncession, unless he would show
himself too severe.4
(56) “An ox that goreth with its horns shall be The vicious
slaughtered by its owner.¢ If on the threshing- 5 ae ae.
floor it killeth any man by goring him, it shall itself
be stoned to death and rejected as unfit even for
consumption ; but if the owner himself be convicted
of having known of its nature beforehand and taken
no precautions,’ he also shall die,’ as answerable for
the death of the beast’s vietim. Ifa slave or a maid-
to the Sadducees, substituted damages: these, however, zy, 9
were fixed not by the injured individual, but by the com-
petent tribunal (Baba Aamma §3b, with Weill’s note).
“ According to Scripture, only if it has caused a death.
An ox with known vicious propensities must be ‘ kept in’
bnt need not be slaughtered. However, as Weill remarks,
the statement of Josephus finds support in a saying attributed
to Kh. Eliezer, ‘“* The best precaution is a knife’; similarly
Lxx for “ keep in” substitutes ἀφανίσῃ, “‘ make away with
(him).
/ Bibl. “ hath not kept hii (in).”
σ Josephus ignores vr. 30, which admits of a money com-
pensation in lieu of death. According to Philo (ii, 323 M.),
the court decides 6 τι χρὴ παθεῖν ἢ ἀποτίσαι.
011]

JOSEPHUS

κτείνῃ βοῦς, αὐτὸς μὲν καταλιθούσθω, τριάκοντα δὲ
σίκλους ὁ κύριος τοῦ βοὸς ἀποτινέτω τῷ δεσπότῃ
τοῦ ἀνῃρημένου. βοῦς δὲ ἐὰν οὕτως πληγεὶς
ἀποθάνῃ, πωλείσθωσαν καὶ ὁ τεθνεὼς καὶ ὁ πλήξας
καὶ τὴν τιμὴν τὴν ἀμφοτέρων οἱ δεσπόται αὐτῶν
διανεμέσθωσαν.

283. (97). “Or φρέαρ ἢ λάκκον ὀρύξαντες ἐπιμελὲς
ποιείσθωσαν ὥστε σανίδων ἐπιβολαῖς ἔχειν κεκλει-
σμένα, οὐχ ὅπως τινὲς εἴργοιντο ὑδρείας, ἀλλ᾽

284 ἵνα μηδεὶς κίνδυνος ὡς ἐμπεσουμένοις ἢ, “OUCO.
ἂν εἰς ὄρυγμα τοιοῦτον μὴ κλειστὸν ἐμπεσὸν
βόσκημα τινος διαφθαρῇ, τὴν τιμὴν αὐτοῦ τῷ
δεσπότῃ καταβαλλέτω. περιβαλλέσθω δὲ καὶ τοῖς
στέγεσιν ἅπερ ὡς ἀντὶ τείχους ὄντα οὐκ ἐάσει
τινὰς ἀποκυλισθέντας ἀπολέσθαι.

285 (38) ‘ ᾿Παρακαταθήκην δὲ ὥσπερ ἱερόν τι καὶ
θεῖον χρῆμα ὃ παραλαβὼν φυλακῆς ἀξιούτω, καὶ
μηδεὶς ἀποστερῆσαι θρασυνθείη τὸν πεπιστευκότα
μήτ᾽ ἀνὴρ μήτε γυνή, μηδ᾽ εἰ χρυσὸν ἀπειρον
μέλλοι κερδαίνειν, καταφρονῶν τῷ μηδένα εἶναι

286 τὸν ἐξελέγξοντα. καθόλου μὲν. γὰρ τὸ συνειδὸς
ἐπιστάμενον τὸ αὑτοῦ προσῆκεν ἕκαστον εὖ
πράττειν, καὶ μάρτυρι ἀρκούμενος αὐτῷ πάντα
ποιείτω ἃ παρ᾽ ἄλλων ἔπαινον αὐτῷ παρέξει,
μάλιστα δὲ τὸν θεόν, ὃν οὐδεὶς πονηρὸς ὧν λανθάνει.

237 εἰ δὲ μηδὲν ἐπίβουλον δρῶν ὁ πιστευθεὶς ἀπολέσειεν,

¢ In Scripture apparently only the live ox is sold: the dead
beast is literally ‘divided’ between them. Josephus omits
the special provisions of v. 36.

δ je. at night, the roof being the usual sleeping -place in
the east; Deut., more generally, speaks of a “ fall.’ It
has been suggested that Josephus, in uniting two laws (con-
cerning wells and battlements) which are separated in

612

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [V. 282-287

servant be killed by an ox, it shall be stoned, and
the owner of the ox shall pay thirty shekels to the
victim’s master. If it be an ox that is killed by such
a stroke, let them be sold, both the dead beast
and its assailant, and let their owners divide the
price of the pair between them.*

(37) “They that dig a well or a pit are to take care
to keep them closed in by laying planks above, not
to preelnde any from drawing water, but to avoid
all risk of falling into them. Should any man have a
cavity of such on not closed, and another man’s
beast fall into it and perish, he shall pay the price of
it to its owner. Let roofs also be surrounded by
something in the nature of a wall, to prevent any
from rolling off ® and being killed.

(38) ~ ‘Let the receiver of a deposit esteem it
ee of custody as of some sacred and divine
object,4 and let none venture to defraud him that
entrusted it to him, neither man nor woman, no not
though he might make gain of untold gold, in the
assuranee of having none er convict him. For by all
means.é from the mere knowledge that he has of
his own conscience, ought everyone to act ang ht—
let him be content with that for witness and do all
that will bring him praise from others—but chiefly
from his knowledge of God, whose eye no criminal
escapes. But if. Without any act of treachery, the
depositary lose the deposit, let him come before the

Scripture, is following the lead of Philo, who does the same
(ii. 324 Μὴ.

2Cyl, 205. 280

4 Philo (ii. 341 M.) uses the sante phrase, λαβὼν ws ἱερὸν
χρῆμα παρακαταθήκην (and a iittle above ἱερώτατον wapaxara-
θήκη).

* Or“ to be sure ” (καθόλου = Lat. omneno).

613

Ex. xxt. 35.

Safeguards
for wells
and roofs.
£6, 33;

Deut. xxi S

Deposits.
Ex. xxl. 7.

Tb. 8, 11.

JOSEPHUS

ἀφικόμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς ἑπτὰ κριτὰς ὀμνύτω τὸν

θεὸν, ὅτι μηδὲν" παρὰ τὴν αὑτοῦ βούλησιν ἀπόλοιτο

καὶ κακίαν, οὐδὲ χρησαμένου τινὶ μέρει αὐτῆς,
καὶ οὕτως ἀνεπαιτίατος ἀπίτω. χρησάμενος δὲ
κἂν ἐλαχίστῳ μέρει τῶν πεπιστευμένων, av?

ἀπολέσας τύχη τὰ λοιπά, πάντα ἃ ἔλαβεν ἀπο-

288 δοῦναι κατεγνώσθω. ὁμοίως δὲ τῷ περὶ παρα-
καταθηκῶν κἂν μισθόν τις ἀποστερήσῃ τῶν ἐπὶ
σώμασι τοῖς αὐτῶν ἐργαζομένων, μεμισήσθω:
ὅθεν οὐκ ἀποστερητέον ἀνδρὸς πένητος μισθόν,
εἰδότας ὡς ἀντὶ γῆς καὶ τῶν ἄλλων κτημάτων ὁ
θεὸς αὐτῷ τοῦτον εἴη παρεσχηκώς' ἀλλὰ μηδὲ
ἀναβάλλεσθαι τὴν ἀπόδοσιν, ἀλλ᾽ αὐθημερὸν ἐκ-
τίνειν ὡς οὐ βουλομένου τοῦ θεοῦ τῆς ἐξ ὧν πε-
πόνηκε χρήσεως ὑστερεῖν τὸν εἰργασμένον."

289 (90) “᾿Ι αἶδας ὑπὲρ ἀδικίας πατέρων μὴ κολάζειν,
ἀλλὰ διὰ τὴν ἐκείνων αὐτῶν ἀρετὴν οἴκτου μᾶλλον
ἀξιοῦν, ὅτι μοχθηρῶν ἐγένοντο πατέρων, ἢ μίσους
φύντας" ἐκ φαύλων. οὐ μὴν οὐδὲ πατράσιν νἱῶν
ἁμαρτίαν λογιστέον, τῶν νέων πολλὰ παρὰ τὴν
ἡμετέραν διδασκαλίαν αὑτοῖς ἐπιτρεπόντων ὑπερ-

ηφανίᾳ τοῦ διδάσκεσθαι.

290 (10) “ PadAous ἐκτρέπεσθαι καὶ σύνοδον φεύγειν
τὴν μετ᾽ αὐτῶν ἀφελομένων αὑτοὺς τὸ ἄρρεν καὶ
τὸν τῆς παιδοποιίας καρπόν, ὃν ἀνθρώποις ἐπ᾽
αὐξήσει τοῦ γένους ἡμῖν ὃ θεὸς παρέσχεν, ἐλαύνειν

1 MLE: μηδὲ rell. 2 RO: om. rell.
8 μεμνήσθω (MM) ὅτι ed. pr. 4 ἐργασάμενον RO.
5 ed. pre: φύντες codd.

¢ Of.§ 214. Tradition (cited by Weill) mentions a tribunal
of three (or five) judges in such cases, not of seven.

614

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 287-290

seven judges® and swear by God that nothing had
been lost through his own intention or malice, and
that he had not appropriated any part of it to his
own use, and so let him depart exempt from blame.
But if he has used but the smallest portion of the
trust and happen to have lost the remainder,? he shall
be senteneed to restore all that he received. And ,,

ages to he
as with deposits, so if anyone withhold the wages promptly
of those who labour with their bodies, let him be ae
execrated ; since © one must not deprive a poor man xxiv. 14.
of his wages, knowing that this, instead of land and
other possessions, is the portion whieh God has
granted him. Nay, one must not even defer pay-
ment, but discharge it the selfsame day, for God
would not have the labourer kept waiting for the
enjoyment of the fruits of his toil.

(39) ‘Punish not children for the wrongdoing of Individual
their fathers, but by reason of their own virtue nae
deem them deserving rather of pity for having been /. xxiv. 16.
born of depraved parents than of hatred for their
base lineage.4 Nor yet must one impute to the
fathers the sin of the sons, for the young permit
themselves much that is contrary to our instruction
in their disdain of discipline.

(40) “ Shun eunnchs and flee all dealings with those Banning of
who have deprived themselves of their virility and of ee
those fruits of generation, which God has given to /. xxiii 1.

men for the increase of our race ; expel them even as

δ I think τὰ λοιπά must he taken as dependent on ἀπολέσας,
not (as by Hudson and Weill) with πάντα. Josephus sum-
marizes without strictly following Seripture.

¢ Greek *“* whence © (“ wherefore’). For “ let him...
sinee *’ one text reads “ let him remember that.”

4 Reinaeh, | think needlessly, suspeets the text.

615

291

292

293

294

JOSEPHUS

δὲ οὕτως ὡς ἐπὶ τέκνων σφαγῇ καὶ πρὸς τούτῳ'
ἀπολλύντας τὸ ἐκείνων αἴτιον: δῆλον γάρ, ὡς
τῆς ψυχῆς αὐτοῖς τεθηλυσμένης μετεκοσμήσαντο
πρὸς τοῦτο καὶ τὸ σῶμα. ὁμοίως δὲ καὶ πᾶν τὸ
νομιζόμενον τέρας τοῖς ὁρῶσι: μὴ ἐξεῖναι δὲ
ποιεῖν ἐκτομίας μήτε ἀνθρώπους μὴτε τῶν ἄλλων
ζῴων.

(41) “Αὕτη μὲν οὖν ὑμῖν εἰρηνικὴ τῶν νόμων
κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν διάταξις ἔστω' καὶ ὁ θεὸς
εὐμενὴς ἀστασίαστον αὐτῆς τὸν κόσμον παρέξεται,
γένοιτο δὲ χρόνος μηδὲ εἷς, ὃς καινίσει τι τούτων
καὶ πρὸς τὸ ἐναντίον μεταβαλεῖ. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀνάγκη
τὸ ἀνθρώπειον καὶ εἰς ἀβουλήτους ἢ κατὰ προ-
αίρεσιν ταραχὰς καὶ κινδύνους ἐμπεσεῖν, φέρε καὶ
περὶ τούτων βραχέα προσδιατάξωμεν, ὡς ἂν προ-
εἰδότες ἃ χρὴ ποιεῖν ἐν τῇ χρείᾳ τῶν σωτηρίων
εὐπορῆτε καὶ μὴ τότε ἃ δεῖ ποιεῖν ἐπιζητοῦντες
ἀπαρασκεύαστοι τοῖς καιροῖς περιπέσητε.ἢ

“Γῆν ὑμῖν ἣν ὁ θεὸς ἔδωκε πόνων καταφρονοῦσι
καὶ ψυχὰς πρὸς ἀρετὴν ἠσκημένοις ἀπόλεμον μὲν
νέμεσθαι παράσχοι τε" κεκτημένοις αὐτήν, μήτε
ἀλλοτρίων εἰς αὐτὴν ἐπὶ κακώσει -στρατευσάντων
μήτε στάσεως ἐμφυλίου κατασχούσης ὑμάς, ὑφ᾽
ἧς τἀναντία πατράσι τοῖς ἑαυτῶν πράττοντες
ἀπολεῖτε τὰ ἐκείνοις νομισθέντα, χρώμενοί τε
νόμοις οὗς ἀγαθοὺς δοκιμάσας ὁ θεὸς παραδίδωσι
διατελοίητε: ἔργον δ᾽ ὅ τι ἂν πολεμικὸν ἣ νῦν

1 RO: πρὸ τούτων rell.: per hoc Lat.
2 Bekker: παραπέσητε codd. 8 rots Dindorf.

¢ Another text reads ‘‘ before them” i.e. “ before the
infants’ birth.’’
Ὁ Cf. iii. 287 for a similar transition from civil to military

616

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 290-295

infanticides who withal ? have destroyed the means
of procreation. For plainly it is by reason of the
effeminacy of their soul that they have changed the
sex of their body also. And so with all that would be
deemed a monstrosity by the beholders. Ye shall
castrate neither man nor beast.

(41) “Such then shall be for vou in peace-time ἢ the
legal constitution of your state; and God in His
mercy will keep its shapely order unmarred by strife.
May there never come a time for amending aught
therein and establishing the contrary in its place !
Yet since humanity © must needs be plunged into
troubles and perils, be they involuntary or premedi-
tated, come let us append on these matters also some
brief ordinances, that, forewarned how ye must act,
ye may, in your need, be furnished with the means of
salvation, and not then go searching what ve ought
to do and plunge unprepared into those times of
crisis.

“This land which God hath given to you that are
contemptuous of fatigue and whose souls are schooled
to valour—may He grant you to occupy it in peace,
once ye have conquered it: may neither foreigner
invade it for its injury. nor civil strife o’ermaster you,
whereby ye shall be led to actions contrary to those
of your own fathers and destroy the institutions
which they established: and may ye continue to
observe laws which God has approved as good and
now delivers to you! Yet whatever warfare it may
be vours to wage, be it now in your own time or here-

matters; and as there, so here, in this ** brief appendix "
Soo the “ Thucydidean δ assistant appears to lend his
al

© τὸ ἀνθρώπειον, a Thucydidean phrase, characteristic of
A. XVil.-xix.

617

Cf. Lev,
ΧΧΠ. 24 LXX.

Provisions

for war and
prayers for
peace,

296

297

298

JOSEPHUS

ὑφ᾽ ὑμῶν 7 ὕστερον ἐπὶ παίδων ὑμετέρων γένηται
τοῦθ᾽ ὑπερόριον πραχθείη. μέλλοντας δὲ πολεμεῖν
πρεσβείαν καὶ κήρυκας πέμπειν παρὰ τοὺς ἑκουσίως
πολεμίους" πρὸ γὰρ τῶν ὅπλων καλὸν εἶναι χρῆσθαι
λόγοις πρὸς αὐτούς, δηλοῦντας ὅτι καὶ στρατιὰν
πολλὴν ἔχοντες καὶ ἵππους καὶ ὅπλα καὶ πρὸ
τούτων εὐμενῆ τὸν θεὸν καὶ σύμμαχον, ὅμως
ἀξιοῦτε μὴ ἀναγκάζεσθαι πολεμεῖν αὐτοῖς μηδὲ τὰ
ἐκείνων ἀφαιρουμένους ἀβούλητον αὑτοῖς κέρδος
προσλαμβάνειν. καὶ πειθομένων μὲν καλῶς ὑμᾶς
ἔχειν τὴν εἰρήνην φυλάττειν, εἰ δὲ φρονοῦντες
ἐφ᾽ ἑαυτοῖς ὡς ἰσχύι διαφέρουσιν ἀδικεῖν ἐθέλοιεν,
στρατὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἀγάγετε, στρατηγῷ μὲν
αὐτοκράτορι γρώμενοι τῷ θεῷ, ὑποστράτηγον
δὲ χειροτονήσαντες ἕνα τὸν ἀρετῇ προύχοντα'
πολυαρχία γὰρ πρὸς τῷ τοῖς ὀξέως τι πράττειν
ἀνάγκην ἔχουσιν ἐμπόδιον εἶναι καὶ βλάπτειν
πέφυκε τοὺς χρωμένους. στρατὸν δ᾽ ἄγειν καθαρὸν
ἐκ πάντων τῶν ῥώμῃ σωμάτων καὶ ψυχῆς ev-
τολμίᾳ διαφερόντων τὸ" δειλὸν ἀποκρίναντας, μὴ
τοὺς πολεμίους παρὰ τὸ ἔργον τραπὲν εἰς φυγὴν
ὠφελήσῃ. τούς τε νεωστὶ δειμαμένους οἰκίας;
οἷς οὔπω χρόνος ἀπολαύσεως αὐτῶν ἐνιαύσιος,
καὶ φυτεύσαντας οὔπω δὲ καρπῶν μετεσχηκότας,
ἐᾶν κατὰ χώραν, καὶ τοὺς ᾿μνηστευσαμένους δὲ
καὶ νεωστὶ γεγαμηκότας, μὴ πόθῳ τούτων φει-
δόμενοι τοῦ ζῆν καὶ τηροῦντες αὑτοὺς εἰς τὴν τού-
των ἀπόλαυσιν ἐθελοκακήσωσι [περὶ τὰς γυναῖκας."
᾿ ἀγάγοιτε RO. 7 Es: τὸ δὲ codd.
* Nl: ἀποκρίνοντας rel). *om,..Lat.

4 στρατηγὸς αὐτοκράτωρ, after Thuc. vi. 72 τούς re στρατη-

yous καὶ ὀλίγους καὶ αὐτοκράτορας χρῆναι ἐλέσθαι.

618

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 295-298

after in the days of your children, may this action
take place beyond your frontiers.

“When ye are on the verge of war,send an embassy Prelimin-
with heralds to your aggressive enemy ; for, before {65 Peters
taking arms, it is meet to parley with them and to Πα
represent that, though possessed of a large army,” ἢ
horses and munitions, and above all blest with God’s
gracious favour and support, nevertheless ye desire
not to be eonstrained to make war on them and, in
robbing them of what is theirs, to annex to your-
selves unwanted profit. If, then, they vield to those
representations, it behoves you to keep the peace ;
but if, confident of their superior strength, they wish
to do you wrong, lead out an army against them,
taking God for your supreme commander? and elect- [}. 1, 4.
ing as His lieutenant the one man who is pre-eminent
for valour; for divided control, besides being a
hindrance to those for whom prompt action is impera-
tive, is withal apt to injure those who practise it.?

The army under him must be immaculate, made up of 1b. 5-8
all who excel in vigour of body and hardihood of soul, ΕΣ
after rejection of the cow ardly, for fear lest they turn

to flight during the action to the advantage of the
enemy. Those too who have lately built themselves
houses and have not yet had a year to enjoy them,
with those who have planted and have not yet
partaken of the fruits, must be left on the land, as

also the betrothed and recently married, lest regret

for these things should make them chary of their
lives and, reserving themselves to enjoy them, they

de ‘liberately shirk danger.

® After Thue. ibid. μέγα δὲ βλάψαι καὶ τὸ πληθος τῶν στμα-
τηγῶν καὶ τὴν πολναρχίαν.

019

299

300

301

303

JOSEPHUS

(42) “ Στρατοπεδευσάμενοι δὲ προνοεῖσθε, μή τι
τῶν δυσχερεστέρων “ἐργάσησθε. πολιορκοῦντας δὲ
καὶ ξύλων ἀ ἀπορουμένους εἰς ποίησιν μηχανημάτων
μὴ κείρειν τὴν γῆν ἥμερα δένδρα κόπτοντας ἀλλὰ
φείδεσθαι, λογιζομένους ἐπ᾽ ὠφελείᾳ ταῦτα τῶν
ἀνθρώπων γεγονέναι, καὶ φωνῆς ἂν εὐπορήσαντα
δικαιολογήσασθαι πρὸς ὑμᾶς, ὡς οὐδὲν αἴτια τοῦ
πολέμου γεγονότα πάσχοι κακῶς παρὰ δίκην, ε
δύναμις αὐτοῖς ἦν καὶ μετοικήσαντα ἂν καὶ πρὸς
ἄλλην μεταβάντα γῆν. κρατήσαντες δὲ τῇ μάχῃ
τοὺς ἀντιταξαμένους κτείνατε, τοὺς δ᾽ ἄλλους
εἰς τὸ τελεῖν ὑμῖν φόρους σώζετε πλὴν τοῦ Χα-
ναναίων ἔθνους: τούτους γὰρ πανοικὶ χρῆναι
ἀφανίσαι.

(43) ““νλάσσειν δὲ μάλιστα ἐν ταῖς μάχαις, ὡς
μήτε “γυναῖκα ἀνδρικῇ σκευῇ χρῆσθαι μήτ᾽ ἄνδρα

στολῇ γυναικείᾳ.

(a t) ΤΠ ολιτείαν μὲν οὖν τοιάνδε Μωυσῆς κατέλιπε,
νόμους δ᾽ ἔτι πρότερον τεσσαρακοστῷ ἔτει γε-
γραμμένους παραδίδωσι, περὶ ὧν ἐν ἑτέρᾳ γραφῇ
λέξομεν. ταῖς δ᾽ ἑξῆς “ἡμέραις, συνεχὲς γὰρ
ἐξεκκλησίασεν, εὐλογίας αὐτοῖς δίδωσι καὶ κατάρας
ἐπὶ τοὺς μὴ κατὰ τοὺς νόμους ζησομένους ἀλλὰ
παραβησομένους τὰ ἐν αὐτοῖς διωρισμένα. ἔπειτα
ποίησιν ἑξάμετρον αὐτοῖς ἀνέγνω, ἣν καὶ κατα-

° The writer, while following Scripture, doubtless also has
in mind the practice of the Romans in the recent war:
δ... v. 523, vi. 6 * sites formerly beautified with trees and
parks now reduced to an utter desert and stripped bare of
timber.”

δ Words not in Scripture, where the prohibition is doubtless

620

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES. IV. 299-303

(42) ‘Once encamped, take heed torefrain from any Abstention
of the more outrageous actions. When ye-are cn- Lae
gaged in a siege and lack timber for the construction meni,
of your engines, do not shear the ground by cutting
down the cultivated trees?: nay, spare them, re-
fleeting that they were created for the serviee of men
and that, were they gifted with a voiee, they would
plead with you and say that they were in no way
answerable for the war, that they were being mal-
treated unjustly and that, had they the power, they
would have migrated and moved to another country.

Having won the battle, slay those that have resisted 1}. 18,
you, but leave the rest alive to pay you tribute, save

the race of the Canaanites: for them ye must ex-
terminate wholesale.

(43) ‘ Beware, above all in battle,® that no woman Costume
assume the accoutrements of a man nor a man the %, "De βοχοϑ,
apparel of a woman.”’

(44) Such then is the constitution that Moses left ; Moses

A ; delivers the
he further delivered over those laws whieh he had jaws ana
written forty years before and of which we shall speak ore Ὰ Ὑ
in another work.¢ On the following days—for the peopte.

assembly was held continuously—he gave them jp, xxvii.
blessings, with eurses upon such as should not live (*vil).
in accordance with the laws but should transgress the
ordinances that were therein. Then he recited to 7p, xxxii.
them a poem in hexameter verse, which he has more- 1.33:

“directed against the simulated changes of sex which
occurred in Canaanite and Syrian heathenism ἡ (Driver).
But Weill finds support for them in the opinion of R. Eliezer
ben Jacob ee cent, A.v.), Who based upon this verse of
Deut. the rule that a woman might not bear arms.
¢ ‘The projected " Customs and Causes ἡ often mentioned ;
see iil. 223.
πο ΠΥ ἣν x 621

S04

JOSEPHUS

td 3 ᾽ὔ > - ς ~ ?
λέλοιπεν ἐν βίβλῳ ἐν τῷ ἱερῷ πρόρρησιν περι-
- b 7 €
ἔχουσαν τῶν ἐσομένων, Kal? ἣν [καὶ] γέγονε [τὰ]
πάντα καὶ γίνεται, μηδὲν ἐκείνου διημαρτηκότος
τῆς ἀληθείας. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν τὰ βιβλία παραδίδωσι
- φ ~
τοῖς ἱερεῦσι καὶ τὴν κιβωτόν, εἰς ἣν καὶ τοὺς
δέκα λόγους γεγραμμένους ἐν δυσὶ πλαξὶ κατέθετο,
καὶ τὴν σκηνήν" τῷ τε λαῷ παρήϊεσε κρατήσαν Te
τῆς γῆς καὶ ἱδρυθέντι μὴ λήθην λαβεῖν τῆς ᾿Δμα-
ληκιτῶν ὕβρεως, ἀλλὰ στρατεύσαντας ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς
τιμωρίαν ἀπολαβεῖν ὧν ἐπὶ τῆς ἐρήμου τυγχάνον-
τὰς, ἐποίησαν κακῶς, eSehovras δὲ τ ον Χαναναίων
γῆν καὶ πᾶσαν διαφθείραντας τὴν ἐν αὐτῇ πληθὺν
‘ 7, - ω
καθὰ πρέπει; TOV βωμόν τε ἀναστῆσαι πρὸς ἥλιον
ἀνίσχοντα τετραμμένον οὐ πόρρω Tis Σικίμων
πόλεως ἰἐμπεριάγειν ὃ μεταξὺ δυοῖν ὀροῖν, Γαρι-
ζαίου" μὲν τοῦ ἐκ δεξιῶν κειμένου, τοῦ δ᾽ ἐκ
~ \ -
λαιῶν Βουλὴ προσαγορευομένου, μερισθεῖσαν δὲ
Α Α > ae \ > \ ~ GC ~ 3 ~
τὴν στρατιὰν καθ᾽ ἕξ φυλὰς ἐπὶ τοῖν δνοῖν opoty
ΘΟ, pr., Lat.: τυγχάνοντες codd.
= Σικιμίων KO; Sain cdepr., Lat.
4 Γριζέου Mi: Γριζαίοι Niese.
5. βάλοι δα, pro: Hebal Lat.

¢ Not, as in one ms, (followed by Hudson and Weill),
“in the holy book.” Similar references to ‘ writings
deposited in the temple’ occur in /f. iii. 58, v. 613; the
fact that these passages refer to lyrical portions of Scripture,
taken with the statement that this song of Moses, like ἫΝ
other song at the Red Sea (<1. ii. 346), was composed “ἡ
hexameter verse,” suggests that Josephus was "ὦ Ate
with a collection of chants, drawn from the Bible or from
elsewhcre, and set to music for the use of the temple choir.
I may refer to my Josephus the Man and the Historian
(New York, 1929), pp. 90 ἢ,
di. iii, 90 ff. (esp. 60), Ex. xvii. 8-16. The passage in

622

JEWISH. ANTIQUITIES, FV. 303-305

over bequeathed in a book preserved in the temple,?
containing a prediction of future events. in accordance
with which all has come and is coming to pass, the
seer having in no whit strayed from the truth. All
these books he consigned to the priests, together
with the ark, in which he had deposited the ten com-
mandments written on two tables, and the taber-
nacle. He also exhorted the people, once they had
conquered the country and were established therein,
not to forget that insolence of the Amalekites, but to
take the field against them and exact vengeance for
the wrong w hich they had done them when they
were in the desert.’ “Furthermore, when they had
utterly vanquished the land of Canaan and destroyed
its whole population, as was meet, they were to erect
the altar pointing towards the rising sun,° not far
from the city of Sikima? between two mountains, the
Garizaean ὁ on the right and that called “* Counsel “7
on the left ; and the army, divided into two portions
of six tribes each, was to take up its station on these
Dent. xxv., ‘Remember what Amalek did,’’ was one of the
earliest of the δ᾽ lessons ’’ from the Law to be read in Jewish
worship,

¢ Direction not named in Scripture: the phrase “ towards
the sun-rising ἡ seems to be taken from Herodotus (DJ.
vil. 251 note). ᾿

4 Shechem: some mss. read ‘*‘ the Sikimites.”” The word
ἐμπεριάγειν (ἡ to bring round ”), which follows in the Greek
mss., looks like a gloss on ἀναστῆσαι (to erect *'), or rather
a correction of the assistant (BJ. v. 367, the only other
instance known to the Lesxicons), to indicate that the altar,
imnseribed by Moses (§ S05), was to be taken with them, and
not, as in Scripture, to be ereeted ex fempore on the spot.

¢ Heb. Gerizim, Lexx Βαριζείν,

! Heb. Ebal, rxx Πα άλ : Βουλή ( Counsel") of Josephus
is an instance of the frequent Hellenization of a Hebrew
namie; the Ileb. is perhaps connected with the god Bel.

623

Deut. xxxi.
9, 25.

1b. xxv. 17.

Blessings

and curses

imscribed on
the altar.
fb. xxvil. 4.
12 {1

306

307

308

009

JOSHEPHUS

ἀναστῆναι καὶ σὺν αὐτοῖς Λευίτας τε καὶ" ἱερέας.
καὶ πρώτους μὲν τοὺς ἐπὶ τῷ Lapileiv® γενομένους
εὔχεσθαι τὰ κάλλιστα τοῖς περὶ τὴν θρησκείαν τοῦ
θεοῦ καὶ τὴν τῶν νόμων φυλακὴν σπουδάσασιν ὧν
τε Μωυσῆς εἶπε μὴ παρακροασαμένοις," εὐφημεῖν
δὲ τὰς ἑτέρας, καὶ τούτων πάλιν εὐχομένων
τὰς προηγμένας ἐπαινεῖν. ἔπειτα κατὰ ταὐτὰ τοῖς
παραβησομένοις κατάρας τίθεσθαι ὑποφωνούσας
ἀλλήλαις ἐπὶ τῇ κυρώσει τῶν λεγομένων. ἂν-
ἔγραψε δὲ τὰς εὐλογίας καὶ τὰς κατάρας αὐτός,
ὡς μηδέποτε ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν μάθησιν αὐτῶν ὑπὸ
τοῦ χρόνου, ἃς δὴ καὶ τῷ βωμῷ τελευτῶν ἐν-
έγραψε κατὰ πλευρὰν ἑκατέραν, ἣ καὶ στάντα φησὶ
τὸν λαὸν θῦσαί τε καὶ ὁλοκαυτῶσαι καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκείνην
τὴν ἡμέραν οὐκ᾿ ἐπενεγκεῖν ἱερεῖον ἕτερον, οὐ γὰρ
εἶναι νόμιμον. ταῦτ᾽ οὖν Μωυσῆς διέταξε καὶ τὸ
“Ἑβραίων ἔθνος ἀκόλουθα τούτοις ποιοῦν διατελεῖ.

(45) ἐν Ὁ 0: ὑστεραίᾳ τὸν λαὸν σὺν γυναιξὶν ἁ ἅμα
καὶ τέκνοις εἰς ἐκκλησίαν συναγαγών, ὡς παρεῖναι
καὶ τὰ ἀνδράποδα, ὥρκου τῶν νόμων αὐτοὺς
φυλακὴν ποιήσασθαι καὶ τῆς τοῦ θεοῦ διανοίας
ἀκριβεῖς λογιστὰς γινομένους ἦ μηδὲν" αὐτοὺς
μήτε συγγενείᾳ χαριζομένους μήτε εἴκοντας φόβῳ
μήτε ἄλλην καθάπαξ αἰτίαν κυριωτέραν τῆς τῶν
νόμων φυλακῆς ὑπολαμβάνοντας παραβῆναι τού-

NOs + τοὺς τΕ]]. ὅ Γρίζειν ROM.

3 Holwerda: wapaxpovcauerots (παρακουσ.) codd.
4. +é7 OVER.
5 ἢ μηδὲν CONj.: εἰ ie εἰς ete. codd.

a“ And all the people shall say, rien ; Deut. XXVil. 26.

δ In Seripture the people (not Moses) are to inscribe on
the future altar, not the blessines and curses, but ‘ all the
words of this law ” (xxvii. 3, 3).

624

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 305-309

two mountains, and with them Levites and priests.
And first those on Mount Garizin were to invoke the
best of blessings upon sueh as were zealous for the
worship of God and for the observanee of the laws
and were not disobedient to the words of Moses, and
the other tribes were to express pious approval @; and
when these offered prayers in their turn, the first
party should signify their assent. Thereafter, in the
same order, they should impreeate curses upon future
transgressors, mutually responding in eorroboration
of the pronouncements. These blessings and eurses
he put on record himself, to the end that their lesson
might never be abolished by time, and indeed at the
last he inseribed them upon the altar,? on either side,
even where he said that the people were to stand ὃ
and offer sacrifiees and whole burnt-offerings, but
after that day they should offer no further vietim
thereon,? that being unlawful. Sueh were the ordin-
anees of Moses, and the Hebrew nation eontinues to
aet in conformity therewith.

(45) On the morrow, having ealled together the
people, women and children included, to an assembly
which even the slaves were required to attend, he
made them swear to observe the laws and that, taking
strict aeeaunt ὁ of the mind of God, they would verily
in no whit transvress them, neither through favourit-
ism to kin, nor yielding to fear, nor in the belief that
any other motive whatsoever eould he more impera-
tive than the observance of the laws ; nay more, that

¢ Such seems to be the meaning, but the Greek is peculiar
and possibly corrupt.
¢ No such injunction in Scripture. “‘ Jos¢phe est. iet
plus loyaliste que la loi” (T. Reinach),
4 Lit. *‘ showing themselves strict accountants.”
VOL. IV ΧΩ O25

Cf. Deut.
¥Xvii. 8.

1 9 Υὶ,
(Josh.
viii. 31).

Oath of

allegiance
to the Law,
Cf, Deut.
RNIN ce i

Ib, xili. 6.

JOSEPHUS

3 > ; “ a
310 Tous, ἀλλ᾽ av τέ τις τῶν ἐξ αἵματος συγχεῖν Kal

9}}

312

313

314

315

καταλύειν ἐπιχειρῇ τὴν κατ᾽ αὐτοὺς πολιτείαν ἀν
τε πόλις, ἀμύνειν αὐτοῖς καὶ κοινῇ καὶ κατ᾽ ἰδίαν,
καὶ κρατήσαντας μὲν ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνασπᾶν θεμελίων
καὶ μηδὲ τὸ ἔδαφος τῶν ἀπονοηθέντων εἰ δυνατὸν
καταλιπεῖν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀσθενοῖεν λαβεῖν τὴν τιμωρίαν,
αὐτὸ τὸ μὴ κατὰ βούλησιν ἰδίαν ταῦτα γίνεσθαι
δεικνύναι. καὶ τὸ μὲν πλῆθος ὠμννεν.

(46) ᾿Εδίδασκε δὲ αὐτούς, ὡς ἂν at θυσίαι τῷ
θεῷ μᾶλλον κεχαρισμέναι γένοιντο καὶ ὅπως ἂν
οἱ στρατεύοντες ἐξίοιεν τεκμηρίῳ χρώμενοι τοῖς
λίθοις, ὡς καὶ πρότερον δεδήλωκα. προεφήτευσε
δὲ καὶ ᾿Ιησοῦς Μωυσέος παρόντος. ἔπειτα πάν
ὅσα ποιήσειεν' ὑπὲρ τῆς τοῦ λαοῦ σωτηρίας ἔν
τε πολέμοις καὶ κατ᾽ εἰρήνην νόμους τε συντιθεὶς
Καὶ τὸν τῆς πολιτείας κόσμον συμπορίζων ἀνα-
λογιζόμενος προεῖπεν, ὡς δηλώσειεν αὐτῷ τὸ θεῖον,
ὅτι παραβάντες τὴν πρὸς αὐτὸν θρησκείαν πειρα-
θήσονται κακῶν, ὡς ὅπλων τε αὐτοῖς πολεμίων
πληρωθῆναι τὴν γῆν καὶ κατασκαφῆναι πόλεις καὶ
τὸν νεὼν καταπρησθῆναι καὶ πραθέντας δουλεύειν
ἀνδράσιν οὐδένα ληψομένοις οἶκτον ἐπὶ ταῖς συμ-
φοραῖς αὐτῶν, μετανοήσειν δ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ μηδενὶ
χρησίμῳ ταῦτα πάσχοντας. ““ὁ μέντοι θεὸς 6
κτίσας ὑμᾶς πόλεις τε πολίταις ὑ ὑμετέροις ἀποδώσει
καὶ τὸν ναόν: ἔσεσθαι δὲ τὴν τούτων ἀποβολὴν οὐχ
ἅπαξ ἀλλὰ πολλάκις."

(47) Παρορμήσας δὲ" τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν ἐπὶ τοὺς

1 πονήσειεν SP. 2 οὖν ΤΟ.

9 iil. 916.

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 310-315

should any person of their blood essay to confound Deut.

and dissolve the constitution that was based on those
laws, should any city do the like, they would rise in
their defence, as a nation and as individuals, and,
when victorious, would uproot that place from its
very foundations, aye and leave not the very ground
beneath those misereants’ feet, were that possible ;
but should they be powerless to exact that punish-
ment, they would at least demonstrate that these
proceedings were contrary to their will. And the
people took the oath.

(46) He taught them, too, how their sacritices
might be made the more acceptable to God, and
how the troops when taking the field should consult
the oracular stones, as I have previously indicated.¢
Joshua also prophesied in the presence of Moses.
Then, recounting all that he had done for the people's
salvation in war and in peace, in compiling laws and
in co-operating to procure for them an ordered
constitution, Moses foretold, as revealed to him by
the Divinity, that, if they transgressed His rites,
they would experience aftlietions of such sort that
their land would be filled with the arms of enemies,
their cities razed, their temple burnt; that they
would be sold into slavery to men who would take
no pity on their misfortunes, and that their repent-
ance would profit them naught amid those sufferings.
‘ Howbeit,” said he, “ God who created you ὃ will
restore those cities to your citizens and the temple
too ; yet will they be lost not once, but often.”

(47) Then, after exhorting Joshua to lead a cam-

ὃ Reinach “ qui a fondé votre empire”: the phrase θεὸς ὁ
κτίσας reeurs in 2S. 11. 879, v. 377. This last sentence is
the author’s addition, without warrant in Seripture.

O27

ΧΙ, 12.

Exhortation
and
warnings.
Cf Numb.
XxVill. 1.

Deut. xxViii.

316

317

318

319

320

JOSEPHUS

Χαναναίους otpatetav' ἐξάγειν, ws τοῦ θεοῦ συν-
εργοῦντος οἷς ἂν ἐπιχειρήσειε, καὶ πᾶσαν ἐπ-
ευφημήσας τὴν πληθύν, “᾿ ἐπεί, φησί, “πρὸς τοὺς
ἡμετέρους ἄπειμι προγόνους καὶ θεὸς τήνδε μοι
THY ἡμέραν τῆς πρὸς ἐκείνους ἀφίξεως ὥρισε,
χάριν μὲν αὐτῷ ζῶν ἔτι καὶ παρὼν ὑμῖν ἔχειν
ὁμολογῶ προνοίας τε τῆς ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν, ἣν οὐχ ὑπὲρ
ἀπαλλαγῆς μόνον τῶν ὑμετέρων" ἐποιήσατο κακῶν,
ἀλλὰ καὶ δωρεᾶς τῶν κρειττόνων, ὅτι τε πονοῦντι
μοι καὶ κατὰ πᾶσαν ἐπίνοιαν" τῆς ἐπὶ τὸ βέλτιον
ὑμῶν μεταβολῆς φροντίδα λαμβάνοντι συνηγωνί-
σατο καὶ παρέσχεν. ἐν ἅπασιν αὑτὸν ἡμῖν" εὐμενῆ.
μᾶλλον δ᾽ αὐτὸς ἦν ὁ καὶ τὴν ἀφήγησιν αὐτῶν
διδοὺς καὶ τὰ τέλη χαριζόμενος, ὑποστρατήγῳ
χρώμενος ἐμοὶ καὶ ὑπηρέτῃ ὧν τὸν ἡμέτερον λαὸν
εὐεργετεῖν ἠθέλησεν. ἀνθ᾽ ὧν προευλογῆσαιδ τὴν
τοῦ θεοῦ δύναμιν, ᾧ μελήσει καὶ πρὸς τὸ μέλλον
ὑμῶν, ἀπαλλασσόμενος καλῶς ἔχειν ἡγησάμην,
αὐτός τε ταύτην ὀφειλομένην ἀμοιβὴν ἀποδιδοὺς
καὶ καταλείπων εἰς μνήμην ὑμῖν τὸ σέβειν τε καὶ
τιμᾶν προσήκειν τοῦτον ὑμῖν καὶ τοὺς νόμους,
πάντων ὧν τε παρέσχηκε καὶ μένων εὐμενὴς ἔτι
παρέξει δώρημα κάλλιστον, φυλάττειν: ὡς δεινὸς
μὲν ἐχθρὸς καὶ ἄνθρωπος νομοθέτης ὑβριζομένων
αὐτῷ τῶν νόμων καὶ μάτην κειμένων, θεοῦ δὲ
μὴ πειραθείητε χαλεπαίνοντος ὑπὲρ ἀμελουμένων
νόμων, οὗς αὐτὸς γεννήσας ὑμῖν ἔδωκε.᾽

(48) Μωυσέος δὲ ταῦτα πρὸς τελευτῇ" τοῦ βίου
φήσαντος καὶ pet εὐλογίας ἑκάστῃ τῶν φυλῶν

1 στρατιὰν MS, 2 ex Lat. edd.: ἡμετέρων codd.
2 ed. Genev.: ἐπινοοῦντι SP (omitting κατὰ): ἐπὶ νοῦν rell.
4 ὑμῖν RO.

628

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 315-320

paign against the Canaanites, assured of God’s co- Moses
operation in all his enterprises, and after addressing To's,
auspicious words to the whole assembly, “ Secing,” God: his
said he, “ that I am going to our forefathers and that eh 7.
this is the day that God hath appointed for my
departure to them, while yet alive and among you Cy Deut.
I render thanks to Him, alike for the care w Heh Heh
has bestowed on you, not only in delivering you
from your distress, but in presenting you with the
best of boons, and then for that, while I was toiling
and with utmost endeavour taking thought for the
amelioration of your lot, He aided me in those
struggles and showed Himself ever gracious towards
me.? Nay rather it was He who both gave the lead
in those endeavours and granted the gracious issues,
employing me but as His subaltern and subordinate
minister of the benefactions which He was fain to
eonfer upon our people. Wherefore I thought it
right, ere departing, to bless the power of God, who
will still care for you for the time to come, myself
rendering this return that is His due. and leaving in
yonr memory the thought that it behoves you to
revere and honour Him, and to observe His laws—
that ehoicest boon of all that He has given you or,
continuing to be gracious, will give you hereafter.
Vor if even a human legislator is a formidable foe
when his laws are outraged and laid down to none
effect, then beware of experiencing the wrath of
God for laws neglected—laws which He, the begetter
of them, presented to you Himself.”

(18) Willen Moses, at the close of life, had thus The people's

‘ emotion.
spoken, and, with benedictions, had prophesied to 7y\\yexiii. 1.

4 Gr. “us” (sing. for plur., as often).

ee A ι΄. -

; προαευλογηθαὶ Sib. § Niese: τελευτὴν codd.
629

JOSEPHUS

προφητεύσαντος τὰ καὶ γενησόμενα' τὸ πλῆθος
εἰς δάκρυα προύπεσεν, ὡς καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας
στερνοτυπουμένας ἐμφανίζειν τὸ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τεθνη-
ξομένῳ πάθος. καὶ οἱ παῖδες δὲ θρηνοῦντες ἔτι
μᾶλλον, ὡς ἀσθενέστεροι κρατεῖν λύπης, ἐδήλουν
ὅτι τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτοῦ καὶ μεγαλουργίας παρ᾽ αὐτὴν
321 τὴν ἡλικίαν συνίεσαν. ἦν δὲ κατ᾽ ἐπίνοιαν τοῖς τε
νέοις καὶ προηβηκόσιν" ἅμιλλα τῆς λύπης" οἱ μὲν
γὰρ εἰδότες οἵου στεροῖντο" κηδεμόνος περὶ τοῦ
μέλλοντος ἀπεθρήνουν, τοῖς δὲ καὶ περὶ τούτου τὸ
πένθος ἦν καὶ ὅτι μήπω καλῶς τῆς ἀρετῆς αὐτοῦ
322 γεγευμένοις ἀπολείπεσθαι συνέβαινεν αὐτοῦ. τὴν
δ᾽ ὑπερβολὴν τῆς τοῦ πλήθους οἰμωγῆς καὶ τῶν
ὀδυρμῶν τεκμαίροιτο ἄν τις ἐκ τοῦ συμβάντος τῷ
νομοθέτῃ: καὶ γὰρ πεπεισμένος ἅπαντι τῷ χρόνῳ
μὴ δεῖν ἐπὶ μελλούσῃ τελευτῇ κατηφεῖν, ὡς κατὰ
βούλησιν αὐτὸ πάσχοντας θεοῦ καὶ φύσεως νόμῳ,
ἐπὶ τοῖς ὑπὸ τοῦ λαοῦ πραττομένοις ἐνικήθη δα-
323 κρῦσαι. πορευομένῳ δ᾽ ἔνθεν οὗ ἔμελλεν ἀφανισθή-
σεσθαι πάντες εἵποντο δεδακρυμένοι, καὶ Μωυσῆς
τοὺς μὲν πόρρω τῇ χειρὶ κατασείων μένειν ἠρε-
μοῦντας ἐκέλευε, tovs' δ᾽ ἔγγιον λόγοις παρεκάλει
μὴ ποιεῖν αὐτῷ δακρυτὴν τὴν ἀπαλλαγὴν ἐπο-
324 μένους. οὗ δὲ καὶ τοῦτ᾽ αὐτῷ χαρίζεσθαι κρί-
νοντες, τὸ κατὰ βούλησιν ἀπελθεῖν αὐτῷ τὴν ἰδίαν
ἐφεῖναι, κατέχουσιν ἑαυτοὺς ἐν ἀλλήλοις δακρύοντες.
μόνη δ᾽ ἡ γερουσία προύπεμψεν αὐτὸν καὶ ὁ
ἀρχιερεὺς ᾿Ιλεάζαρος καὶ 6 στρατηγὸς ᾿ΪΙησοῦς.
1 ex Lat.: γενόμενα codd.
2 RO (+7): προβεβηκόσιν rel.
3 ἐστέρηνται R: ἐστέρηντο O, 4 τὸ RO.

¢ According to another reading, “ that in fact came to
5 ἘΣ
pass.

630

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 320-324

each of the tribes the things that in fact were
to come to pass,? the multitude burst into tears,
while the women, too, with beating of the breast
manifested their emotion at his approaching death.
Aye, and the children, wailing yet more, in that
they were too feeble to suppress their grief, dis-
played an understanding of his virtues and grand
achievements even beyond their years. Yet in the
thoughts of their hearts there was conflict between
the grief of the young and of their seniors. For
these, knowing of what a protector they were to be
bereft, lamented for the future ; while those, beside
that eause for grief, had the sorrow that, ere they had
yet right Well tasted of his worth, it was their lot
to lose him. How extraordinary was this outburst of
weeping and wailing of the multitude may be con-
jeetured from what befell the lawgiver. For he, who
had ever been persuaded that men should not despond
as the end approached, beeause this fate befell them
in aeecordanee with the will of God and by a law of
nature, was yet by this conduet of the people reduced
to tears.

On his advancing thence toward the place where
he was destined to disappear, they all followed him
bathed in tears; thereupon Moses, by a signal of
his hand, bade those in the distance to remain
still, while by word of mouth he exhorted those
nearer to him not to make his passing a tearful one
by following him. And they, deciding to gratify
him in this also, to wit, to leave him to depart aecord-
ing to his own desire, held back, weeping with one
another. Only the elders escorted him, with Eleazar
the high priest, and Joshua the general. But when

081

The passing
of Moses,
Deut.
xxxiv. 1.

JOSEPHUS

~ ~ Ὁ a
325 ὡς δ᾽ ἐπὶ TH ὄρει τῷ ᾿Αβαρεῖ καλουμένῳ ἐγένετο,

9

9

Go

27

~ \ ¢ i ¢€ ~ 1 9 Ἁ “- πῶ
τοῦτο δὲ ὑψηλὸν “Ἱεριχοῦντος; ἀντικρὺ κεῖται γῆν
ἀρίστην τῶν Χαναναίων καὶ πλείστην παρέχον
~ > ἴω
τοῖς ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κατοπτεύειν, ἀπέπεμπε τὴν γερου-
ὔ > a 4 \ 4 > 4 5 ~
σίαν. ἀσπαζομένου δὲ Kat τὸν ᾿Ελεάζαρον αὐτοῦ
~ A ~ 3,
καὶ τὸν ᾿Ιησοῦν καὶ προσομιλοῦντος ἔτι, νέφους
> , εν γν , 9 ͵ ͵
αἰφνίδιον ὑπὲρ αὐτὸν στάντος ἀφανίζεται κατά
, 3 4 3 a -
τινος φάραγγος. γέγραφε δ᾽ αὑτὸν ἐν ταῖς ἱεραῖς
ὔ ~ é 4 ᾽ « 4 “-
βίβλοις τεθιεῶτα, δείσας μὴ δι ὑπερβολὴν τῆς
3 ~ 4 a ~
περὶ αὐτὸν ἀρετῆς πρὸς TO θεῖον αὐτὸν ἀναχωρῆσαι
τολμήσωσιν εἰπεῖν.
3 4 \ \ / é 3 ~ Ν
(40) ᾿Εβίωσε δὲ τὸν πάντα χρόνον ἐτῶν εἴκοσι
͵ὕ - > \ ; / Cask A
Kal ἑκατόν, ὧν ἦρξε τὸ τρίτον μέρος ἑνὶ λεῖπον"
~ , ~
μηνί, ἐτελεύτησε δὲ τῷ ὑστάτῳ μηνὶ τοῦ ἔτους,
e 4 4 ᾽ 4 ᾿ / 3 ’
ὑπὸ μὲν Maxedovwv Δύστρου καλουμένου ᾿Αδάρου
¢ > ~
δ᾽ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν νουμηνίᾳ, συνέσει τε τοὺς πώποτ᾽
‘ 3 “-
ἀνθρώπους ὑπερβαλὼν καὶ χρησάμενος ἀριστα τοῖς
“- " “- \ ~
νοηθεῖσιν, εἰπεῖν τε Kat πλήθεσιν ὁμιλῆσαι κε-
χαρισμένος τά τε ἄλλα καὶ τῶν παθῶν αὐτοκράτωρ,
ὡς μηδὲ ἐνεῖναι τούτων τῇ ψυχῇ δοκεῖν αὐτοῦ καὶ
~ 4 ~
γινώσκειν μόνον αὐτῶν τὴν προσηγορίαν ἐκ τοῦ
1 +xar’ SPL. 2 Niese: λείποντι codd.

* Heb. Abarim, Deut. xxxii, 49: the name apparently
‘‘applied to the range of mountains ‘ beyond ᾿ (i.e. east of)
Jordan in which Nebo formcd a particular ridge ’’ (Driver).
Josephus ignores “ mount Nebo” which is mentioned in
Deut. xxxiv. 1 as the precise spot.

δ The Biblical account runs: ‘* So Moses the servant of
the Lorn died there in the land of Moab, according to the
word of the Lorp. And He buried him in the ravine .. .
but no man knoweth of his sepuichre unto this day.’’ The
account of Josephus seems to be reminiscent of the passing
of the two founders of the Roman race as described by
Dionysius of Halicarnassus: ‘‘ But the body of Aeneas could
nowhere be found and some conjectured that he had been

632

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 325-329

he arrived on the mountain called Abaris 7—a lofty
eminence situate over against Jericho and affording
to those on its summit a wide view beneath of the
best of the land of the Canaanites—he dismissed the
elders. And, while he bade farewell to Eleazar and
Joshua and was yet communing with them, a cloud
of a sudden descended upon him and he disappeared
in a ravine.? But he has written of himself in the peut.
sacred books that he died,® for fear lest they should ὅδ». °&
venture to say that by reason of his surpassing virtue
he had gone back to the Deity.¢

(49) He lived in all one hundred and twenty Encomium
years and was ruler for a third part of that time 9) 7%
bating one month. He departed in the last month
of the year, which the Macedonians call Dystros and
we Adar,é on the day of the new moon, having sur-
passed in understanding all inen that ever lived and
put to noblest use the fruit of his reflections. In
speech and in addresses to a crowd he found favour
in every way, but chiefly through his thorough
command of his passions, which was such that he
seemed to have no place for them at all in his soul,
and only knew their names through seeing them in

translated to the gods’ (-int. Rom. i. 64. 4), and of Romulus,
“The more mythieal writers say that as he was holding an
assembly (ἐκκλησιά ζοντα) in the camp darkness descended
upon him from a clear sky and... he disappeared, and
they believe that he was caught up by his father Ares”
{Ὸ ἢ» ὔ ns i

€ Rabbis were divided on the question whether the last
eight verses of Deut. were written by Moses or by Joshua
(see Weill’s note). The view of Josephus has the support of
R. Simeon.

4 ‘Phe same phrase in i. 85 (of Enoch), iii. 96 (of Moses).

“ keb.-March: Rabbinic tradition named the 7th (not the
Ist) of Adar (Weill).

VOL. IV x3 033

JOSEPHUS

παρ᾽ ἄλλοις αὐτὰ βλέπειν μᾶλλον ἢ παρ᾽ αὑτῷ.
καὶ στρατηγὸς μὲν ἐν ὀλίγοις, προφήτης δὲ οἷος
οὐκ ἄλλος, ὥσθ᾽ 6 τι ἂν φθέγξαιτο δοκεῖν αὐτοῦ

> ~ ~ “- A >
330 λέγοντος ἀκροᾶσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ. πενθεῖ μὲν οὖν

331

αὐτὸν ὁ λαὸς ἐφ᾽ ἡμέρας τριάκοντα, λύπη δὲ οὐκ
ἄλλη κατέσχεν Ἑβραίους τοσαύτη τὸ μέγεθος,
ὅση τότε Nwucéos ἀποθανόντος. ἐπόθουν δ᾽
αὐτὸν οὐχ οἱ “πειραθέντες αὐτοῦ μόνον, ἀλλὰ
καὶ οἱ τοῖς νόμοις ἐντυγχάνοντες αὐτοῦ δεινὴν
ἐποιοῦντο τὴν ἐπιζήτησιν, τὸ περιὸν αὐτοῦ τῆς
ἀρετῆς ἐκ τούτων λογιζόμενοι. καὶ τὸ μὲν κατὰ
Μωυσῆν τέλος τοιοῦτον ἡμῖν δεδηλώσθω.

634

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, IV. 329-331

others rather than in himself. As general he had
few to equal him, and as prophet none, insomuch that
in all his utterances one seemed to hear the speech
of God Himself. So the people mourned for him for
thirty days, and never were Hebrews oppressed by
grief so profound as that which filled them then on
the death of Moses. Nor was he regretted only by
those who had known him by experience, but the
very readers of his laws have sadly felt his loss,
deducing from these the superlative quality of his
virtue. “Such, then. be our description of the end of
Moses.

635

APPENDIX
AN ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS

TueErE has come down to us, prefixed to eaeh book
of the Jewish Antiquities, and introduced by the
words “‘ These are the things eontained in the...
book of the histories of Josephus of the Jewish
Archaeology,” a rough table of contents, together
with a statement of the number of years covered
by each book. The “ titles ᾿᾿ of the several sections
are numbered in Books I-X, but not in the later
books. Sinee these headings stand not only in the
oldest Mss but already in the Latin version made in
the fifth or sixth century, they possess an interest on
the seore of antiquity, by whomsoever compiled, and
are aeeordingly (for Books I-IV) reprodueed below.
How mueh earlier than the date of the Latin version
they may be is unknown. ‘The reference to Eusebius
in the chronological statement at the end of the
heading to Book I betrays a date not earlier than
the fourth century ; but that these chronologieal
statements are later than the summaries of contents
is indicated by their varying position (before or after
the summary) and by their absence, in the earlier
books, from the Latin version. In his Jewish War
Josephus himself incorporated a rough summary of
the whole in his proem (i. 19-29); and, though it is
636

ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS

improbable that these more elaborate ehapter
headings are the production of his pen, they may
well be not far removed from him in date. They
are ostensibly written by a Jew (I. vii “ our fore-
father Abraham ”’), and the phraseology oceasionally
suggests the hand of ene of the author's assistants.
Meferencee to the smaller sections and pages of the
present edition are appended.

037

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ A

Προοίμιον περὶ τῆς ὅλης πραγματείας."

,

¢€ - / 7 ," , ~
α΄. Ἢ τοῦ κόσμου σύστασις καὶ διάταξις τῶν
στοιχείων.
3 / A ~ > >
β΄. Περὶ τοῦ γένους ᾿Αδάμου καὶ τῶν ἀπ
αὐτοῦ δέκα γενεῶν τῶν μέχρι τοῦ κατακλυσμοῦ.
γ΄. ‘Os ὁ κατακλυσμὸς ἐγένετο καὶ ὃν τρόπον
~ 4 > , A ~ ~
Νῶχος σωθεὶς ev λάρνακι μετὰ τῶν συγγενῶν
κατῴκησεν ἐν τῷ Σινάρῳ πεδίῳ.
ὃ΄. Ὡς πύργον" ot παῖδες αὐτοῦ ἐφ᾽ ὕβρει
τοῦ θεοῦ φκοδόμησαν," καὶ ὡς τὰς φωνὰς αὐτῶν
ιετέβαλε καὶ ὁ τόπος, ἐν ᾧ τοῦτο γέγονε, Βαβυλὼν
᾿ ,
ἐκλήθη.
7 e e 4 Ww ~ A >
ε΄. Ὥς ot Νώχου ἔγγονοι πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκου-
μένην ἐπῴκησαν.

,

ς΄. Ὅτι τῶν ἐθνῶν ἕκαστον ἀπὸ τῶν οἰκισάντων"
προσηγορεύθη.

ζ΄. “Ὅπως “Ἄβραμος ὁ πρόγονος ἡμῶν ἐξελθὼν
ἐκ τῆς Ναλδαίων γῆς κατέσχε τὴν τότε μὲν
Χαναναίαν νῦν δὲ ᾿Ιουδαίαν λεγομένην.

1 om. Lat. (in which the table of contents stands after the
Proem).

2 πύργον Niese: πύργος ὃν codd. 3 + κατέπεσεν ed. pr.

4 Niese: οἰκησάντων codd

638

ΒΟΟΚῚ

Preface concerning the whole work .

(i) The construetion of the world
and disposition of the elements

(ii) Concerning the race of Adam
and the ten generations from him up to
the flood

(11) How the flood came and how
Noah, being saved in an ark with his
family, settled in the plain of Sinar

(iv) How his sons built a tower, in
God’s despite, and how He con-
founded 5 their languages and the place
wherein this was done was. ealled
Babylon ; : : :

(v) How the deseendants of Noah
eolonized all the habitable earth

(vi) How that each of the nations
was named after its founder

(vii) How Abraham, our forefather,
quitting the land of the Chaldaeans,
occupied that which was then called
Canaan and now Judaea —. : :

5. changed.”

In this edition
SECTION PAGE

1

34

-1
to

2

16

32

76

639

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, I

n Ὅτι λιμοῦ τὴν Ναναναίαν καταλαβόντος
3 ~ A 3 -
εἰς Αἴγυπτον ἀπῆρε καὶ διατρίψας ἐν αὐτῇ τινα
χρόνον ὑπέστρεψεν ὀπίσω.
χὰ ~ > “-
θ΄. Ἧττα Σοδομιτῶν Ασσυρίων αὐτοῖς ἐπι-
στρατευσάντων.
~ 3 ’ὔ "
ι. Ὡς ἽἍἌβραμος ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ασσυρίους ἐκ-
στρατεύσας ἐνίκησε καὶ τοὺς αἰχμαλώτους τῶν

Σοδομιτῶν ἔσωσε καὶ τὴν λείαν ἣν ἔλαβον ἀφείλετο.

ια΄. Ἰ᾿[ῶς τὸ Σοδομιτῶν ἔθνος θεὸς κατ-
, \ δ τὸ" 5.09. ΤΑ ὑπ το
εστρέψατο χολωθεὶς αὐτοῖς ἐφ᾽ οἷς ἡμάρτανον.
ιβ΄. Περὶ ᾿Ισμαήλου τοῦ ᾿Αβράμου καὶ τῶν

ἐγγόνων αὐτοῦ ᾿Αράβων.

ιγ΄. ΤΙερὶ ᾿Ισάκου, ὃς ἦν γνήσιος παῖς “Αβράμου.

ιδ΄. Περὶ Σάρρας τῆς “Λβράμου γυναικός,
καὶ πῶς τὸν βίον κατέστρεψεν.

ι΄. Ὡς ἐκ Katovpys ᾿Αβράμῳ γαμηθείσης
τὸ τῶν Τρωγλοδυτῶν ᾿Αράβων' ἔθνος ἐγεννήθη.

is’. Περὲ τῆς “Αβράμου τελευτῆς.

ιζ΄. Περὶ τῆς ᾿Ισάκου παίδων Ἡσαῦ καὶ
᾿Ιακώβου γενέσεως καὶ διατροφῆς.

? 3 ? ‘ > \ /
ιη΄. ᾿Ιακώβου φυγὴ εἰς τὴν Μεσοποταμίαν
διὰ τὸν ἐκ τἀδελφοῦ φόβον, καὶ ὡς γήμας ἐκεῖ
A ? ’ a ? > \ Ζ:
καὶ δώδεκα γεννήσας παῖδας πάλιν εἰς τὴν Χανα-
ναίαν ἐπανῆλθεν,

1 om. Lat,

640

ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS

(viii) How that, a famine prevailing
in Canaan, he removed to Egypt and,
having abode there some time, re-
turned back again.

(ix) Defeat of the Sodomites,
attacked by the Assyrians

(x) How Abraham marehed against
the Assyrians and overeame them, de-
livered the Sodomite prisoners and re-
covered the booty which the enemy had
taken . : : : :

(xi) How God exterminated the
race of the Sodomites, being incensed
with them for their sins

(xii) Coneerning Ishmael,sonof Abra-

SECTION

176

10.
[186

ham, and his descendants, the Arabs\| 214

(xiii) Coneerning Isaac, the legiti-
mate son of Abraham : ; ;

(xiv) Coneerning Sarra, wife of Ab-
raham, and how she died. ; :

(xv) How from Katura’s marriage
with Abraham sprang the race of the
Troglodyte Arabs : .

(xvi) Coneerning the death of Abra-
ham : :
(xvii) Concerning the birth and up-
bringing of Isaae’s sons, Msan and Jacob
(xviii) Jacob’s flight to Mesopota-
inia from fear of his brother, and how,
having marricd there and begotten
twelve sons, he returned again to
Canaan : : : ; ;

to
~)
ζΩ

FAGE

80

δὲ

80

ἐρᾷ
0141

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, [II

ιθ΄. ‘Os "loaxos τελευτήσας ἐτάφη ev Νεβρῶνι.

Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν ὡς ᾿Ιώσηπος γη΄.
Ἕβραϊῖοι awof’, EvaéBios γυνθ'.'

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ Β

α΄. ‘Os Ἠσαῦς καὶ ᾿Ιάκωβος ᾿Ισάκου παῖδες
ὕ ¢ A " \ ae ~ A ι
ὄντες διείλοντο τὴν οἴκησιν και Ἡσαῦς μὲν τὴν
᾿Ιδουμαίαν κατέσχεν, ᾿Ιάκωβος δὲ τὴν Χαναναίαν.

΄ « 3 f ς tf ~ 3 é

β΄. Ὡς ᾿Ιώσηπος ὁ νεώτατος τῶν ᾿Ιακώβου
παίδων ὀνειράτων αὐτῷ προδεικνύντων τὴν μέλ-
λουσαν εὐδαιμονίαν ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν ἐφθονήθη.
Ὡς αὐτὸς οὗτος εἰς Αἴγυπτον πραθεὶς
φ A ~ > ~ Α 4 4 > A ~*~ A
ὑπὸ τῶν ἀδελφῶν διὰ τὸ πρὸς αὐτὸν μῖσος καὶ
γενόμενος ἐπίσημος ἐκεῖ καὶ λαμπρὸς" τοὺς
ἀδελφοὺς ἔσχεν ὑποχειρίους.

ὃ. Ἢ τοῦ πατρὸς αὐτοῦ μετὰ τῆς γενεᾶς

/ A 3 \ 7 A 3 A
πάσης πρὸς αὐτὸν μετάβασις διὰ τὸν γενόμενον
λιμόν.

ε΄. Ὅσα τοῖς “Ἑβραίοις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ συνέβη
κακοπαθοῦσιν ἐπ᾽ ἔτη τετρακόσια.

ς΄. ‘Os Μωσέως ἡγουμένου τὴν Αἴγυπτον
ἐξέλιπον.

ζ΄. Ἢ Mwoéws γένεσις καὶ ἀνατροφή.

1 περιέχει... γυνθ΄] om. SL Lat.: περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον

ἐτῶν γωλγ΄ Ρ (the opening words of this ms).
ὁ λαμπρότατος RO.

α So the Latin version: the Greek mss have ‘*' Nebron”
(i. 170 note).
642

ANCIENT TABLE OF Ο(ΟΟΥ ΟΝ ΤΘ
SECTION PAGE
(xix) How Isaac died and was buried
at Hebron ἃ 345 | 164

The book covers a period of 3008 years according
to Josephus. of 1872 according to the Hebrews, of
3459 according to Eusebius.

BOOK II

(ij) How Esau and Jacob, sons of |
Isaac. divided the territory. Esau ος- !
cupying Idumaea and Jacob Canaan . 1 | 168

(ii) How Joseph, the youngest of
Jacob’s sons, by his dreams foreshow-
ing his future fortune, excited the envy
of his brethren . ; : ; : 0} 1τ

(iii) How the same. being sold into
Egypt by his brethren because of the
hate that they bore him. and there
becoming great and illustrious, had his
brethren at his mercy ; 20 | 176

((iv) The migration of his father

with all his family to join him because

of the famine. : , 1 168: 1236
(v) What befell the Hebrews in

Egypt, suffering afHiction for 400 years | 201 | 250
(vi) How, under the leadership of

Moses, they left Egypt —. > lela F302}
(vii) Birth and education of Moses . | 205 | 252

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, If U1
η΄. ‘Qs ἡ θάλασσα τοῖς ᾿Ιβραίοις διωκομένοις
ὑπὸ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἀνακοπεῖσα φυγὴν δι᾿ αὐτῆς
παρέσχεν.

1] εριέχει δὲ ἡ βίβλος ἔτη διακόσια εἴκοσι."

BIBATONG

Cen 2S Διωυσῆς τὸν λαὸν ἀπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου
ἀναλαβὼν ἤγαγεν ἐπὶ τὸ Nuvatov ὄρος πολλὰ
ταλαιπωρήσαντα ἐν τῇ ὁδοιπορίᾳ.

β΄. ‘Os πολεμήσαντες Ἑβραίοις ᾿Αμαληκῖται
καὶ οἱ πέριξ ἡττήθησαν καὶ πολλὴν τῆς στρατιᾶς
ἀπέβαλον .ὃ

7]

γ΄. Ὅτι τὸν πενθερὸν αὑτοῦ ᾿Ιεθὴρ Μωυσῆς
παραγενόμενον πρὸς αὐτὸν εἰς τὸ Σιναῖον ἀσμένως
ὑπεδέξατο.

δ, Ὡς ὑπέθετο διατάξαι τὸν λαὸν αὐτῷ κατὰ
χιλιάρχους καὶ ἑκατοντάρχους ἄτακτον ὄντα τὸ
πρῶτον, καὶ ὡς, ἕκαστα τούτων ἐποίησε Μωυσῆς
κατὰ τὴν τοῦ πενθεροῦ παραίνεσιν.

1 The bracketed portion (in MSP) is omitted by ROL Lat. ;
in place of it cod. O has ὡς ᾿Εβραῖοι ἐδούλευσαν τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις Ϊ
ὡς Δ ωῦσῆς τραφεὶς ὑπὸ τῆς Φαραώθου παιδὸς καὶ μέγας γενόμενος
πληγὰς προσῆξε τοῖς Αἰγυπτίοις ὑπὲρ τοῦ λαοῦ | ὡς λαβὼν τὸν λαὸν
καὶ διελὼν τὴν ἐρυθρὰν αὐτοὺς διεπέρασεν.

2 List of contents in ROSP Lat.: om. ML.

3 Section omitted by O, with corresponding alteration of
the subsequent figures: καὶ πολλὴν. ,. ἀπέβαλον] et
Israhelitae praedain hostinmi perceperunt Lat.; πολλὴν] τὴν
TONY SP,

4 καὶ ws] quomodo Lat., beginning a new section (v), with
alteration of subsequent figures.

644

ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS

(viii) How, when the Hebrews were
pursued by the Egyptians, the sea re-
coiled and afforded them flight through
itself

And the book covers 220 years. } a

BOOK III

(i) How Moses, having reseued the
people from Egypt, led them to Mount
Sinai, after enduring many hardships
on the journey . .

Gi) How the Amalekites and neigh-
bouring peoples, having made war on
the Hebrews, were defeated and lost
a large part of their army. .

(iii) How that his father - in-law
Jether® having come to join him at
Sinai, Moses gladly received him

(iv) How he suggested to him to
draw up the people, that had not been
marshalled aforetime, under captains
of thousands and of hundreds, and how
Moses did all this in accordance with
the eounsel of his father-in-law

SECTION

320

66

PAGE

304

336

O48

348

“The principal ancient authorities omit these last five
sections. The older division, three sections only, seems to
have stopped midway through the book, and to have been
supplemented later; another set of ‘ titles’ for the latter

half appears in one ms, as shown opposite.
* Jethro: Raguel in the text of 4. tii. 63.

035

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, III

€ > ~ 3 A ~
ε΄. ‘Qs ἀναβὰς δίωυσῆς ἐπὶ τὸ Σιναῖον ὄρος
A Α 4 ~ ~ Ἁ ’ “- ς 7
καὶ λαβὼν παρὰ τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς νόμους τοῖς ‘ESpatoes
ἔδωκεν.

x’. Ilept ris σκηνῆς ἣν κατεσκεύασε Μωυσῆς
ἐν τῇ ἐρημίᾳ εἰς τιμὴν τοῦ θεοῦ, ὥστε ναὸν εἶναι
οκεῖν.

ζ΄, Τίνες τε τοῖς ἱερεῦσίν εἰσιν αἱ στολαὶ καὶ
ἡ τοῦ ἀρχιερέως" καὶ τῶν ἁγνειῶν οἱ τρόποι καὶ
περὶ τῶν ἑορτῶν καὶ ὡς ἑκάστη τῶν ἑορτῶν'
διατέτακται.

) ἢ Ὡς ἐκεῖθεν ἄρας Μωυσῆς ἤγαγε τὸν
λαὸν εἰς τοὺς ὅρους τῶν Χαναναίων καὶ τοὺς
κατοψομένους αὐτῶν τὴν χώραν καὶ τῶν πόλεων
τὸ μέγεθος" ἐξαπέστειλεν.

θ΄. “Ὅτι τῶν πεμφθέντ ων μετὰ τεσσαρακοστὴν
ὑποστρεψάντων ἡμέραν καὶ λεγόντων οὐκ ἀξιο-
μάχους αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ τὴν τῶν Ναναναίων ὑπ-
εξαιρόντων δύναμιν, τὸ πλῆθος ταραχθὲν καὶ πεσὸν
εἰς ἀπόγνωσιν ὥρμησεν ὥστε καταλεῦσαι παρὰ
μικρόν' τὸν Δωυσῆν καὶ πάλιν εἰς τὴν Αἴγυπτον
ὑποστρέψαι δουλεύειν διεγνωκότες.

΄ "ἄν Α ς > A ᾽ } ~ ld
ι΄. Kat ws ἐπὶ τούτῳ Δίωυσῆς διαγανακτήσας
~ A 3, A ~
tov θεὸν αὐτοῖς ἐπὶ ἔτη τεσσαράκοντα THY ἐπὶ τῆς
‘ ~ 3 U \ >
ἐρημίας διατριβὴν προεῖπεν" ὠργίσθαι, καὶ μήτ

1 ἑρρτῶν] ἡμερῶν SP.

2 καὶ τῶν. ο. διατέτακται) et Guae purificationes et quemad-
moduin de festiuitatibus et singulis diebus fuerit constitutum
Lat,

3 τὸ μέγ. magnitudines Lat. ὁ παρὰ μικρὸν om. SP,

5 SP Lat.: προειπεῖν rell.

δ text doubtful (iratum Lat.).

646

ANCIENT TABLE OF GONTENTS

(v) How Moses, having gone up to
Mount Sinai and received the laws
from God, gave them to the Hebrews .

(vi) Concerning the tabernacle which
Moses eonstrueted in the wilderness
to the honour of oo in semblanee of
a temple

(vii) What are the vestments of the
priests and of the high priest : and the
various forms of purifieation : and con-
ecrning the festivals and how each of
the Factiy als α is ordered

(viii) How Moses, removing thence,
led the people to the confines of the
Canaanites and sent out men to explore
their country and the extent of their
cities : :

(ix) How that the envoys returning
after forty days and declaring that they
were no match for the enemy and ex-
aggerating the strength of the Canaan-
ites, the ἐκ confounded and
driven to despair, set upon Moses, so
that he was well-nigh stoned, having
withal determined to return to Egypt
to servitude

(x) And how, indignant thereat,
Moses avnauneed that God had in
wrath decreed & for them a sojourn for
forty years in the wilderness, and

? Or, according to another reading, ** days.

ὃ ‘Text doubtful.

SECTION

~]

tr

PAGE

100

O47

JEWISH ANTIQUITIES, II-IV

εἰς Αἴγυπτον ὑποστρέφειν μήτε λαβεῖν τὴν Xava-
“
ναίαν.

"Περιέχει ἡ βίβλος χρόνον ἐτῶν δύο."

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ Δ

α΄. “Ἑβραίων δίχα τῆς λ]ωυσέος -γνώμης μάχη
πρὸς Χαναναίους καὶ ἧττα.
΄ δ Ὅν, “ , \
β΄. Nraots Kopéov καὶ τοῦ πλήθους πρὸς
Μωυσῆν καὶ τὸν ἀδελφὸν αὐτοῦ περὶ τὴ: ἱερωσύνης.
γ΄. Τὰ συμβάντα τοῖς 'Ββραίοις ἐν τῇ ἐρήμῳ

ἔτεσιν οκτὼ καὶ τριάκοντα."

ὃν. Ὡς XMynydva καὶ "Qynv ποὺς ᾿Αμορραίων

βασιλεῖς νικήσας Νίωυσηῆς καὶ τὴν στρατιὰν

[ἅπασαν] αὐτῶν διαφθείρας κατεκλήρωσεν αὐτῶν

\ tf \ - A ¢ / ~ € ’ 4

τὴν χώραν δυσὶ φυλαῖς Kal ἡμισείᾳ τῶν “EBpatwr.
/ / ’ 4 ~ 3 > /

ε΄. Mwvoéos πολιτεία καὶ πῶς ἐξ ἀνθρώπων

ἠφανίσθη.

’ ¢ 4 ts δ , 3 “ ’

ΠΠεριέχει ἡ βίβλος αὕτη χρόνον ἐτῶν τριάκοντα
καὶ ὀκτώ.

1 μήτε λαβεῖν, δύο om. Lat.

2. δ΄ (om. P) ὡς οἱ μὲν τῆς στάσεως κατάρξαντες διεφθάρησαν
κατὰ βούλησιν τοῦ θεοῦ, τὴν δ᾽ ἱερωσύνην ᾿Δαρὼν ὁ ΔΙωϊσέως
ἀδελφὸς κάτεσχε καὶ οἱ vara (éxy. P) αὐτοῦ: L inserts this
section between (ii) and (iii).

’ om. Lat.: trs. αὐτῶν ἄπασαν SP.

4 +s’ (om. PL) περὶ Βαλάμου τοῦ μάντεως καὶ ποταπὸς (ποτα-
mov 8) ἣν τὸ evdos, ὡς ἐπὶ Μαδιανίτας ᾿Εϑραῖοι στρατεύσαντες
ἐκράτησαν αὐτῶν SPL. eR Ταῖς» δι, rel:

018

ANCIENT TABLE OF CONTENTS

SECTION PAGE

that they would neither return to
Egypt nor conquer Canaan

311 | 468

The book covers a period of two years.

BOOK IV

(i) Battle of the Hebrews against
the Canaanites, without the consent of
Moses, and their defeat . 1 | 476

(ii) Revolt of Korah and the te
tude against Moses and his brother con-

cerning the priesthood 11 | 480
(iii) What befell the Hebrews in the
wilderness during thirty- -eight years 59 | 504

(iv) How Moses, having defeated
Sihon and Og,? the kings of the Amor-
ites, and destroyed all their army,
allotted their country to two and a half

of the tribes of the Hebrews 85 | 516
Aa GO Te ere ; 176 | 560
(v) Constitution of Moses, and how | 199 το

he disappeared from among men

PI ἐῶ || s20 | 698
This books covers a period of thirty-eight years.
σ᾽ Gr. Séchon and Oges 3 the latter is more precisely de-

scribed in the text (4. iv. 96) as “" king of Galadene and
Gaulanitis.”

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Cicero: I~ CatitinamM, Pro Murena, Pro ὅσια. Pro
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Cicero: Letters to Atticus. E. O. Winstedt. 3 Vols.

Cicero: Lettrers To nis Frrenps. W. Glynn Williams.
3 Vols.

Cicero: Pruiuiprics. W.C. A. Ker.

Cicero: Pro Arcuta, Post Repirum, De Domo, De Ha-
nuspicuM Respronsis, Pro Piancio. N. H. Watts.

Cicero: Pro Carcina, Pro Lece Mawniztia, Pro CLueytro,
Pro Rasirto. H. Grose Hodge.

Cicero: Pro Carntio, De Provinciuis ConsuLtarrsus, Pro
Batso. ΗΕ. Gardner.

Cicero: Pro Mitonr, [x Pisoxnem, Pro Scauro, Pro
Fonte1o, Pro Rasirio Postumo, Pro Marcetito, Pro
Licgario, Pro Rece Derotraro. N. EH. Watts.

Cicero: Pro Quinctio, Pro Roscto AmMeERtNo, Pro Roscio
ComoeEpo, Contra Rutitum. J. H. Freese.

Cicero: Pro Sestio, In Vatinium. R. Gardner.

[Cicero]: Ruetortca ap Herennium. If. Caplan.

Cicero: Tusccran Disputations. J. E. King.

Cicero: VeEeRRINE Onations. L. H.G. Greenwood. 2 Vols.

Craupian. ΔΙ, Platnauer. 2 Vols.

CoLtuMELLA: De Re Rustica, DE Arsorisus. FEI. B. Ash,
E. S. Forster, E. Heffner. 3 Vols.

Currius, Q.: History or ALExanperR. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols.

FLorus. E.S. Forster; and Cornetius Nepos. J.C. Rolfe.

Frontixus: STRATAGEMS AND AquEpucts. C. E. Bennett
and M. B. McElwain.

Froxto: Correspoxnpence. C. ἢ. Haines. 9: Vols.

Ge.uius. J.C. Rolfe. 3 Vols.

Horace: Oprs ano Eropes. C. E. Bennett.

Horace: Satires, Episttes, Ars Porrica. H.R. Fairclough.

Jerome: Sevect Letters, F. A. Wright.

JUVENAL AND Persius. G. G. Ramsay.

4

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

Livy. ἘΠ Ὁ Poster T:.-G:, Moore, Evan Ὑ, Sages. A.C.
Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). 14 Vols.

Less.” a) Ὁ. Dutt.

Lucretius. W.H. Ὁ. Rouse.

Wiantian, WoC. A. Ker; 2 Vols.

Mrsor Latis Poets: from Purstitivs Syrus to Rutiiius
Namatianus, including Grattivs, CaLtpurnius Sicutvs,
NEMESTIANUS, AYVIANUs, with δ Aetna,” °° Phoenix” and
other poems. J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff.

Ovip: Tie ArT oF Love axv oTnEeR Poems. J. H. Mozley.

Ovip: Fastr. Sir James G. Frazer.

Ovip: Herorpes aNp Amores. Grant Showerman.

Ovip: Metamorpnoses. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols.

Ovip: Tristia aXv Ex Posto. <A. L. Wheeler.

Petroyius. MM. Heseltine: Seneca: APOCcOLOCYNTOSIS.
W. H. D. Rouse.

Prautus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols.

Puy: Letters. Melmoth’s translation revised by
W. M. L. Hutchinson. 2 Vols.

Proxy: Natrurat History. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V and IX.
H. Rackham. Vols. VI and VII. W. H. 8. Jones.

Proprertivus. H. E. Butler.

Prupentivus. H.J. Thomson. 2 Vols.

Qurstitiay. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols.

Remains oF Op Latiy. E. H. Warmington. 4 Vols.
Vol. I (Ennius and Caecilins). Vol. II (Livius, Naevius,
Pacuvins, Accius). Vol. ΠῚ (l.ucilius, Laws of the XII
Tables). Vol. 1V (Archaic Inscriptions).

Satiust. J.C. Rolfe.

Scriprorrs Historirar Aucustar. D. Magie. 3 Vols.

Seneca: ApocoLtocyytosis. Cf, Petronivs.

Sexeca: Episturar Moraes. it. ΔΊ. Gummere. 3 Vols.

Sexrca: Morat Essays. J. W. Basore. 3 Vols.

Seneca: Tracepres. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols.

Sipos1ius: Poems ann Letters. W. B. Anderson. 2 Vols.

Sizius Iranicus. J. D. Duff. 2 Vols.

Sramivs. J. ἢ]. Δίοζιεν. 2 Vols:

Svsetonius. J.C. Rolfe. 2 Vols.

Tacitus: Diatoccus. Sir Wm. Peterson; and AGricoLa
AND Germania. Manrice Hutton.

Tacitus: Historres αν Axwnats. C. H. Moore and J.
Jackson. 4 Vols.

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

Terence. John Sargeaunt. 2 Vols.

TERTULLIAN: APOLOGIA AND De Srecracutts. T. R. Glover:
Muxuctus Feuix. G. H. Rendall.

Vaterius Fraccus. J. H. Mozley.

Varro: De Lincua Latina. R.G. Kent. 2 Vols.

VeLiteius Patercutus anp Res GestaeE Divr AvucustTi.
Fk. W. Shipley.

Vireit, H.R. Fairclough. 2 Vols.

Vitruvius: De Arcuitectura. F Granger. 2 Vols.

GREEK AUTHORS

AcnItitres Tarius. ὃ, Gaselee.

AELIAN: ΟΝ tHE Nature or Animas. A. F. Scholfield.
3 Vols.

Aeneas Tacticus, ASCLEPIODOTUS AND ONASANDER. ‘The
Illinois Greek Club.

Agrscuinres. C. D. Adams.

Arscuytus. Η. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols.

ALCIPHRON, AFLIAN AND PuLostratus: Letrers. <A. R.
Benner and F. H. Fobes.

ApoLtLoponus. Sir James G. Frazer. 2 Vols.

Aro.ttoxius Ruontus. ἢ. C. Seaton.

Tue Apostotic Fatnuers. Kirsopp Lake. 2 Vols.

Appian 5 Roman History. Horace White. 4 Vols.

Aratus. Cf. CaLiimacuus.

ARISTOPHANES. Benjamin Bickley Rogers. 3 Vols. Verse
trans.

ARISTOTLE: ART OF Ruetoric. J. H. Freese.

ARISTOTLE: ATHENIAN Constitution, Eupemian Ernics,
Virtues ann Vices. H. Rackham.

ARISTOTLE: GENERATION OF ANIMALS. A. L. Peck.

AristoTLeE: Metapiysics. H. ‘Tredennick. 2 Vols.

ARISTOTLE: MertreoroLoGica. H. 1). P. Lee.

ARISTOTLE: Mixon Works. W. S. Hett. “ On Colours,”
“On Things Heard,” ** Physiognomics,” ‘* On Plants,”
“On Marvellous Things Heard,” ** Mechanical Problems,”’
‘“On_ Indivisible Lines,’ ‘ Situations and Names of
Winds,” ‘‘ On Melissus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias.”

ARISTOTLE: NicoMACHEAN Etuics. H. Rackham.

4

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

ARISTOTLE: OrconomMica AND Macna Moratura. G. C,
Armstrong. (With Metaphysics, Vol. EE.)

ARISTOTLE: On rie Heavens. W. K. C. Guthrie.

ARISTOTLE: Ow THE Sout, PARVA NaTURALIA, Ow Breatin.
Woo lets

ARISTOTLE: OrGANON—THE CateGorites. Own INTERPRETA-
τιον. ΕΠ. P. Cooke; Prior Awnatytics. H. Tredennick.

ARISTOTLE: Orncanoxn—Posterior Anatytics. H. Treden-
nick; Topics. E.S. Forster.

ARISTOTLE : ORGANON—SopnHisticaL RerutaTions. Cominc-
TO-BE AND Passine-away. E. S. Forster; Ow ΤΠῈ Cosmos.
Dee. Purles:

ARISTOTLE: Parts or Animats. A. L. Peck: MotTiox ano
ProGRessioN OF ANIMALS. Εἰς S. Forster.

ARISTOTLE: Purysics. Rev. P. Wicksteed and F. M. Corn-
ford. 2 Vols.

ARISTOTLE: Poetics: LonGcixnus ox Tne ΦΌΒΙΙΜΕ. WW,
Hamilton Fyfe; Demetrivs ox Styte. W. Rhys Roberts.

AristoT.e: Poxitics. H. Rackham.

ARISTOTLE: Prospitems. W.S. Hett. 2 Vols.

Aris1oTLe: RietroricA aD ALExaNDRUM. H. Rackham.
(With Problems, Vol. II.)

Arnian: Ilisrory orf ALEXANDER anD I[npica. Rev. E.
Iliffe Robson. 2 Vols.

ATHLNALUS : Derpnosopuistar. C. B. Gulick. 7 Vols.

St. Basit.: Letrers. R.J. Deferrari. 4 Vols.

Cariimacivs: Fracatents.. C. A, Trypanis.

Caniimacinus: Hym~s ΑΝ EpicgramMs, AND LycopHron.
A. We Mair? Anatus. G. ἢ. AMair:

CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. Rev. G. W. Butterworth.

Cé6n.ernits.. (ὗς OPrian:

Dapunis ἀν Curoe. Cf. Loneus.

Druostuexrs Ε;. Orystiracs, Piurcirprics ΑΝ Muvnor
QOnatioss: 1-A\VilT axp XA. J. Ho Mince.

Dremostugenrs [1]: De Corona ano De Faisa Lrecatione.
C. A. Vince and J. Ih. Vinee.

Demostuenrs T[f: Merpras, ANpDroTION, ARISTOCRATES,
Timocrates, Arisrocriros. J. ἢ. Vince.

Demosturnes [IV-VI: Private Orationxs ΑΝῸ IN NearraM.
ΔΑ. Fes lurray,

Dimostueses Vil: Ευκνεμαι, Spercn, Erotic Essay,
Exonpisa and Lrertens. Ν W. and N. J. DeWitt.

ὃ

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

Dio Cassius: Roman History. E. Cary. 9 Vols.

Dro Cnrysosrom. 5 Vols. Vols. I and 11. J. W. Cohoon.
Vol. 111. J. W. Cohoon and If, Lamar Crosby. Vols. ΙΝ
and V. H. Lamar Crosby.

Dioporus Sicutus. 12 Vols. Vols. I-VI. C. HW. Oldfather.
Vol. VII. C. L. Sherman. Vols. IX and X. Russel ΔΗ͂,
Geer. Vol. XI. I. R. Walton.

Diocexrs Larrtius. R.D. Hicks. 2 Vols.

Dionysius or Haricarnassus: Roman Anriauiries. Spel-
man’s translation revised by E, Cary. 7 Vols.

Epictetus. W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols.

Euripipes. A. 5. Way. 4 Vols. Verse trans.

Kusesius: EccresiasticAL [tisrony. Kirsopp Lake and
JEL. Oiiltons -2: Vols,

GaLen: On the Natunar Facuttres. A, J. Brock.

Tue Greek AntnoLocy. W. kh. Paton. 5 Vols.

Tur Greek Buconic Porrs (Tueocrirus, Brox, Moscuus).
J. M. Edmonds.

Greek Evecy anv Iampus witth THE ANACREONTEA. J. M.
Edmonds. 2 Vols.

Greek MaruematicaL Works. Ivor Thomas. 2 Vols.

Heroves. Cf. Tiropurastus : CHARACTERS.

Hrrovorus. A. 1). Godley. + Vols.

Hesrop ΑΝῸ tre Homeric Ilymys. H. G. Evelyn White.

Hippocrates AND THE FRAGMENTS OF Heracrerrus. W.H.S.
Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols.

Homer: Inrav. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols.

Homer: Opyssry. A.'‘T. Murray. 2 Vols.

Isarus, E, S. Forster.

Isocratrs. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3 Vols.

Sr. Jonn Damascene: BartaaM AND Joasapny. Rev. G. R.
Woodward and Harold Mattingly.

Josrrnus. H. St. J. Thackeray and Ralph Marcus. 9 Vols.
Vols. I-VII.

Juuran. Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols.

Loxeus: Dapnyis ano Cnior. Thornley’s translation re-
vised by J. M. Edmonds; and Partnenius. 5. Gaselee,
Lucian. 8 Vols. Vols. I-V. A. M. Harmon. Vol. VI.

K. Kilburn.

Lycopuron. Cf. CALLIMACHUS.

Lyra Grarca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols.

Lysras. W. ἢ. M. Lamb.

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

ManetHoo. W.G. Waddell: Proremy: Ternasincos. Κ᾿ E.
tobbins.

Mancus Aureuius. C. R. Haines.

Mewanper. F. G. Allinson.

Mixor Atrric Oratrors. 2 Vols. K. J. Maidment and
JO: Burtt:

Nowwnos: Dionysiaca. W. H. D. Rouse. 3 Vols.

Oprian, Cottutius, TrypHtoporus. A. W. Mair.

Paryri. Nown-Literary Serrcrions. <A. 5. Hlunt and C. (Ὁ,
Fdgar. 2 Vols. Lirerany Setections (Poetry). D. L.
Page.

Partuentus. Cf. Loncus.

Pavsanras: Description oF Greece. W. H. S. Jones. 5
Vols. and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E, Wycherley.

Pnito. 10 Vols. Vols. I-V. F. H. Colson and Rev. G. Ek
Whitaker: Vols. Vi-IX.. Ε΄. Ἡ. Colson:

Two Supplementary Vols. Translation only from an
Armenian Text. Ralph Marcus.

Puicostratus: Tne Lire or Arotitonius oF Tyana. F.C.
Conybeare. 2 Vols.

Piivosruatus: ImMacines: Caruistratus: Descriprions.
A. Fairbanks.

Puicostuatus anp Eunapius: Lives or THE Sopuists.
Wilmer Cave Wright.

Pinpar. Sir J. E. Sandys.

Prato]: Kuriyrnro, ApoLtocy, Cniro, Puagrvo, Prareprus.
II. N. Fowler.

Prato JI: Tnearrerus anp Sopiist. H. N. Fowler.

Preatro JI: Sratesman, Pnitesus. H. N. Fowler: low.
W. KM. Lamb.

Praro IV: Lacnes. Proraconas, Meno, Euriuybemus.
WR. M. Lamb.

PLatro V: Lysis, Syaposium, Goraias. ὃν. R. Δ], Lamb.

Praro Vi: Cuaryrus, Paumentpnes, Gnrearen [Tippras,
Lesser Hrverias. TI. N. Fowler.

Prato VIE: Timarus, Critias, Criropiuo, Menexenus, [pie
SULA. CHeVs Το Dury,

Prato VIJE: Craunmipes, Arciuapes, Llipeanciuus, Tue
ovens, Tneacrs, Minos ΑΝ) Erixnomis. W.hK. Δ]. Lamb.

Prato: Laws. έν σε εν: ὦ Vols:

Prearo: Περνῦσθπις, Panl Shorey. 2 Vols.

Prurarcu: Monania. 15 Vols. Vols. 1-V. F.C. Babbitt.

7

THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY

Vol. VI. W.C. Helmbold. Vol. VIL. P. H. De Lacy and
B. Einarson. Vol. IX. E. L. Minar, Jr., F. If. Sandbach,
W.C. Ilelmbold. Vol. X. H.N Fowler. Vol. XII. H.
Cherniss and W. C. Helmbold.

Prutrarcu: ‘Vur Pararrer Lives’ B. Perrin. 11 Vols.

Porysgius, ὃν, ἃ, Paton. 6 Vols.

Procopius: History or tHE Warns, H. b. Dewing. 7 Vols.

Protemy: Tretrasprisios, Cf. MANETIIO.

Quitus Smyrnaeus. A. 5. Way. Verse trans.

Sextus Empiricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4. Vols.

Sopnocres. I. Storr. 2 Vols. Verse trans.

Strano: Grocrariy. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols.

THeoprrastus: Cuaracters. J. M. Edmonds: Herropes.
ete. A. D. Knox.

THropHrastus: Enquiry into Puayrs. Sir Arthur Fort.
2 Vols.

Trrucypipsrs. C, F. Smith. 4 Vols.

Tryporoporvs. Cf. Oprray,

Xenopuon: Cyroparpia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols.

Xexopnon: Hertrienxica, ANaBAsis, APOLOGY, AND Sympo-
sium, C. L. Brownson and Ὁ. J. Todd. 3 Vols.

Xexopnon: Memorapitia ΑΝῸ Orcoxomicus. E. C. Mar-
chant.

Xenopuon: Scripta Minora. E. C. Marchant.

VOLUMES IN PREPARATION

GREEK AUTHORS

ARISTOTLE: History oF Antmats. A. L. Peck.
PLotixus. A. H. Armstrong.

LATIN AUTHORS

Baprius AND Poareprus. B. E. Perry.

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